Henry Stommel, September 27, 1920January 17, 1992 | By Carl Wunsch | Biographical Memoirs

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Henry Stommel
September 27, 1920 January 17, 1992
By Carl Wunsch
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HENRY MELSON STOMMEL, probably the most original and important physical
oceanographer of all time, was in large measure the creator of the
modern field of dynamical oceanography. He contributed and inspired many
of its most important ideas over a forty-five-year period. Hank, as many
called him, was known throughout the world oceanographic community not
only as a superb scientist but also as a raconteur, explosives amateur,
printer, painter, gentleman farmer, fiction writer, and host with a
puckish sense of humor and booming laugh.
Stommel entered
oceanography when the field still had much of the atmosphere of an
avocation for wealthy amateurs who used their own yachts for research;
he left it at a time when it had been transformed into a modern branch
of science, often driven by perceived needs of national security, and of
global, organized, highly expensive programs requiring massive
government funding. In a sociological sense he was a transitional
figure, being probably the last of the creative physical oceanographers
with no advanced degree, uncomfortable with the way the science had
changed, and deeply nostalgic for his early scientific days. The paradox
of his life is that the huge changes that had taken place were to a
great extent of his own making, and are a testament to the major
advances his ideas had made possible. He was a man of deep ambivalences
and contradictions. He sometimes recognized, but often did not, that his
intellect was driving him and the study of the ocean in one
direction--toward the use of modern sophisticated instrumentation and
computers and to the organization of giant field programs--while his
heart clearly lay with the science of his youth, which involved intense
work at sea with gifted amateurs and crusty old fishermen using
primitive instruments made by clever local machinists and craftsmen. All
of his personal inclinations led him to identify most closely with the
large group of "amateur" scientists who represented oceanography in the
years just following World War II. They and their successors, despite
their having doctoral degrees, came closest to representing what he
loved: serious observational work at sea by close teams of like-minded,
unpretentious people. His writings and talks are full of contradictions:
exhorting fellow scientists to eschew organization and bureaucracy and
get to sea, while simultaneously complaining that the science was being
strangled by the focus on purely local problems, inadequate theory, and
poor instrumentation, the remedy for which was professionalism and
large-scale organization.
Stommel was born in Wilmington,
Delaware, on September 27, 1920, into what today would be labeled a
dysfunctional family. His ancestors were from the Rhine Valley, Poland,
Ireland, the Netherlands, England, and France, with a trace of Micmac
Indian. Walter Stommel, his father, was a chemist born in northern
Germany and trained in Darmstadt and Paris. In the upheaval of the First
World War, he emigrated to Wilmington where he found employment with
Dupont Chemical. While there he married Marian Melson whose family had
lived on the Eastern Shore of Maryland and nearby Delaware since
colonial times. Their son Henry Melson Stommel was born shortly
thereafter. For reasons which are not entirely clear, perhaps
anti-German sentiment following World War I, the family moved to Sweden,
where Walter rose to become chief chemist of a leather factory. But
Henry's mother, just prior to the birth of a daughter, Anne Stommel,
left Sweden; with Henry she returned to Wilmington, choosing never again
to see her husband. (Among other problems, she hated the primitive life
in rural Valdemarsvik, Sweden.)
Henry thus grew up in a
single-parent family. Although he states in his autobiography that he
did not know his father was alive (and with a second family) until he
entered high school, it is clear that Henry and Anne exchanged Christmas
cards with him from a very early age (E. Stommel, private communication,
1995).
