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WARREN WEAVER July 17, 1894-November24, 1978 BY MINA REES INTRODUCTION WARREN WEAVER ctied on November 24, INS, at his home in New Milforct, Connecticut. The New MilforcI house in the Connecticut countryside was a haven of beauty and peace. It hac! been conceived and plannect and built with full concern for all the little details that were important to him and to Mary, his wife of many years, as they lookocl for- warc! to the happy years together after Warren's retirement. They tract been fellow students at the University of Wiscon- sin she was Mary Hemenway then and their marriage a few years after their graduation brought them an affectionate family life, shared by their son, Warren Jr. (ancl his family), and their daughter, Helen. Warren Weaver started his career as a teacher of mathe- matics. But before his thirty-eighth birthday he became a foundation executive when he accepted the post of director of the Division of Natural Sciences of the Rockefeller Foun- clation. In that role he exercised a profound influence on the clevelopment of biology worIdwicle, anct it was probably for this that he was best known during his lifetime. During his years as an officer of the Rockefeller Foundation, however, and during his service as an officer of the Sloan Foundation 493

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494 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS after his retirement from the Rockefeller post, his influence on many other aspects of science expanded and its impact was broadly felt. Weaver assumed the vice-presidency of the Sloan Foun- dation immediately after his statutory retirement from the Rockefeller Foundation in 1959. But he reduced the amount of time he spent at his office so that he would have more time for his family and the extensive property at his New Milford home. He liked intellectual work, but he also loved to do physical work chopping wood, moving rocks, gardening, puttering in his shop. He worked all the time: in a doctor's office (whether the wait was five minutes or half an hour) or on a commuter train and he commuted regularly. He found these bits of time important. And he found the work that he was able to do in these moments very rewarding. These personal qualities, combined with his great plea- sure in working with and absorbing new ideas in physics and new results across a broad spectrum of scientific research, made possible his extraordinarily productive life. His per- formance as a philanthropoid (his term) was exemplary; in addition to the Rockefeller and Sloan Foundation positions, he also held responsible posts in the civilian scientific effort that supported the military services during World War Il. After the war his achievements as an expositor of science gave him a distinctive role in the growing movement to promote the understanding of science on the part of the nonscientific public. These are the main themes to which T shall devote this memoir. CAREER CHOICE, ARMY SERVICE, AND MARRIAGE Weaver was born on July 17, 1894, in the little town of Reedsburg, Wisconsin (population circa 2,000). As a child he was shy, introspective, unskilled in sports, and often lone-

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WARREN WEAVER 495 some. His fondness for his elder brother Paul, which became a warm ancT important part of both their lives, developed only after their graduation from college. Paul took a job in bank- ingas a result of parental pressure but soon rebelled and pursued his own vocation, becoming an accomplished pian- ist-organist anct encling his career as head of the School of Music at Cornell. Warren's career tract a more intriguing gen- esis. When Warren was a youngster, his father, who was a phar- macist, made an annual buying trip to purchase the drug- store's supply of Christmas toys for the coming holiday sea- son. It was tractitional for him to return with a gift for each of the boys. After one of these trips, Warren received a small electric motor that was powered by a dry cell. It was labeler! "Ajax" ant! cost a clolIar. As Warren wrote some sixty years . . . ater in a paper on careers in science: . Within a few weeks I had built, with spools and similar household objects, all the little devices that could be run with the tiny torque of this motor. I took off the field winding, re-wound it and it would still run! Getting more adventuresome, I took off the armature winding and dis- covered how it had to be put back on so as to recapture the miracle of movement. I promptly decided that this was for me. I didn't know any name to apply to this sort of activityI didn't know (or care, I suspect) whether anyone could earn his living doing this kind of thing. But it was perfectly clear to me that taking things apart and finding out how they are con- structed and how they work was exciting, stimulating, and tremendous fun. It may well be the case that in the small rural village where I lived . . . there was not a single person who had any real concept of what the word "science" meant. I was accordingly told that this was "engineering"; and from that time until I was a junior in college, I assumed without question that I wanted to be an engineer. ' Warren Weaver, "Careers in Science," in Listen to Leaders in Science, ed. Albert Love and lames Saxon Childers (Atlanta: Tupper & Love/David McKay, 1965), p. 276.

