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Report of the 2002 Mission
THE TRIAL
Mary Jane West-Eberhard and Morton Panish
.
.~
Myoma Mack's sister, Helen Mack, was the plaintiff In this
case, to which she has dedicated twelve years of her life. The team
for the prosecution consisted of Helen Mack, her two lawyers, two
lawyers from the Public Ministry (which is headed by the Attorney
General and is the agency through which civil crimes are brought
to trial), and, on occasion as needed, an expert on military affairs
to aid in questioning witnesses. The team for the defense consisted
of the three~''6efendants and their lawyers (always at least one per
defendant, and sometunes more).
The setting for the Dial was the Salon de Vistas In the Su-
preme Court building in Guatemala City, a large, immaculate, pn-
manly marble and wood-paneled auditonum. The Dial was pre-
sided over by three judges (presiding Judge Morelia Rios, Judge
Jasmin Barrios, and Judge Carlos Chin), who sat at a table on a
dais at the front of the room facing the audience. Below them, fac-
ing each other, were the prosecution team (on the judges' lefc) and
the defense lawyers and defendar~ts (on the right). When called,
the testifying witnesses sat at the center of this stage facing the
judges. The hall could accommodate approximately 200 people.
7
5
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8
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE MACH CASK
There are no jury teals In Guatemala. The judges make the
determination of guilt or innocence, following public oral recita-
tion of the documents deposited by the two sides and public state-
ments and c ross-examination o f w itnesses ~ the p base i n p regress
dunng the Cow representatives' attendance). The tnal had been in
progress for four days prior to the arrival of the Cow representa-
tives. Virtually all of the questions addressed to the witnesses
were from the lawyers of the two parties to the trial. The presiding
judge only occasionally asked a sub star~tive question, intervening
pnmanly to maintain the correctness and order of the proceedings.
The judges sometimes called a brief recess to confer regarding
matters of procedure. They appeared to be managing the proceed-
ings fairly and evenhandedly.
At the adjournment of the first day of the trial (September
3, 2002), the presiding judge ordered the defendants jailed as a
precaution against their escape, a maneuver which surprised all
present given the power and stature of the defendants. Duling the
first week of the teal, there was testimony by C lara Arenas (the
current executive director of the Association for the Advancement
of the Social Sciences, AVANCSO) that Myrna Mack had been
warned that men linked to the anny were asking about her and her
research. Ms. Arenas argued that she believes the anny killed
Myrna Mack because of her research on refilgees and the internally
displaced populations, which was considered a threat to the inter-
ests of the state.
.
~ Dunng Be first week there was also testimony by Monsi-
gnor Julio Cabrera Ovalle, who was the bishop in the area of the
Depar~nent of E! Quiche, where Myrna Mack had worked with the
indigenous population. He argued that she was murdered because
the army believed she had written a statement issued by Me Com-
munities of Population in Resistances protesting anny bombings
' The Communities of Population in Resistance (CPR) are groups of the rural indigenous popu-
lation who fled into the rain forests in the early 1980s, when the Guatemalan government began its
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REPORT OF THE 2002 MISSION
9
and requesting that the indigenous people be allowed to exercise
their constitutional right to live, travel, and freely resettle. This
document was published in the Guatemalan press on September 7,
1990. Monsignor Cabrera said that the anny viewed the ~ndige-
nous population as guemIla collaborators and fiercely opposed
their efforts to live outside military control. This testimony pre-
sented a somewhat new perspective; it is a connection not promi-
nently made in the Cams previous infonnation on the case.
~ the succeeding sessions, the defense strategy was to
show that the intelligence s ection o fthe Presidential High C om-
mand (Estado Mayor Presidencial (EMP), a military unit known as
the "archivo") was a separate entity from the anny and did no
intelligence or counterinsurgency work, their exclusive function
being the protection of the president and his family. This argument
was weakened as witnesses contradicted these clanns. It is also of
interest that there was a major assumption and clarion by the prose-
cution that did not appear to b e questioned b y the ~ efense that
the murder was committed by members of the army. This unchal-
lenged assumption is the basis for the rationale by the defense to
demonstrate that the EMP is an entity distinct Mom the anny.