In 1925 Henry's mother moved with the two children to
Brooklyn, New York, where the household consisted of Henry, his sister
Anne, and their mother, but also included their maternal
great-grandmother, a divorced Aunt Beck and her daughter, and a maternal
grandfather and grandmother. As described by Henry, the household was
supported wholly by his mother working as a fund raiser and public
relations officer for a hospital (this was during the depression) and
dominated by female disputation. His grandfather, Levin Franklin Melson,
was apparently a peaceful man who retreated upstairs to his room. The
discussions he and Henry carried on there until Melson's death, when
Henry was eleven, provided a refuge for both of them. Melson was an
important person in Henry's early years. He had been trained as a
lawyer, worked as a bank clerk, struggled with alcoholism, but
apparently had a true love of knowledge and a bit of scientific
understanding, including a taste for simple chemistry and Popular
Mechanics. Science was both interesting and a protection against the
discords of the world.
| EDUCATION AND EARLY PROFESSIONAL YEARS
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Stommel's education was in the public
schools of New York City at a time when that system had many highly
educated, articulate teachers who had sought security during the
depression through careers in public education. He spent one year at the
competitive-entry Townsend Harris High School, but finished high school
at Freeport, Long Island, where the household had moved. He proceeded
then to Yale University largely on the basis of his mother's successful
efforts to obtain a full scholarship for him. There a major in astronomy
failed to provide a focus for his interests. Graduating in 1942 at the
height of the Second World War, he was faced with a conflict between his
basic pacifism and self-awareness of a streak of aggression; he
compromised by remaining at Yale for two years teaching analytic
geometry and celestial navigation in the Navy's V-12 program. Six months
spent at the Yale Divinity School showed that the ministry was an
unsuitable vocation (he had a lifelong ambivalence towards religion,
organized or otherwise). In 1944, at the suggestion of the well-known
astrophysicist Lyman Spitzer, he applied for work at the Woods Hole
Oceanographic Institution in Woods Hole, Massachusetts, an organization
that had been transformed rapidly from a summer-only field station into
an arm of the U.S. war effort. Assigned to work with Maurice Ewing on
acoustics and antisubmarine warfare, he found both the work and Ewing's
imperial style quite unpalatable. He escaped as quickly as possible into
other groups and endeavors.
Stommel flirted with a number of
different aspects of physical oceanography during the period immediately
following the war. These included a major effort on modeling tides,
atmospheric convection, Langmuir cells, and speculations about computer
possibilities, but he did nothing that either he or his supervisors
regarded as particularly noteworthy. Then, almost "out of the blue," he
published a paper (1948) that marked the birth of dynamical oceanography
and the start of his continuing avalanche of new ideas over the next
forty-five years. During these early years he was fortunate to have
encountered a few individuals who acted as mentors and advisers. These
included Lyman Spitzer at Yale, who sent him to Woods Hole; Jeffries
Wyman, who put him on to the theory of convection and remained a good
friend thereafter; and, especially, Carl Rossby, who inspired him.
Stommel remained at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution
(WHOI) until 1959, when he left to become a professor at Harvard
University. He clearly loved WHOI and the life of the small town of
Falmouth. His departure was the culmination of a deep-seated antipathy
for the director (Paul Fye) and his policies, coupled with the lure of
being a professor at an institution with the reputation of Harvard
University. (A significant number of the best scientific staff at WHOI
also left around the same time.)
The four years he spent at
Harvard were clearly distasteful and unhappy (he wrote about this time
in some detail in his autobiography, which was published
posthumously1 ) and he "fled" to the much more congenial and
democratic environment in the Department of Meteorology at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). There his closest
colleagues were to be people such as Jule Charney, Norman Phillips,
Edward Lorenz, and Victor Starr. The major problems at Harvard (his
departure was something he continued to rationalize for many years)
appear to have been the arrogance of both the institution and of
individuals there--which clashed with his deeply democratic
instincts--coupled with a sense of not belonging in such a place without
a proper doctoral degree.
Stommel worked at MIT for sixteen
years as professor of physical oceanography, returning to WHOI nearly
instantly upon the retirement as director of his bête
noire, Fye. He remained there actively doing science almost to the
day of his death, only rarely and grudgingly leaving Cape Cod. Some of
his most interesting work was done toward the end of his life.
