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LESLIE SPIER
December13, 1893-December3, 1961
BY ROBERT F. SPENCER
AQUARTER CENTURY has gone by since Leslie Spier's
cleath. Yet he remains a major figure in American an-
thropology: references to his scholarship are widely macle,
and his influence is still strongly felt.
However hesitantly, ~ cannot help but begin this memoir
with a personal note. In preparing to write this summary, ~
went of course to the various sources of information on
Spier not only the professional obituary appearing shortly
after his passing but also to the lecture notes ~ hac! taken as
a student in his courses at the University of New Mexico in
1939-40. A seconcl-year graduate student in anthropology,
~ tract enrollee! in his course, "Culture Provinces of Western
North America." ~ recall the rather anxious cliscussions, re-
flecting then as now gracluate student paranoia, attempts to
grasp precisely what it was that Spier was expouncling. House
types, craclle boards, clothing and footgear, containers, trans-
port, and so through a host of highly factual listings of the
elements material, social, and religious that make up the
cultural systems of western native American peoples. What
were we, as students, expected to clo with such detail? Was it
~ Harry W. Basehart and W. W. Hill, "Obituary: Leslie Spier? 1893-1961," American
Anthropologist, 67(165):1258 - 77.
431
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
a question of memorizing, of somehow regurgitating this
plethora of facts in an examination? But then Spier callec!
for an evaluation of the material: in a paper to be written in
lieu of an examination, we were asked to provide an analysis,
to put forth the perspectives we hac! clerivecT from the course.
Well, by the encT of the term something had jelled. Sud-
denly it all fell into place. Spier's view of ethnology, his scien-
tific concerns, his clelineation of problems and his explana-
tory solutions somehow became clear. ~ took back on the
paper ~ wrote, at the prizes] comments in the instructor's own
hancI, and ~ note with no little sense of pride that he gave me
an A+. However remote in time or space, the Indian tribes
of aboriginal California, of the Great Basin, the Southwest,
or the intermontane Plateau, assumed new significance. It
was at this point, as a result of taking Spier's course, that ~
can say ~ became an anthropologist. Spier offered the student
a virtual conversion experience. Students might be interested
in ethnology, in the varied customs, habits, and practices of
aboriginal peoples, but until they experienced the Aujilar-
ung—the enlightenment—that Spier could impart, they had
not quite made the gracle. Few students have hacT such gifted
teaching.
But clearly there is much more to Spier than his superi-
ority as a teacher. True, those students like myself retain the
most vivid recollections of his classroom presence, but few
teachers succeeded so well in wedding teaching with empir-
ical research. IncleecI, this was Spier's forte. He is best re-
membered for his extensive field work, his descriptive anal-
yses of the precontact cultures, those aboriginal forms of
American Indian life in western North America. Not that his
interests relatect solely to American ethnology: he possessed
a profound knowledge of human achievements anct organi-
zations across the woricI. Africa, for example, remained one
of his strong interests. But it was his firsthand acquisition of
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LESLIE SPIER
433
knowledge of the content of the social and cultural systems
of native American life that established his ethnographic
place.
As may be surmised, implicit in Spier's empirical studies
of various tribal groups is an underlying body of theory. Yet
one cannot call Spier a theorist, at least in terms of his de-
veloping a special school or following. His contribution rep-
resents a perfecting of a technique of history, one usually
identified not wholly accurately with the "school" of
American anthropology ascribed to Franz Boas (d. 1942) and
his students at Columbia University. The problem to which
Spier addressed himself most pointedly concerned a history
without documentation, a historicist perspective not so much
in terms of a search for origins as in a sense of discovering
processes of culture building among comparable peoples.
Basically, Spier's interest lay in demonstrating relationships
between cultural systems in definable areas and positing in-
terrelations and growths. And he carried it off to perfection.
Spier's theoretical orientations are perhaps best seen
against the period in which he was most active and the climate
in anthropological research that was then operative. One can
thus see how he arrived at his specific place in the forefront
of American ethnographers.