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496 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS It was at the University of Wisconsin that Warrenstudy- ing"Acivancecl Mathematics for Engineers" realized that his enthusiasm was for science rather than for engineering. He clecicled to pursue a graduate clegree in mathematics and theoretical physics as soon as this proved feasible. Immecli- ately after receiving a degree in civil engineering in ~ 9 ~ 7 (he had earner! a B.S. in mathematics in 1916), he accepted an invitation from Robert A. Millikan to become an assistant professor of mathematics at Throop College (soon to be re- namect the California Institute of Technology). Millikan was just shifting his interests from Chicago to Pasadena and was planning to spend one academic quarter there each year. Max Mason, a brilliant mathematical physicist who hacT been Weaver's teacher and close friend at Wisconsin, suggested Weaver to Millikan. Mason and Charles Sumner Slichter, pro- fessor of applied mathematics at Wisconsin, were the two professors who most influenced Weaver's choice of a career. Mason would continue to be an important influence in his life in the years immediately aheacT. Weaver tract been at Throop for less than a year when he was drafted into the Army at the request of Charles E. Men- denhall, chairman of the Physics Department at Wisconsin. Mendenhall was then serving as a major in the Army's unit associated with the newly formed National Research Council. Weaver was assigned to participate in one of the technical efforts, carried on chiefly at the National Bureau of Stan- clarcis, to clevelop effective equipment to assist U.S. aviators in the air battles of World War I. He was dischargect as a second lieutenant in about a year. After a brief interIucle teaching at Wisconsin, he returned to Pasadenabut not be- fore marrying Mary Hemenway anc! taking her back with him.

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WARREN WEAVER THE LIFE OF A PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS 497 The next year at Pasadena was delightful and stimulating. But in the spring of 1920, as the enct of the academic year approached, a letter from Madison invited Weaver to join the faculty at Wisconsin. There was also a most important letter from Max Mason, who urged Warren to accept Wisconsin's offer and suggested that they work together on a book on electromagnetic fielct theory. For Warren this was irresist- ible the opportunity to collaborate with Mason, whose in- sights, brilliance, and imagination he so greatly admirecl. And his own power as an expositor wouIcl be given full rein because Mason hacl no fondness for committing ideas to pa- per. By the fall of 1920, the newlyweds were establishect in Mactison, where they were to remain for the next twelve years. In 1921 Warren earnest his Ph.D. His collaboration with Mason began promptly and was vigorously pursued. In 1925, however, Mason left to become president of the Uni- versity of Chicago, while Weaver carried on alone in Madison, sending ctrafts to Mason in Chicago. In 1928 Weaver suc- ceeded Ec~warc! Burr Van VIeck as chairman of the Depart- ment of Mathematics. The MasonWeaver book, The Electromagnetic Field, was publishec! in 1929. For some years thereafter, it was the book from which many graduate students in physics Earned Max- well's field equations anc! the associated theory. For occasional physicists whom he met in later years, Warren Weaver be- came "Weaver, of Mason and Weaver." Although his most important writing in the years at Mad- ison was the collaboration with Mason, Weaver also published occasional papers in mathematics, chiefly in probability theory ant! statistics, subjects for which he continued to have great enthusiasm throughout his life. Anct in 1924 he pub-