Stommel married Elizabeth Brown, daughter of Huntington Brown,
professor of English at the University of Minnesota, and Elizabeth Waldo
Wentworth Brown, originally of Boston, on December 6, 1950. They had
three children: Matthew (a professional fisherman in Falmouth, Mass.),
Elijah (a physician at the Dartmouth-Hitchcock Medical Center), and
Abigail Stommel Adams (a nurse practicing in Falmouth). Hank's devotion
to his wife (universally known as Chickie) was complete, manifested in
part by his insistence every day, when it was humanly possible, on
bolting home for lunch precisely at noon. Her own work, apart from the
family, has been as a writer, church organist, and hospital chaplain.
Henry Stommel's work can be divided crudely into several
overlapping categories. The Collected Works contain expert commentaries
on his work, and I will therefore simply summarize the high points. A
general comment is that he made observations at sea, designed (with the
help of talented engineers) new instruments, worked in the laboratory
(again with the assistance of skilled experimentalists), and did theory.
The work of such a person is not easily summarized. I do think it fair,
however, to assert that his sea-going was important mainly for the
inspiration it gave him, rather than for the power of the data per se.
He was not temperamentally suited to the infinite taking of pains
reflected in the very best at-sea work, which he so admired in others.
| THEORY OF THE GENERAL CIRCULATION OF THE OCEAN
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The general circulation of the ocean was the focus of Stommel's
efforts for decades and our present understanding of it is his greatest
monument. In this field as in the rest of his science he combined a
deep, sometimes wholly inexplicable, physical intuition with a love of
field work and just enough mathematical skills to suit his needs.
Constantly complaining about his lack of mathematical abilities, he
always found either the precisely right, just-simple-enough problem or a
suitable, more mathematically adept collaborator to generate a series of
papers that constitute a history of oceanographic theory and observation
in the middle to late twentieth century.
This body of work
begins with the 1948 paper already mentioned, in which he showed that
the Gulf Stream was a phenomenon that could be explained deductively by
fluid dynamics. In particular, he found the mechanism (the latitudinal
change of the Coriolis force on the rotating Earth) that produced the
westward intensification of oceanic currents. This first paper is
prototypical; he fingered an essential phenomenon, which somehow no one
had ever thought to try to understand, and he then formulated an
extremely simple model that was reduced by him to nothing more than a
linear two-dimensional partial differential equation whose solution
provided the essential insight. There is a long list of powerful and
sophisticated scientists who must have kicked themselves for not having
seen the problem and its mathematically easy solution.
This
paper is also prototypical of his approach to finding problems to work
on. Stommel attributed to the late Raymond Montgomery the suggestion
that the Gulf Stream was something important and in need of explanation.
(But Montgomery attributed it to Columbus Iselin.) On completing a piece
of work, Stommel would go searching for something to take up next; he
relied on colleagues to an astonishing degree, given his creativity, to
point him in new directions. He roamed the corridors of MIT and WHOI,
asking in effect, "what's interesting?" Often he would get intrigued,
hooked, and would become obsessed with a problem to the point where he
was preoccupied with it day and night. More than one collaborator can
attest to the late-night or 6:00-a.m. phone call that would start
without so much as "hello," but would come out something like "you know
I think the second term in that equation can be neglected, because..."
In the decade following the 1948 paper, Stommel and his
collaborators had gone from a primitive and stumbling beginning to a
sophisticated theory of the thermocline, the gross thermal structure of
the ocean (1959), to a theoretical view of the global abyssal
circulation (1960). His important book, The Gulf Stream, had
already been written by about 1954 and was probably the first true
dynamical discussion of the ocean circulation. He embedded the Gulf
Stream in the wider context of the general circulation and already
clearly had in mind what became the so-called thermocline theories.
Following these theories of the late 1950s and early 1960s, there was an
extended pause in the theoretical work of Stommel and of others; the
theories were based on similarity solutions to an otherwise intractable
set of nonlinear partial differential equations. They were a
considerable, almost astonishing achievement, a clear beginning on a
full theory, but were very difficult to work with and their extension
obscure. For a long period ending in the early 1980s Stommel's attention
turned to more specific elements of the general circulation. The results
included an important paper pointing out the great significance of the
very small area in which the ocean underwent convective sinking; a study
of the balance of forces in the Antarctic Circumpolar
Current;2 a series of studies of the nature of convection in
the Mediterranean; and in 1979 the introduction of the important concept
of the "Ekman demon," which opened the new field of ocean subduction.