Leslie Spier was born in New York City on December 13,
IS93, one of the four children of Simon F. Spier and Bertha
Adler Spier. He went to school in the city itself, a circum-
stance that drew him into urban life and an interest in the
burgeoning technology of the day. It is not surprising that
he was a student in applied mathematics and engineering,
fields in which he took his B.S. degree at the City College of
New York. Yet by happy accident in 1913, when he was em-
ployed as an engineering assistant for the New York Public
Service Commission, he was assigned to the New Jersey Ar-
chaeological and Geological Survey. His interest in anthro-
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
pology stemmed from this experience, and his early career
was marked by a series of publications in archaeology, most
notably an evaluation of the prehistoric Trenton Argillite cul-
ture of the eastern United States. But archaeology and pre-
history were not to be Spier's metier. It was rather that for
him this initial field experience opened up uncireamed of
horizons—the continent inhabited by native Americans, as it
was before the arrival of the Europeans.
Drawn to the powerful personality of Franz Boas, Spier
came to Columbia University in 1916 as a graduate student
in anthropology. He shared with his mentor an interest in
archaeology, to be sure, but he was also attracted by physical
anthropology (human biology), linguistics, and ultimately
cultural anthropology through the avenue of ethnology. In
later years Spier was to demonstrate his command of all
branches of the holistic discipline of anthropology, studying
native American languages as well as conducting a study of
physical changes among the descenciants of Japanese immi-
grants. But ethnology remained his first commitment. As an
assistant anthropologist at the American Museum of Natural
History, he had ample opportunity to become familiar with
the artifacts of cultures spread across the world. Ancl with
his bent for technology, Spier never lost interest in the ma-
terial sicle of human achievements in their respective cul-
tures.
In 1920 Spier was awarded a doctorate from Columbia.
The Ph.D. dissertation that Spier submitted to Boas was es-
sentially a library problem combined with some field! re-
search. Although he hac! visited the Pueblo of Zuni in New
Mexico in 1916 ant! hacI, in 1918 and 1919, begun his sig-
nificant work with the Havasupai group in Arizona, he spent
some time in the latter year with the Kiowa, Wichita, and
Caddo, all peoples of the American Plains. His thesis related
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LESLIE SPIER
435
to the Plains area: it was a comparative study of the dramatic
Sun Dance, the most important ritual of the American bison
hunters. The focus of the study was historical, raising the
question of the sources of a ceremonial complex deeply en-
trenched in Plains Indian life. Often quoted, Spier's Sun
Dance monograph provided a mode} not only for historical
inquiries of other scholars but also for his own future work.
In 1920 Spier accepted his first teaching post at the Uni-
versity of Washington, remaining there until 1929. In New
York in 1920 he had married a fellow anthropologist, Dr.
Erna Gunther, like himself a student of Boas and a major
figure in northwest American anthropology until her death
in 1982. The Spiers had two children, Robert and Christo-
pher. The latter is still resident in the Seattle area; the former
received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1954 ancT—following in
his parents' footsteps—is professor of anthropology at the
University of Missouri. Spier remarried in 1931; his second
wife was Dr. Anna H. Gayton, an equally gifted anthropolo-
gist trained by A. L. Kroeber anti Robert H. Lowie at the
University of California. Dr. Gayton-Spier ctied in 1977.
Spier's productivity in teaching and research continued
over the next three clecacles. His academic appointments
were many: they were often on a visiting basis, but he also
held chairs at Yale (1933-39) and at the University of New
Mexico (between 1939 and 19551. These appointments often
left him free to engage in his extensive fielcl investigations.
Other institutions at which he served incluclec! the University
of Oklahoma (on leave from Washington in 1927 and 19291;
the University of Chicago (1928 and 19301; and Harvard
University (1939 and 19491. In addition he was occupied with
summer teaching over many years with appointments at Co-
lumbia and the University of California at both Berkeley anct
Los Angeles. Spier also held research associateships at Cali-
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
fornia anct Yale, anct he ctirected fielc! studies at Chaco Can-
yon, New Mexico, and fielcl training programs in both the
Southwest anc! Northwest.