~ general, the argu Dent being pressed by the prosecution
was that the "intellectual authorship" of the Myrna Mack murder
could be attributed to the officers that headed the EMP at the tune
of the murder because: (~) the convicted murderer of Myrna
Mack, Noel de Jesus Beteta Alvarez, was employed there; (2) me
crime involved a pattern of activity commonly associated win Me
EMP; and (3) the murder was motivated by the EMP's participa-
tion In the military objective of countennsurgency, especially
involving internally displaced persons the populations Myoma
scorched earth policy directed at the indigenous population. Over time they organized themselves
into three larger groups the CPR of Me Scan, the CPR of He Petan, and the CPR of the Sierra to
facilitate We* survival, in particular, their ability to produce food and protect themselves against the
anny.
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10
.
HUMAN~GHTS AND THE MACK CASE
Mack studied and which therefore caused her to be considered an
enemy of the state.
To support this argument, the prosecution and the Public
Ministry presented several witnesses and eyewitnesses of events.
The prosecution also used a military expert a former Peruvian
general, Clever Alberto Pino Benamu, now devoted to exposing
military violations of human rights—to cross-examine military
witnesses for the defense. Additionally, they presented experts on
the structure of the Guatemalan military and its chain of command,
endeavonng to establish that the EMP could have participated in
counterinsurgency and intelligence activities, in keeping with
broad military objectives beyond presidential security (their puta-
tive official function). These experts included a Guatemalar~ soci-
olog~st, Hector Rosada author of a scholarly book on the mili-
tary—who testified that the EMP was definitely a part of the army,
that it was an organization with a tight command structure and dis-
cipline, and that it was also involved in intelligence work.
More detailed testimony along the same line came Dom
Kate Doyle, an analyst for the National Security Archive, a non-
gove~nental organization In the United States devoted to schol-
arly analysis of documents from the Central Intelligence Agency
(CIA), Federal Bureau of Investigation, and U.S. Department of
State that are obtained under the Freedom of Information Act.2
(These same documents had confirmed and clarified several of the
C='s long-standing cases of disappeared Guatemalan col-
leagues.) Ms. Doyle testified as art expert witness on her under-
starlding of He structure of the Guatemalar1 military as revealed by
her studies of unclassified U.S. documents. She testified Bat He
C[A and the U.S. Depardnent of State had ex~aordinanly detailed
access to the inner workings of He Guatemalan military, intel-
ligence, and courlteIinsurgency operations as evidenced by 15,000
available documents. This kind of infonnation is essentially ur~-
2 The documents were either unclassified or declassified.
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REPORT OF THE 2002 MISSION
11
available in Guatemala. She said that the documents clearly dem-
onstrated that the EMP was an integral part of the army, of the in-
telligence gathering apparatus, and of counterinsurgency opera-
tions. Furthennore, she testified that there was very tight command
control over the actions of the venous units and individuals in the
army EMP apparatus and that one of the functions of the EMP was
the elimination of people considered undesirable by the army. The
impression given by the defense lawyers in their questions to
Doyle was that they did not understand how such confidential gov-
ern~nent documents could be made available to the public, thereby
implying that their authenticity should be questioned.
There were several other witnesses of particular interest. A
fonner newspaper vendor, Virg~lio Rodriguez Santana, who regu-
larly sold newspapers near the home of the Mack family, said that
he observed Myrna Mack being followed by her murderer. He de-
scnbed a pattern of behavior shown by other witnesses to charac-
tenze EMP operations. Mr. Rodriguez became the focus of a pro-
cedural controversy because he was brought by the prosecution
from Canada, where he now lives as a Canadian citizen and politi-
cal refugee, having left Guatemala because of threats to his life in
connection with this case. Because his Canadian passport does not
bear his maternal surname (not used In Canada), it did not match
the All Guatemalan name listed in the court documents. This sur-
name discrepancy had been the basis for court refusal to hear two
previous defense witnesses. The defense had not questioned these
refusals, but the prosecution cited a law that permits hearing the
witness pending later resolution of the identification problem, a
point accepted by the judges after a recess. This ruling led to
.
strong accusations by the defense lawyers of inconsistency by the
judges (which provoked a strong reprimand by Me presiding
judge), leading the defense to refuse to question the witness. Some
observers raised the possibility that this incident might later be
cited if a claim of a mistrial is submitted to the courts.
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12
HUMAN RIGHTS AND TlIEMACK CASK
Another witness was a fanner chief of the Investigations
Department of the Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman (Pro-
curadona de Derechos Humanos), Leone] Gomez Rebula, who was
responsible for the investigation of all human rights cases, ~nclud-
ing that of Myrna Mack. His records contained complaints naming
one of the defendants (Colonel Valencia Osono) as being involved
in making phone calls to one of the police investigators In the
Myrna Mack case. That police investigator, Jose Miguel Menda
Escobar, was later murdered, and his coworker fled Guatemala be-
cause of threats.