During the period from about 1963 to 1980 his focus on the general
circulation was largely observational (discussed below).
Then
in 1983 Luyten, Pedlosky, and Stommel reopened the study of the oceanic
thermocline structure through the seemingly ruthless means of replacing
the equations for a continuously stratified fluid by those for one
constructed of layers. This simple step, coupled with a highly developed
physical intuition, suddenly made the study of the oceanic thermohaline
structure blossom once again; this paper was followed by a torrent of
papers by Stommel and collaborators, as well as many others. Although
this theoretical vein may now be nearly mined out, Stommel had clearly
rejuvenated, late in his career, the study of a fundamental problem in
oceanic physics.
| OBSERVATIONS OF THE OCEAN CIRCULATION
|
Henry Stommel was constantly looking at data, his
own and that of others, speculating about possible new instruments and
incessantly planning expeditions around the world. The advent of modern
long-endurance oceanographic vessels, electronic instrumentation, and
the appearance of jet passenger airplanes beginning in the early to
mid-1960s made it practical for the first time to study distant oceans
without spending years away from home. (He bemoaned the disappearance of
the evocative old oceanographic sailing vessels such as the
Atlantis. But he confided to me, standing on her deck as she was
preparing to leave Woods Hole for the last time on her way to oblivion
in Argentina, that the new vessels were far better for serious work at
sea. Similarly, the advent of modern computers and electronic
instruments meant that the sort of mechanical devices he liked to tinker
with had become obsolete and nearly irrelevant.)
He instigated
and participated in many cruises all over the world. The most notable of
these were the Swallow-Worthington float measurements that offered
confirmation of his abyssal circulation theory; the multiship,
multinational studies of Mediterranean convection;3 the
first-ever, true trans-Pacific hydrographic sections; and the
wonderfully romantic operations in the Seychelles using the marginal
vessel La Curieuse. In his autobiography he gives an account of
this mode of doing oceanography in a small, exotic, faraway port, using
simple equipment and dealing with all the characters one must in such an
operation. This was oceanography in the middle 1970s carried out in a
style as close as possible to that of 1950, and he loved it. On the
other hand, he felt compelled to admit that because of their crude
equipment they missed the really important discovery: the equatorial
jets found by Luyten and Swallow with a large crew and scientific party
using a state-of-the-art profiling device on a modern oceanographic
vessel.
Stommel's invention with Fritz Schott of the so-called
beta-spiral method for determining absolute flow in the ocean was a high
point of this period. Although the method has been used frequently to
make estimates of the actual oceanic flow, perhaps its most important
result was to demonstrate forcefully that the classical problem of
physical oceanography--the inability to determine absolute current at
sea from temperature and salinity measurements alone--was, like the Gulf
Stream in his 1948 paper, a problem susceptible to theoretical analysis
and solution. In a more recent context the beta-spiral is an example,
when modified, of an inverse method. It spawned a host of extensions and
applications.
By around 1969 Stommel had concluded that the
new technologies rapidly becoming available to oceanographers (the
invention of solid-state electronics has had a greater impact on
oceanography than any other technical innovation of the twentieth
century) would make it possible to observe the ocean circulation at sea
in a qualitatively new way. Gradually seeping into the oceanographic
consciousness was the realization that the ocean was highly
time-dependent and probably turbulent--a picture at odds with the
prevailing mind-set of a steady, essentially slow, laminar flow. Over
the previous twenty-five years Stommel had published a series of
exhortative articles urging his colleagues to recognize that one could
not understand the ocean by summing up results from a series of small
regional experiments. He thought the time had finally come to put into
practice the vision he had been preaching. One result, albeit peripheral
to his own immediate scientific interests, was the global-scale
Geochemical Sections Program (GEOSECS). Another was the Anglo-U.S.