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498 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS fished jointly with Max Mason what he callect "a really good mathematical paper" that turned out to contain the funciamental analytical theory of the supercentrifuge. The publication in 1963 of Lady Luck, his little book on probability, is an indication of his continuing interest in the subject and of his conviction that it should be accessible to laymen, particularly young students. Lady Luck is an instance of Weaver's rare gift of exposition. But his own estimate of most of the mathematical papers he publishect cluring his stay at Wisconsin was that they were routine solutions of specific problems, not real aciclitions to mathematical knowledge. He complained that he never seemed to get a first-liass original idea for advancing mathematics itself. THE LURE OF THE ROCKEFELLER FOUNDATION In 1931 a disturbing and unexpected invitation arrived from Max Mason, an invitation that raised the possibility of Weaver's leaving what he and his wife consiclerec! a nearly iclyIlic life in Madison. Mason had left the presidency of the University of Chicago in 1928 to take on responsibility for the work in the natural sciences that was supported by the Rockefeller Foundation; in 1930, he assumed the presidency of the foundation. In the fall of 193 I, Mason invited Weaver to come to New York to (liscuss the possibility of his joining the staff of the Rockefeller Foundation as head of its pro- gram in the natural sciences. Weaver was reluctant to accept the invitation for many reasons. But the fact that it came from Mason and includect a free trip to New York (which he had never seen) settled the matter. Weaver was oh to New York. The city itself provect at least as alluring as he had imag- ine(1 anc! the visit to the Rockefeller Founclation as tempt- ing. Here we must stop to consider, on the one hand, the organizational situation in the Rockefeller Foundation at that

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WARREN WEAVER 499 time and, on the other hanct, the ideas about the state of science that had been brewing on many of the country's cam- puses in the late 1920s and early 1930s. On the campuses there was talk that the century of biol- ogy was upon us. At Wisconsin, for example, there was a lively program in biology at the School of Agriculture as well as in the College of Arts and Sciences. Mason and Weaver tract often discussed a new thrust in biology anct the oppor- tunities that wouIc! open up if some of the most imaginative physical scientists turned their attention and some of the sophisticated instruments they had developed to the ex- amination of biological problems. Weaver complained about the lack of really gooct ideas in the biological literature and its failure to produce the intellectual ferment characteristic of much of the work in the physical sciences. At the time of his first visit to New York, he hoped to interest the trustees of the Rockefeller Foundation in a substantial shift in clirec- tion: he wanted to bring to reality a change in the major thrust of biological research worIdwicle no mean ambition. Happily, his timing was fortuitous. The Rockefeller Foundation hac! recently been reorga- nizecI, absorbing several other Rockefeller agencies that tract been founclect for special purposes that no longer required separate settings. The founciation's aim, "to promote the well-being of mankind throughout the worIct," was inter- preted by the trustees as being best servecI, in the immediate future, by the support of the scientific research of incliviclu- als. (This contrasted with their practice in the immediate past, when large sums were spent on plant and endowment, chiefly at a few major institutions, or on the funding of new research establishments such as the Woods Hole Oceano- graphic Institution.) The newly created Division of Natural Sciences thus would be faced with cleciding how "the well-being of man-

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500 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS kind throughout the worIcI" could best be served through the support of science. The amount then available roughly $2 million a year was substantial; in 1932, it constituted a large percentage of the funcis available for the support of research in the United States. But although the funds available were substantial, they were nonetheless limitect, particularly since the foundation defined its program in the natural sciences as concerned broadly with anything that was science but not medicine. Some principles of selection would need to be es- tablishect. In the discussions with the trustees on his visit to New York, Weaver was asked for his ideas on the Rockefeller pro- gram for the support of scientific research. He expressed his satisfaction with his own experience in the physical sciences, a field that had been a principal beneficiary of Rockefeller support. But he also statec! his conviction that the most strik- ing progress in science would soon occur in the biological field. There, he thought, the Rockefeller Foundation would have a great opportunity. He urged that it undertake a long- range program of support of quantitative biology a pro- gram that wouIct seek to apply to outstanding problems of biology some of the methods and machines that had been so successful in the physical sciences. Although he urged his point of view with his customary persuasiveness, Weaver also insistec! that he was not the man to preside over the proposed program; he was, after all, not trained as a biologist. He dicT, however, have the background in the physical sciences that he himself had argued shouict be brought into the picture; anct he returned to Madison with an invitation to become the director of a newly definer] Di- vision of Natural Sciences of the Rockefeller Foundation. Thus he anct his wife were faced with the difficult decision that made so complete a change in their lives. In his autobi- ography, Weaver says of one of the elements in their decision:

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WARREN WEAVER 501 I think . . . that I was both realistic and accurate about my abilities and my limitations. I loved to teach, and knew that I had been successful at it. I had a good capacity for assimilating information, something of a knack for organizing, an ability to work with people, a zest for exposition, an enthusiasm that helped to advance my ideas. But I lacked that strange and wonderful creative spark that makes a good researcher. Thus I realized that there was a definite ceiling on my possibilities as a mathematics professor. Indeed, I think I realized that I was already about as far up in that profession as I was likely to go.2 THE PROGRAM IN EXPERIMENTAL BIOLOGY After much soul-searching, the Weavers decicled that the opportunities opening up in New York could not be refused. In January 1932, Weaver was elected director for the natural sciences of the Rockefeller Foundation. Shortly thereafter, Weaver translates] the discussions that had lee] to his appointment into a formal proposal to the trustees. In it he suggested that the foundation's science pro- gram be shifted from its previous preoccupation with the physical sciences to an "interest in stimulating anct aicTing the application, to basic biological problems, of the techniques, experimental procedures, anct methods of analysis so ef- fectively clevelope(1 in the physical sciences." The trustees acloptecl this recommendation. Commenting on this action, Dean Rusk president of the foundation from 1952 to 1960 wrote in his introduction to the 1958 president's report (the last before Weaver's retire- ment): In 1932 - 33 The Rockefeller Foundation elected to center its major scientific effort in the sciences concerned with living things.... EThis] ma- jor emphasis . . . which continues to characterize the Foundation's science program, rested upon four considerations. First, The life sciences] could 2 Warren Weaver, Scene of Change, a Lifetime in American Science (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, Inc.), p. 62.

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502 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS be expected to add significantly to a better understanding of man himself, whose well-being is a basic charter concern of the Foundation. Second, the life sciences were intimately linked with medicine and public health, the central interests of the Foundation in its opening decades. Third, in the early 1930's the several sciences concerned with living things seemed to be poised for a historical surge forward, with exciting possibilities opening up in all directions. Finally, it seemed at the time that the life sciences were not receiving the public interest and financial support which were war- ranted by their intellectual promise and by their potential capacity to con- tribute brilliantly to man's practical needs. The decisions gave The Rocke- feller Foundation a morle.st share in ~ erect ~rlventllre which is conrinllin~ to unfold.3 _ ~ in, The trustees' clecision involved a major change in the mo- clus operancti of the foundation. In 1933 the program state- ment formulatec} for the Natural Sciences Division articu- latec} this change and set forth these general principles to provide the desirect direction as well as the necessary flexi- bility to the program of the clivision: A highly selective procedure is necessary if the available funds are not to lose significance through scattering. In the past, this selection has con- sisted chiefly of a choice of scientific leaders, among both men and insti- tutions, although there has always been some selection on the basis of fields of interest. It is proposed, for the future program, that interest in the fields play the dominant role in the selection process. Within the fields of inter- est, selection will continue to be made of leading men and institutions. In general, this narrowing of purpose in the specialized program should result in greater emphasis on the biological and related fields, and especially in greater emphasis on the study of man himself. A small provision should be made in the budget of the program to care for unpredictable but unquestionable opportunities. The program should always be kept flexible. The immediate and underlying values in science justify a continuation of general support to the development of science.4 3 The Rockefeller Foundation, President's Review and Annual Report, 1958 (New York: The Foundation), p. 5. 4 The Rockefeller Foundation, President's Review and Annual Report, 1958, p. 26.