Although Spier's wide range of teaching experience influ-
enced many who then mover! into professional anthropology,
it was in the ethnographic field that he maple his name as a
scientist. His abiding interest in the native peoples of America
stemmed, as may be seen, from his initial endeavors in the
Plains anc! in the Southwest. One Antis him moving exten-
sively through the ctiverse western American Indian cul-
tures from the Southwest to the Great Basin anc! California
anc! into the intermontane Plateau. In all these regions are
to be found a congeries of native peoples, each group or tribe
in its own way distinct, and each, at the time Spier contacted
them, retaining elements of an aboriginal way of life. Spier
saw his task as eliciting essentially descriptively the com-
ponents of these various native cultures. Implicit in his rea-
soning as he approached the material anti social content of
the groups he stuctie`1 was a sense of historicism, his query
being basically clirected to the origins and comparisons of
cultural systems.
It is at this point that one becomes aware of Spier as a
scientific ethnographic fielc! worker. It is by no means an easy
task to settle into a remote area (especially given the problems
of transport ant] travel in the preflight era), establish rapport
with the members of a tribal group, anc! ask the kincis of
questions that fielct ethnography requires. Spier's extensive
experience, however, macle him a master of ethnographic
techniques. He acquired a speaking knowledge of various
native languages, interested! himself in all facets of the cul-
tural and social system in question, and above all brought a
keen and sensitive awareness to bear. Those of us who have
sometimes followecl Spier, asking different questions of the
same people, retain our amazement that thirty and forty
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LESLIE SPIER
437
years later the oldsters in a community recall him with affec-
tion and respect: "That man could talk our language." "He
court! make a basket just like we used to in the old clays." "He
figured out all the people in my family." The lessons that were
imparted are not lost today; in Spier's work there is a superb
mocle! for gathering information on the human experience
in culture. Moreover, none of his collected ciata has required
. .
revlslon.
Like other fielcts, the cliscipline of anthropology has, over
the years, had its ups and clowns, problem orientations that
may change with each decade, new horizons anct perspec-
tives. But, however much the research goals and purposes of
cultural and social anthropology become subject to modifi-
cation, the fielct remains at base a comparative one, ctepen-
clent on an awareness of the human potential for cultural
difference. In other words, ethnology still unclerlies the con-
clusions of whatever theoretical avenue contemporary an-
thropologists elect to follow.
Spier's studies restect on an awareness of cultural differ-
ence rooted in time, the uniqueness of each system. But such
uniqueness is to be seen in the context of historical relation-
ships. With other American anthropologists generally active
at the time of Boas, Spier rejected any notion of a unilinear
evolutionary clevelopment of culture—and thus, ultimately,
any Marxist position. He hell! no brief for the so-called "func-
tionalist" schools, that of Malinowski, for example, or RacI-
cliffe-Brown. He tenclec} instead! to follow Boas's functional
approach, which posits relationships between the compo-
nents of a culture. Similarly he was generally indifferent to
the sense of an all-pervading ethos or configuration, a notion
that characterized the famous work of Ruth Benedict. In
Spier's work there is a clear idea of what constitutes culture
among humans. Because every cultural system depends on
time for its growth anct clevelopment, those features that of-
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
fer insights into the rise of various cultures are the ones to
be analyzecI.
Like his mentor Franz Boas, Spier retained throughout
his career a strongly definecl sense of caution. He was often
impatient with conclusions drawn by his contemporaries, ar-
guing that they went too far without sufficient eviclence. It
was, in fact, this reserve that heightened Spier's brilliance as
a field] worker. Beginning with his analysis of the Plains In-
dian Sun Dance, he displayocl a meticulousness that carried
into all his later work and became his hallmark. In his view a
cultural system was macle up of parts, discernible elements
that, taken together, form a total complex. The components
of a culture permitted an evaluation—not only of the way in
which they interrelatecl within the system but in terms of the
comparative ant] implicitly historical relations between cul-
tures.