Mid-Ocean Dynamics Experiments (MODE) and its U.S.-U.S.S.R. successor
POLYMODE, instigated, organized, and overseen by Stommel over many
years.
By most measures these programs were a great scientific
success (particularly GEOSECS and MODE) and became prototypical of
successor generations of organized international oceanographic programs.
But Stommel found himself embroiled in bureaucracy, paperwork, meetings,
and intellectual compromises in the name of international and national
comity, all completely contrary to his taste in science. His return to
Woods Hole in 1978 led him to resign from all such programs and
thereafter he would serve on no committees or participate in any
organizations; he would not even take on another graduate student or
postdoc.
| MIXING AND MICROSTRUCTURE
|
Perhaps
his most famous experiment was one he deprecated: the study with L. F.
Richardson in 1948 of lateral mixing in large bodies of water, using
nothing but cut-up parsnips. This work is perhaps the ultimate in the
strings-and-sealing-wax school of oceanography, but remains an important
achievement in a field that has grown increasingly important over the
years. He professed the greatest admiration for scientists who did
precisely what he himself did not do: spend long months at sea, making
exquisite, high-quality observations. But these scientists (although he
did not say this) could not take the intellectual leaps that were his
own forte.
The entire field of what is usually called
double-diffusive convection is often traced to a one-page paper with the
unusual title "An oceanographical curiosity: The perpetual salt
fountain." Stommel himself attributed the main idea to his longtime
collaborator Arnold Arons, and it was Melvin Stern who later, in 1959,
recognized the much more fundamental nature of the phenomenon. (He
praised Stern highly for this; clearly he was somewhat chagrined not to
have had that insight himself.) Out of these efforts--and with a kind of
absentminded, intermittent interaction with collaborators--grew the
laboratory experiments and later theories that have developed this field
into a branch of fluid dynamics in its own right (J. S. Turner in the
Collected Works well describes Hank's approach to laboratory work).
Although Stommel preferred to work with simple instruments
(parsnips, buckets of salty water, etc.), he clearly recognized that
much more sophisticated measurements were required to understand the
ocean. He was always on the lookout for clever new instruments (e.g.,
early foreseeing and helping to bring into being what became in the
hands of Tom Rossby and Doug Webb the SOFAR float, an acoustically
tracked instrument that floats at a predetermined midwater depth). Neil
Brown by the middle 1960s had produced the first of the revolutionary
continuously profiling devices, then called an STD
(salinity-temperature-depth). Despite the intense skepticism of many of
his colleagues, Stommel determined to use these instruments to study
mixing of Pacific and Indian Ocean water in the Banda Sea in the
Indonesian archipelago. Somewhat concerned about their reliability, he
succeeded in getting three of these new instruments on board the
Atlantis II. At the very last minute, refused permission by the
Indonesians to work in their territorial waters, he proceeded to use
STDs on the northwest Australian coast, making repeated surveys of the
interleaving water masses. With his collaborator, the late Soviet
oceanographer Konstanin Federov (who had become so enamored of the
instrument he undertook its virtual single-handed operation), he
produced an extremely important discussion of the implications of their
measurements. Out of this work, and in the hands of skilled instrument
designers and users such as Charles Cox, eventually came the new field
of fine- and microstructure studies.
For a long period Stommel
was fascinated by the Indian Ocean, mounting repeated expeditions there,
often in collaboration with his longtime friend John Swallow. He
sometimes tried to work independently of modern oceanographic tools by
running small boat operations out of such outlandish (and dangerous)
places as Somalia.
| TIDES, ELECTROMAGNETIC METHODS, EDDIES, ESTUARIES
|
Henry Stommel worked on a vast
variety of problems. These included tides, pedagogical problems (how to
explain the Coriolis force), numerical methods, and internal waves. The
breadth of his interest can be understood simply by reading the titles
of his unpublished technical reports as listed in the Collected Works.
Nonetheless, a number of major foci do stand out. These include the
general application of electromagnetic measurements to oceanic flows,
the dynamics of estuaries and the related problem of hydraulic controls,
and the interaction of nonlinear eddy-like phenomena (hetons). The last
category generated in part his late-in-life fascination with computers,
machines whose influence he had thitherto found rather distasteful.