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520 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS of three specialists E. C. Stakman (plant pathology), Rich- arc! Bractfielc! (soils), and Paul Mangelsclorf (corn genetics and plant breeding) who visited all the regions of Mexico at the request of the Rockefeller Foundation. They deter- mined that a great clear could be done anct outlined basic principles for the conduct of the work. After careful prepa- ration the project was set up in Mexico in 1942 with the par- ticipation of the Mexican government; it was headed by I. George Harrar. The work in Mexico prospered, and in 1950 a similar program was establishect in Colombia. Then Chile and other Central and South American countries entered the program. Improved varieties of wheat were Erect in Mexico anti suc- cessfully introclucec! into a number of African and Asian countries. With the cooperation of the Ford Foundation, an International Rice Research Institute was created in the Phil- ippines on lane] furnished by the Philippine government. Sturdy, high-yielding rice was successfully brect there anct cTis- tributed widely in Asia. Commenting on the dwarf wheat strain cleveloped in Mexico ant! the improved rice strain cleveloped in the Phil- ippines, an eclitorial in Nature (August ~ 0, ~ 968) sai(l, "They have provider! countries which were perennially faced with starvation with the means not only to become self-sufficient, but equally important, tional pricle." to regain their self-respect and na- Although Warren Weaver had continuing contact with this program during the war, his associates in the Rockefeller Foundation assumed the principal day-by-day responsibility. At the end of the war, after he had recovered from radical surgery necessitated by repeated and painful attacks of Men- iere's disease, he Elevated much of his time and energy to this expanding agricultural program. In 1970, looking back on his nearly thirty years of service to the Rockefeller Founda-

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WARREN WEAVER 521 tion, he expressed satisfaction at having been associated with two programs, "in both of which ~ had the privilege of major administrative responsibility: the program in experimental biology which played a significant role in initiating and cle- veloping the present-clay field of molecular biology; and the agricultural program." OTHER ENTHUSIASMS This account has focused on Warren Weaver's profes- sional career over a period of nearly fifty years. Although his professional life was clemancling, he had many hobbies, one of which was collecting. For a time, his chief interest in col- lecting was in acquiring a library that would represent the historical landmarks in the development of the physical sci- ences. But when he realizect that his interest in Alice in Won- deriand anc! in her friend the Reverenct Charles Dodgson (a.k.a. Lewis Carroll)- was competing with his plans for this library, he faced the inevitable: he hac] to choose to which of these clelights he wouIc! cleclicate his limiter! resources. Alice won, with the result that at the ens! of his life, Warren Weav- er's Lewis Carroll collection, now at the University of Texas in Austin, was among the important private collections in the world. Weaver clerivect great pleasure and satisfaction from his Carroll collection, and some of his enthusiasm found its way into print. Probably the most interesting of these publications is a book called Alice in Many Tongues. The book in part re- ports on the problems and fun of acquiring so many different translations of Alice. But it also discusses the problems that must be faced in trying to come to grips in many different tongues with the clifficulties introduced by a text that relies on parocliect verse, puns, nonsense words, jokes involving ~ ~ Weaver, Scene of Change, p. ~ 03.

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522 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS logic, and twists of meaning for much of its clelight. When Alice in Many Tongues was written, translations hac! been macle into forty-seven languages; there were over 300 translatecI editions. The total number of languages represented in the Weaver collection was forty-two (although he hacl 160 differ- ent translations). The pursuit of Alice in Woncieriand and other aspects of Dodgson's activities was what Weaver callecI one of his minor enthusiasms. Religion was a major enthusiasm after his fam- ily, which came first, and his work, which came second. From earliest childhood, church was a family ritual, and in aclult- hood, it tract become a cherished part of Sunday's special quality. For years there seemed to be no neect to question the interrelationship between science and religion; each played an important role in Weaver's life, but he felt no conflict be- tween them. When he clecided in the 1950s that he should examine the conflict many other people dicT feel, his conclu- sion was that he could find none between a properly humble science and a properly intelligent religion. He became the scientist par excellence who was often invited to speak at churches anct at religious gatherings. Whenever he published an article on this subject, it was widely reprinted. One article, "A Scientist Ponders Faith," was published in the Saturday Review of January 3, 1959, anct was reprinted by nine other publications cluring the next two years. Weaver was con- vincec] that there was a permanent core of truth in religion as there is in science anct that religious ideas, like scientific ones, evolve with the acquisition of new knowleclge. He was perfectly comfortable with his conclusions, realizing full well that they clid not conform with the bulk of religious opinion. CONCLUSION How to sum up the account of this extraordinary man? Witty, forthright, a superb raconteur, skillet! in the use of