An example or two of Spier's empirical approach may
serve to highlight his contribution to anthropology-ethnol-
ogy and the kinds of concerns with which he was preoccu-
pied. As stated earlier, he saw himself as a culture-historian;
basically he questioned how a particular cultural system cle-
velopec! as it clict. The most striking example of Spier's eth-
nographic methoct unquestionably appears in the Sun Dance
monograph. But because this ceremonial complex moves so
deeply into an area of some esoterica, the theoretical stance
perhaps may be more reactily illuminated in more encom-
passing studies, such as that of the Havasupai or the KIamath
Indians of southern Oregon. Spier worked with the Klamath
tribe, a group numbering about 1,500 people, during both
1925 and 1926. His task, as he saw it, was to place the Kla-
math in "western"—that is, native American culture. To re-
solve this issue seeing the Klamath in relation to native Cali-
fornia, the rest of the Plateau-Basin, and the Northwest-
Spier set about obtaining an inventory of the components of
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LESLIE SPIER
.
439
the culture. As listed in his monograph, these ranged from
all material items houses, clothing, weaponry, transport,
containers, and so to economic life generally—on through
the array of nonmaterial features settlements, chieftain-
ship, warfare, social classes, kinship and family structure, anc!
ceremonials.
The result is an account of Klamath life, one that involves
a description of how the native system was put together. In
this stubbly, as indeed in nearly all his works, the ethnography
is complete, the intent clear. Spier tells us what is there in
native Klamath life. Contemporary critics might argue that
this is a "shopping list," an account in which all component
elements are given essentially equal weight. A "modern" an-
thropologist, fifty years later, might want to stress the ways
In which the component elements are put together and so
seek to move more deeply into the dynamic aspects of Kla-
math life. This does Spier an injustice. He was well aware of
the problems inherent in native American systems. To him,
for example, a ceremony, a bit of ritual, involvec! a vast num-
ber of elements coming together: the locus of the ritual, the
participants, their clothing, anct their artifacts- and so to the
ultimate meaning of the pattern. Several points obtrude in
this regarcl. On the one han(l, Spier felt it important to re-
cord the content of those native American cultures he inves-
tigated before the cultures themselves disappeared. More-
over, he had a rather different concept in mind.
The fundamental issue in the Klamath and other studies
was the problem of cultural relations. As in his later works-
those on the Yuman tribes or the Havasupai, among others-
he drew tightly knit comparisons. Consequently, having cle-
scribed Klamath c~wellings (both an earth lodge for winter
_ _~ ~ . I_ ~ r
use ana a mat ~oc~ge tor warmer seasons), he notes the form
and general function of these structures. Then, employing
comparative ethnographic materials, he traces the clistribu-
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440
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
tion of these house types and finds them spread from the
middle Columbia to central California. The same procedure
is followed with regard to other elements and complexes;
Spier notes the points that are characteristic of the Klamath
but that are apparent as well among other tribes in both act-
jacent and remoter areas. What, then, is the permissible con-
clusion? It is that the Klamath share with other peoples over
a wide geographic area elements of common culture. In
other words, a shared history is inferred.
But clearly this is not all. The common elements-
whether house types or chieftainship, for example are
given different weighting in different local settings, cTiffer-
ences that are slight, perhaps, but none the less perceptible.
In short, when the distributions of elements in space are ana-
lyzed, they reveal a slightly different integration from group
to group. Comparison of the overt ctiscernible features sug-
gests the presence of a major theme, the spread of an idea
or thing over a wicle area. But, however much demonstrably
related groups may possess a common history, each one
makes of the elements it possesses something peculiarly its
own. To employ a musical analogue, each culture offers its
own variations on a theme. One cannot, of course, discover
the point of origin of such shared or borrowed traits. But
when a vast area of aboriginal America is shown to possess
features in common, there is the implication of a broad his-
torical base. Spier's inductive methodology sheds light on the
rise of areas of culture in the native New World anc! indeecI
elsewhere.
To Spier the concept of culture was primary. His cletailecI
penetration of material and societal institutions affirms the
proposition that although human cultural entities are distinct
from each other, yet they may share a common cultural base.
The ultimate conclusion makes for an essentially relativistic
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LESLIE SPIER
449
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-- ~ --r ~~
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H. Vizetelly, pp. 31-35. New York: Funk and Wagnalls Com-
pany.