Although he was professor for
nearly twenty years at two leading academic institutions (Harvard and
MIT) he rarely wrote or spoke of his role as teacher. Perhaps his
deepest ambivalence emerged here. He was advising students on how to
obtain a Ph.D., which he lacked himself. In explaining his presence at
MIT, he would admit, slightly grudgingly, that his personal goal of real
progress in the field demanded a level of sophistication in mathematics,
fluid dynamics, statistics, and electrical and mechanical engineering
that was simply beyond the amateurs, although the amateurs were often
more fun.
Hank Stommel was not a very good lecturer. He often
stumbled, reversing thought in the midst of a sentence--thinking aloud.
For strong students who could cope, he was nonetheless a superb teacher
in the wider sense--a source of stimulation, ideas, love of the ocean. A
number of his Ph.D. students have gone on to successful careers of their
own.
Hank Stommel had a sense of fun in almost everything he
did. He clearly enjoyed life and being around people. He wrote
incessantly, producing several non- or semi-technical books, including
Volcano Weather: The Story of 1816, the Year Without a Summer
(1983) in collaboration with his wife Elizabeth and a series of brief
essays on the passing scene in the Falmouth Enterprise under the
pseudonym "Starbuck." (The series ended prematurely when the newspaper
foolishly disclosed his identity.) He had a taste for the absurd, being
fascinated especially with a nineteenth-century character named William
Leighton Jordan, who attacked the British Admiralty for allegedly
falsifying temperature measurements made on the Challenger
expedition. Stommel wrote an entire book on islands that never actually
existed.4 He loved making and setting off fireworks for the
amusement of his own and visiting children, as well as for himself.
There was a period in which he printed newsletters, some anonymously,
poking fun at various people and institutions. He built a railroad in
his backyard for the entertainment of his grandchildren and visiting
oceanographers. His skill as an amateur painter was considerable,
sometimes manifesting itself in unexpected ways, such as the kitchen
refrigerator he decorated with tropical birds and animals on a brilliant
yellow backdrop. The list of his interests in almost endless.
Apart from his own science, Stommel's greatest legacy was his
inspiration to others struggling to make their way scientifically.
Anybody who would listen became the object of a passionate lecture on
what was exciting him and what he was doing, with both parties usually
emerging with renewed enthusiasm. He was unassuming, normally unwilling
to impose his views on others, and unhappy with bureaucracy and
organization. Stommel did, however, have an acute sense of his own
worth. In private, and only in private, he could be scathing about
individuals who he felt did not treat him with the respect owed him or
who he believed had reputations far beyond what their own work merited.
But basically he was a kind man who did not want to deliberately make
anyone unhappy. If asked to write a letter of recommendation for a
person whom he really did not admire, he would nonetheless find some way
to say something positive. To Hank's dismay, these letters were
sometimes seriously misinterpreted. But even his privately expressed
reservations made him acutely uncomfortable. One day one could hear him
expressing outrage about what someone had said or done; the next day,
seemingly as a form of penance, he would be going out of his way to
assist that very same person in a promotion or career advance.
Consistency was not his chief virtue; compassion perhaps was.
During his lifetime, Henry Stommel received many honors and
awards. Among them were the National Medal of Science, the Craaford
Prize of the Royal Swedish Academy (shared with Edward Lorenz), election
to the National Academy of Sciences (1959), and foreign membership in
The Royal Society, London (1983), the Soviet Academy of Sciences, and
the Académie des Sciences de Paris.