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WARREN WEAVER 523 words as few of us can hope to be, Warren Weaver was a man whose company was a constant source of stimulation to those who were closely associated with him. He was a prodigious worker and a man for whom the conquest of a new and dif- ficult idea, particularly in science, was an event of impor- tance. He viewed science as the most successful of man's in- tellectual adventures, anc! in some senses his whole life was devoted to science. He bore the discomforts of declining health with forti- tucle, ant! liver] the last of his years with a grace that made them as ad mirable as the many years before them years rich in enjoyment ant] achievement. IT IS DIFFICULT TO EXPRESS adequately my appreciation of the kindness and hospitality of Warren Weaver's immediate family in helping me to arrive at an adequate understanding of his multifa- ceted life, some parts of which were quite outside my personal ex- perience of him. Mrs. Weaver put at my disposal his personal re- cords filed at their Connecticut home, including a copy of the oral history interview recorded for the Columbia University Oral His- tory Project in the spring of 1961. In addition, she responded to my questions by calling upon her experience and her own recollec- t~ons. The Rockefeller Foundation has been generous with its help and has provided me with access to the Weaver files at the Rockefeller Archive Center at Pocantico Hills, New York. Assistance with this memoir also was generously given by a number of people asso- ciated with diverse phases of Warren Weaver's life. These include, in addition to the Weaver family, Dennis Flanagan, H. H. Gold- stine, Alexander Hollaender, Robert S. Morison, Gerard Piel, E. R. Piore, Nan S. Robinson, and Dael Wolfle. For all of this help, I express my great appreciation.

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524 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS B IBLIOGRAPHY 1920 Forecast. Am. Math. Mon., 27(May):205-9. The average reading vocabulary; an application of Bayes's Theo- rem. Am. Math. Mon., 27~0ctober):347-54. The pressure of sound. Phys. Rev., 15~5~:399-404. The kinetic theory of magnetism. Phys. Rev., 16~5) :438-48. 1924 With Max Mason. The settling of small particles in a fluid. Phys. Rev., 23~3~:412-26. 1925 Elementary Mathematical Analysis, a Textbook for First-year College Students, by Charles S. Slichter,3d rev. ea., ed. Warren Weaver. New York: McGraw-Hill. 1926 The duration of the transient state in the settling of small particles. Phys. Rev., 27~4~:499 - 503. 1927 Die Diffusion kleiner Teilchen in einer Flussigkeit. Z. Phys., 43:296-98. 1928 Die Sedimentationszeit kleiner Teilchen in einer Flussigkeit. Z. Phys., 49:311-14. With H. W. March. Diffusion problem for a solid in contact with a stirred liquid. Phys. Rev., 3 1 (6~: 1 072-82. 1929 With Max Mason. The Electromagnetic Field. New York: Dover Pub- lications (University of Chicago Press). Review of A Debate on the Theory of Relativity by R. D. Carmichael et al. Am. Math. Mon., 27( January):38-42. Science and imagination. Sci. Mon., 29(November):425-34.

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WARREN WEAVER 525 1930 Geophysical prospecting. Bull. Assoc. State Eng. Soc., 5(3):76-90 Mathematics and the problem of ore location. Am. Math. Mon. 27(April): 165-81. The reign of probability. Sci. Mon., 31(November):457-66. 1932 Conformal representation, with applications to problems of ap- plied mathematics. Am. Math. Mon., 39~0ctober):448-73. Uplift pressure on dams. J. Math. Phys. (MIT), 11~2~: 114-45. 1938 Lewis Carroll and a geometrical paradox. Am. Math. Mon., 45(April) :234-36. 1947 Chapter 1 and the introductions to all 15 chapters. In: The Scientists Speak. New York: Boni & Gaer. 1948 Probability, rarity, interest, and surprise. Sci. Mon., 67(De- cember):390-92. Science and complexity. Am. Sci., 36~4~:536-44. Statistical freedom of the will. Rev. Mod. Phys., 20~1~:31-34. 1949 The mathematics of communication. Sci. Am., 1 8 1 ~ July): 1 1-1 5. Recent contributions to the mathematical theory of communica- tion. In: The Mathematical Theory of Communication, by Claude Shannon and Warren Weaver, pp. 93-117. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1950 Probability. Sci. Am., 183~0ctober):44-47. Reply to Professor McConnell's letter regarding extrasensory per- ception (correspondence on probabilities). Sci. Mon., 70(Feb- ruary): 1 38 - 40.