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
1937
Review of The Comparative Ethnology of Northern Mexico Before 1750,
by Ralph L. Beals, and The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes and
Languages in Northwestern Mexico, by Carl Sauer. Am. Anthro-
pol., 39:146-48.
1938
Preface. In: The Sinkaielk or Southern Okanagon of Washington, by
Walter B. Cline and others. General Series in Anthropology, no.
6, pp. 3-5.
1939
Edward Sapir obituary. Science, 89:237-38.
Illustration in Anthropological Publications. Full-Tone Collotype for
Scientific Reproduction, Supplement no. 12. Meriden, Conn.:
The Meriden Gravure Company.
Edward Sapir: 1884-4 February 1939 obituary. Man (London),
39:92-93.
Ed. Songsfora Comox Dancing Mask, by Edward Sapir. Ethnos,4:49-
55.
1940
Review of An Ethnic Map of Australia and A Preliminary Register of
Australian Tribes and Hordes, by D. Sutherland Davidson. Am.
Anthropol., 42: 159-60.
Review of The Kiliwa Indians of Lower California, by Peveril Meigs,
III. I. Am. Folklore, 53:198-200.
The Pueblos since Coronado. E1 Palacio (Santa Fe, N.M.), 47:201-
4.
. , . _ . .
1941
With A. Irving Hallowell and Stanley S. Newman, eds. Foreword.
In: Language, Culture, and Personality: Essays in Memory of Edward
Sapir, p. x. Menasha, Wisc.: Sapir Memorial Publication Fund.
Completion of an extended ethnography of the Modoc Indians of
Oregon. In: American Philosophical Society, Year Book for 1940, pp.
253-54. Philadelphia.
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1942
455
Review of Ceremonial Costumes of the Pueblo Indians: Their Evolution,
Fabrication, and Significance in the Prayer Drama, by Virginia More
Roediger. Pac. Hist. Rev., 11:220-21.
Elsie Clews Parsons, 1875-1941. (Obituary.) Am. Counc. Learned
Soc. Bull., 35:46 - 49~716 -18~.
1943
Review of Pima and Papago Indian Agriculture, by Edward F. Castet-
ter and Willis H. Bell. N.M. Q. Rev., 13:99-100.
Addenda to bibliography of Elsie Clews Parsons. I. Am. Folklore,
56:136.
Review of The Eyak Indians of the Copper River Delta, by Kaj Birket-
Smith and Frederica de Laguna. Am. I. Archaeol., 47:152-53.
With A. L. Kroeber. Elsie Clews Parsons. (Obituary.) Am. Anthro-
pol., 45:244-51.
Franz Boas and some of his views. (Obituary.) Acta Americana:
Rev. Inter-Am. Soc. Anthropol. Geogr. (Mexico City), 1:108-
27.
With Edward Sapir. Notes on the culture of the Yana. Anthropol.
Rec., 3:239-98.
1945
Review of Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh of Zuni,
by Carl C. Seltzer. N.M. Hist. Rev., 20:101-3.
1946
Comparative vocabularies and parallel texts in two Yuman lan-
guages of Arizona. Univ. N.M. Publ. Anthropol., no. 2, pp. 1-
150.
1947
Review of Papago Indian Religion, by Ruth M. Underhill. Sci. Mon.,
65: 170-72.
1949
A study of cultural selectivity. In: American Philosophical Society, Year
Book for 1948, pp. 207-8. Philadelphia.
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
1950
Contributions to Collier's Encyclopedia: Amuck, vol. 1, p. 515; An-
thropology, vol. 2, pp. 37-38; Cannibalism, vol. 4, pp. 467-68;
Civilization, vol. 5, pp. 295-96; Couvade, vol. 6, p. 75; Ethnol-
ogy, vol. 7, pp. 451-52; Infanticide, vol. 10, p. 406; Potlatch,
vol. 16, p. 252; Primitive culture (with a section on primitive
industry by Harry Tschopik, Jr.), vol. 16, 317-29; primitive re-
ligion, vol. 16, pp. 329-34; Primitive society, vol. 16, pp. 334-
43. New York: P. F. Collier and Sons Corporation.
1953
With Harold E. Driver, John M. Cooper, Paul Kirchoff, Dorothy
Ranier Libby, and William C. Massey. Indian Tribes of North
America. Ind. Univ. Publ. Anthropol. Linguist., Memoir 9, Int.