I WAS GREATLY ASSISTED in the writing of this memoir by Elizabeth (Chickie)
Stommel who agreed to several hours of oral history (the tapes of which
will be deposited in the WHOI archives) and the answering of endless
questions. Henry's sister, Anne Melson Stommel of Red Bank, New Jersey,
who corrected details and who kindly provided an extensive written
background on the Melson family history, a copy of which will also be
placed in the WHOI archives. The publication of Henry Stommel's
Collected Works with his autobiographical essay and the commentaries by
a number of individuals was of great help. The autobiography is somewhat
"raw"--it was not published in his lifetime--and the reader is warned
that Stommel's memory was not always reliable. I also drew on the
personal essays about him in Evolution of Physical Oceanography,
Scientific Surveys in Honor of Henry Stommel, edited by B. A. Warren
and C. Wunsch (MIT Press, 1981). The manuscript was read for accuracy by
Elizabeth Stommel, Joseph Pedlosky, Henry Charnock, Anne Stommel, and
Nelson Hogg.
1 N. G. Hogg and
R. X. Huang, eds. Collected Works of Henry Stommel. Boston:
American Meteorological Society, 1996.
2 An analogy to
the Antarctic Circumpolar Current. J. Marit. Res. 20(1962):92-96.
3 MEDOC Group. Observation of formation of deep water in
the Mediterranean Sea. Nature 227(1970):1037-40.
4 H. Stommel. Lost Islands: The Story of Islands That
Have Vanished From the Nautical Charts, Vancouver: University of
British Columbia Press, 1984.
- 1948
- The westward intensification of wind-driven
ocean currents. Trans. Am. Geophys. Union 29:202-206.
- With L.
F. Richardson. Note on eddy diffusion in the sea. J. Meteorol.
5:238-40.
- 1952
- With H. G. Farmer. Abrupt change
in width in two-layer open channel flow. J. Marit. Res.
11:205-14.
- 1956
- With G. Veronis. The action of
variable wind stresses on a stratified ocean. J. Marit. Res.
15:43-75.
- 1957
- A survey of ocean current theory.
Deep-Sea Res. 4:149-84.
- 1958
- The Gulf
Stream: A Physical and Dynamical Description. Berkeley: University
of California Press.
- With A. B. Arons and A. J. Faller. Some
examples of stationary planetary flow patterns in bounded basins.
Tellus 10:179-87.
- 1959
- With A. R.
Robinson. The oceanic thermocline and the associated thermohaline
circulation. Tellus 3:295-308.
- 1960
- With
A. B. Arons. On the abyssal circulation of the world ocean. I.
Stationary planetary flow patterns on a sphere. Deep-Sea Res.
6:140-54.
- With A. B. Arons. On the abyssal circulation of the world
ocean. II. An idealized model of the circulation pattern and amplitude
in oceanic basins. Deep-Sea Res. 6:217-33.
- 1961
- Thermohaline convection with two stable regimes of flow.
Tellus 13:131-49.
- 1962
- On the smallness of
sinking regions in the ocean. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.
48:766-72.
- 1964
- With J. S. Turner. A new case of
convection in the presence of combined vertical salinity and temperature
gradients. Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 52:49-53.
- 1967
- With K. N. Federov. Small scale structure in
temperature and salinity near Timor and Mindanao. Tellus
19:306-25.
- 1969
- With E. Schroeder. How
representative is the series of Panulirus stations of monthly
mean conditions off Bermuda? Prog. Oceanogr. 5:31-40.
- 1972
- Deep winter-time convection in the western
Mediterranean Sea. In Studies in Physical Oceanography, A Tribute to
Georg Wüst on His 80th Birthday, ed. A. L. Gordon, pp. 207-18.
New York: Gordon and Breach.
- 1973
- With E. D.
Stroup, J. L. Reid, and B. A. Warren. Transpacific hydrographic sections
at Lats. 43 S and 28 S: The SCORPIO Expedition. I. Preface. Deep-Sea
Res. 20:1-7.
- 1977
- With F. Schott. The beta
spiral and the determination of the absolute velocity field from
hydrographic station data. Deep-Sea Res. 24:325-29.
- 1979
- Determination of water mass properties of water
pumped down from the Ekman layer to the geostrophic flow below. Proc.
Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A. 76:3051-55.
- 1982
- With
H. Bryden. The origin of the Mediterranean outflow. J. Marit.
Res. 40(suppl.):55-71.
- 1983
- With L. Armi.
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