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526 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS 1951 Alice's Adventures in Wonderland, its origin, its author. Princeton Univ. Libr. Chron., 1 3( 1 ): 1-1 7. Protein structure studies. Sci. Mon., 73(December):387-90. 1952 Statistics. Sci. Am., 186( [anuary):60-63. 1953 Fundamental questions in science. Sci. Am., 1 89(September):32, 47-51. Probability and statistics, the mathematical way of estimating risk. (Delivered at the 200th Anniversary of the Mutual Insurance Companies of America, New York, 1952.) In: Facing the Future's Risks, ed. Lyman Bryson, pp. 34-58. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1954 The mathematical manuscripts of Lewis Carroll. Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 98~51:377-81. People, energy, food. Sci. Mon., 78( {une):359-64. Who speaks for whom or for what? (Editorial.) Science, 119 (February 261: 3A. 1955 Can a scientist believe in God? In: A Guide to the Religions of America, ed. Leo Rosten, pp. 158-65. New York: Simon & Schuster, Inc. Foreword and chapter 1 (entitled "Translation" and based on a memorandum drawn up for the Rockefeller Foundation in July 1949~. In: Machine Translation of Languages, ed. William N. Locke and A. Donald Booth, pp. v-vii, 15-23. New York: Wiley Tech- nical Press. The Patent Once problem. (Delivered before a joint meeting of the American Patent Law Association and the New York Patent Law Association, New York, April.) Am. Doc., 6~31:129-33. Science and faith. (Delivered on Layman's Sunday in the Congre- gational Church of New Milford, Connecticut, May 1954.) Christian Century, 72 ( January 51: 10 -13. Science and people. Science, 122(December 30~:1255-59.

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WARREN WEAVER 1956 527 Lewis Carroll: Mathematician. Sci. Am., 194( ~une):36, 116-20. The Parrish collection of Carrolliana. Princeton Univ. Libr. Chron., 17~2) :85 -91. Report of the Committee on Genetic Effects of Atomic Radiation. In: The Biological Effects of Atomic RadiationSummary Reports, pp. 3-31. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences, National Research Council. 1957 Radiations and the genetic threat. I. Franklin Inst., 263~4~:283-93. Science and the citizen. Science, 1 26(December 1 3~: 1 225-29. 1958 Communicative accuracy. (Editorial.) Science, 127(March 7~:499. The encouragement of science. Sci. Am., l99(September):50,170- 76. How big is too big? (Editorial.) Science, 128( July 181: 113. A quarter century in the natural sciences. In: The Rockefeller Foun- dation Annual Report, pp. 3-122. New York: The Rockefeller Foundation. 1959 Dither. (Editorial.) Science, 130(August 7) :301. Purposes and innovations in science teaching. Daedalus (Boston), 88~1~: 182-85. Report of the Special Committee. Science, 1 30(November 20~: 1390-91. A scientist ponders faith. Saturday Review, 42( January 3~:8-10. 1960 The attractiveness of dessert. (Editorial.) Science, 132(November 25~: 1521. The disparagement of statistical evidence. (Editorial.) Science, 132(December 23~: 1859. A great age for science. In: Goals for Americans (Report of the Pres- ident's Commission on National Goals, administered by the American Assembly, Columbia University), pp. 103-24. New York: Prentice-Hall.