J. Am. Linguist. Suppl., Int. J. Am. Linguist., 19~3~:1-30.
Some observations on Mohave clans. Southwest. I. Anthropol.,
9:324-42.
1954
Ancestor worship. In: The Encyclopedia Americana, vol. 1, pp. 651—
52. New York: The Americana Corporation.
Some aspects of the nature of culture. First Annual Research Lec-
ture, University of New Mexico, April 23,1954. N.M. Quarterly,
24~3):301-21. (Also printed separately, pp. 1-21.)
1955
Mohave Culture Items. Mus. N. Ariz. Bull., no. 28, pp. 1-35. Flag-
staff: Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Inc.
1956
invention and human society. In: Man, Culture, and Society, ed.
Harry L. Shapiro, pp. 224-46. New York: Oxford University
Press.
1957
The Horse Comes to the Great Plains. Radio Script no. 12, The World
of the Mind Series. (Arranged in collaboration with the Amer-
ican Association for the Advancement of Science and the Amer-
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457
ican Council of Learned Societies.) New York: Broadcast Music,
Inc.
1958
Invention. In: Collier's Encyclopedia, vol. 11, pp. 93A-93F. New
York: P. F. Collier and Sons Corporation.
Cannibalism. In: The Encyclopedia Americana, vol. 5, pp.502-3. New
York: The Americana Corporation.
Contributions to Collier's Encyclopedia: Fire, vol. 8, pp.56 - 57; Prim-
itive industry, vol. 16, pp. 593-95; Sign language, vol. 17, pp.
320 - 27; Wheel, vol. 19, p. 458A. New York: P. F. Collier and
Son.
1959
With Wayne Suttles and Melville I. Herskovits. Comment on
Aberle's thesis of deprivation. Southwest. I. Anthropol., 15: 84-
88.
Some central elements in the legacy. In: The Anthropology of Franz
Boas, ed. Walter Goldschmidt. Am. Anthropol. Assoc. Mem.,
89: 148-55.
1960
Note on Maricopa origin of the term Nixoras. In: What Were Nix-
oras? by Henry F. Dobyns and others. Southwest. J. Anthropol.,
16:233-34.
Contributions to Collier's Encyclopedia: Anthropology, vol. 1, pp.
657-58; Anthropogeography, vol. 1, p. 658; Ethnology, vol. 7,
pp. 185-86; Primitive and professional hunting, vol. 9, pp.
640-44. New York: P. F. Collier and Son.
1961
Geophagy. In: Collier's Encyclopedia, vol. 8, p. 358. New York: P. F.
Collier and Son.
Sun dance. In: The Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol.21, p.565. London
and New York: The Encyclopaedia Britannica Company, Ltd.
1962
Contributions to Collier's Encyclopedia: Bachofen, Johann Jakob, vol.
3, p.439; Bastian, Adolf, vol.3, p. 697; Lowie, Robert Heinrich,
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BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
vol. 15, p. 60; Sapir, Edward, vol. 20, pp. 425-26. New York: P.
F. Collier and Son.
1963
Contributions to The Encyclopaedia Britannica: Cocopa, vol. 6, p. 7;
Dwellings, primitive, vol. 7, pp. 809-12; Mohave, vol. 15, p.
655. London and New York: The Encyclopaedia Britannica
Company, Ltd.
Contributions to the Harper Encyclopedia of Science: Fire, vol. 2, p.
7; Primitive technology, vol. 3, pp. 956-57; Wheel, vol. 4, p.
1257. New York: Harper and Row.
1964
Contributions to The Encyclopaedia Britannica: Weapons, vol.28, pp.
531-32; Wheel, vol. 28, pp. 700-702. London and New York:
The Encyclopaedia Britannica Company, Ltd.
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
leslie spier