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528 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS The imperfections of science. Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 104~5) :419- 28. Issues of man and his environment. (Excerpts from remarks made at the Great Issues Convention, Dartmouth College, Septem- ber.) Dartmouth Alumni Magazine, 53~1~:22; 53~21:4, 22. Medicine: The new science and the old art. i. Med. Educ., 35~4~:313-18. Moment of truth. (Editorial.) Science, 131( January 29~:267. Science and the World of Scholarship. Welch Found. Res. Bull., no. 6 ~ January). 19 pp. Words. (Speech delivered at the midwinter dinner of the Citizens Advisory Committee of the New York Public Library, January 19.) New York: The New York Public Library. 11 pp. . _ 1961 Chester Irving Barnard. Biographical memoir. Yearb. Am. Philos. Soc.: 106-10. Facing up to the odds. Sci. Digest, 50( July): 18-24. Introductory remarks (to an address by Sir C. P. Snow on the moral unneutrality of science, given at AAAS annual meeting, 1960~. Science, 133( January 27~:255-56. Science for citizens. (Speech delivered at Conference on Commu- nication between Science and the General Public, Gainesville, Florida, February.) Pride (Am. Coll. Publ. Relat. Assoc.), 5~5~: 11-12. Why is science important? Chem. Eng. News, 39~7~: 144-48. 1962 Cancer research: Where are we? Fourfront (Memorial Hospital Newsletter), 5~6~:3 - 4. The emerging unity of science. Ann. Jpn. Assoc. Philos. Soc., 2~2~:98-113. New Institute for Biological Sciences at San Diego. (Editorial.) Sci- ence, 1 36( June 1 ): 747. Science for everybody. Saturday Review, 45( July 71:45-46. Stability and change. (Editorial.) Science, 1 37(September 28~: 1 025. Thoughts on philanthropy and philanthropoids. Foundation News (Bull. Found. Libr. Center), 3~3~: 1-6. What a layman needs to know about science. (Report and com-

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WARREN WEAVER 529 mentary by John Lear of a speech given by Weaver at a sym- posium at Oakland State College, Michigan State University, May. ) New Sci., 14(29 1 ) :5 79. What a moon ticket will buy. Saturday Review, 45(August 4~:38- 39. 1963 Dreams and responsibilities. Bull. At. Sci., l9(May):10-11. Lady Luck: The Theory of Probability. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books. Max Mason. In: Biographical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sci- ences, vol. 37, pp. 205 - 36. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences. The New Biology and health, sickness, aging. Think (IBM), 29 (21:2-5. Science for everybody. In: Science in the College Curriculum, pp. 11- 33. (Report of a conference sponsored by Oakland University with the support of the National Science Foundation.) Roches- ter, Mich.: Oakland University Press. 1964 Alice in Many Tongues. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Mathematics and Philanthropy. New York: Alfred P. Sloan Founda- tion. (n.d.~. 30 pp. Scientific explanation. Science, 143(March 201: 1297-300. 1965 Careers in science. In: Listen to Leaders in Science, ed. Albert Love and James Saxon Childers, pp. 267-78. Atlanta: Tupper & Love/David McKay. The "India" Alice. The Private Library, 6~11:1-7. 1966 Four pieces of advice to young people. Tennessee Teacher, 33~61:9. Good teaching. (Editorial.) Science, 151 (March 18~: 1335. The inner nature of science. (Excerpted from the Kalinga Prize Speech, October 1965.) UNESCO Cour., 19( January): 34. Some moral problems posed by modern science. Zygon, 1~31:286- 300.

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530 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS Why is it so important that science be understood? (modified ver- sion of the Kalinga Prize Speech, October 1965~. Impact Sci. Soc. (UNESCO), 16(1 ~ :41 - 50. 1967 The art of giving money to science (appearing as an untitled article in the "Matter of Opinion" column). Sci. Res. (McGraw-Hill), 2~7~:32-36. Philanthropic foundations and grants to universities. (Letter.) Sci- ence, 158(December 1~: 133-34. Science and Imagination. New York: Basic Books, Inc. U.S. Philanthropic Foundations: Their History, Structure, Management, and Record. New York: Harper & Row. 1968 Confessions of a scientist-humanist. In: What I Have Learned; A Collection of Twenty Autobiographical Essays . . . from the "Saturday Review," pp. 298-309. New York: Simon & Schuster. 1970 Scene of Change: A Lifetime in American Science. New York: Charles Scribner's & Sons, Inc. 1971 The first edition of Alice's Adventures in Wonderland; a census. Pap. Bibliog. Soc. Am., 65~11:1-40. 1975 Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., Philanthropist. New York: Alfred P. Sloan Foun- dation.