A bishop, Monsignor Flores Reyes, testified as to the low.
profile conduct of Myrna Mack during her research in the country ~
side in his parish, her patient role as a listener, and her lack of
identification with the guerilia insurgency or other local political
activity.
.
Jorge Lemus Alvarado, a prisoner In 1994 at the same jai!
where Noel de Jesus Beteta (the convicted murderer of Myrna
Mack) was serving his sentence, testified Hat he aspired to be an
investigative reporter and proposed that Mr. B eteta allow him to
record his true story. He and Mr. Beteta were part of a small
group of fiiends who met daily to converse. Mr. Lemus described
Mr. Beteta as unhappy that his former superiors at the EMP had
apparently abandoned him. Mr. Lemus recorded his interviews on
several audio tapes and also, with the permission of the director of
the jail, procured a video camera and filmed Mr. Beteta's account,
including art admission that he had murdered up to 30 people a
year as art employee of the EMP.
According to Mr. Lemus, Mr. Beteta confessed that he re-
ceived a direct order to kill Myrna Mack from one of the defen-
dants, Colonel Valencia Osono, with the implicit knowledge of
another defendant, General Godoy Pagan. He gave detailed ~n-
formation about how he planned the murder and the escape route
he took abler it was committed. Copies of the tapes are in the
6
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REPORT OF THE 2002 MISSION
13
hands of the judges, arid there are copies kept for safekeeping at
other places, including the U.S. Embassy in Guatemala City. The
judge did not grant a request by the prosecution to have the tapes
played at that time.
Mr. Beteta has since retracted statements made during the
interviews with Mr. Lemus. A few days later Mr. Beteta testified
at the tnal to this effect, saying that he was under the influence of
drugs provided through Helen Mack, that he is innocent of the
murder, and that the defendants did not order him to carry it out.
Since Mr. Beteta admitted in his testimony that he had made the
tapes, the judges subsequently played them at the teal.
On the 12th day of the trial, former Guatemalan President
Marco Vin~cio Cerezo Arevalo (1986-1991) testified that the offi-
cial functions of the EMP were supposed to be limited to providing
security for the president and his family and were not to include
intelligence and counterinsurgency activities. Mr. Cerezo said that
he had no knowledge of EMP involvement in anything illegal. He
identified the three accused as military officers who supported the
democratic process. Mr. Cerezo said that he ordered the disman-
tling of the "archive" office of the EMP at the beginning of his
presidency and created the DeparDnent of Presidential Security
(DSP), where Beteta, Oliva, arid Valencia worked. He indicated
that he had also dismantled the Department of Technical Investiga-
tions (DIT) ~ the National Police. He said that he did this because
both entities were involved in illegal activities and political crimes.
Former President Cerezo's testimony was the last of the expert tes-
timonies from witnesses heard by the court.
.
Me tnal then passed into the phase In which documentary
evidence was brought before the court. The court reviewed a re-
port, Institutional Politics Towards the Internally Displaced in
Guatemala, for which Myrna Mack was pnncipal researcher,
which was published In English just two days before her murder,
as well as excerpts Tom the report of the Recovery of the Histonc
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14
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE MACK CASE
Memory (Recuperacion de la Memona Historica, REWII) Project3
and many other documents.
The documentary evidence phase was then followed by
several days of conclusions and final arguments by the prosecution
arid the defense.
On the evening of October 3, 2002, the judges rendered
their verdict. Colonel Juan Valencia Osorio was sentenced to 30
years in prison for planning and ordenng the 1990 murder of
Myrna Mack. General Edgar Augusto Godoy Ga~tan axle Colonel
Juan Guillermo Oliva were acquitted on the grounds Hat there was
insufficient evidence that they had been directly involved In order-
~ng the murder. Helen Mack immediately filed an appeal against
their acquittal. They are being held in preventive detention, pend-
iIlg the outcome of the appeal, at E! Boqueron maximum security
pnson. The conviction of Colonel ValeTlcia Osono is an unprece-
dented event In Guatemala: it marks the first time that a high-
rarlking member of the military has been convicted for a crime
committed during the cour~try's 36-year armed conflict. (A state-
ment issued by the Myrna Mack Foundation following the an-
nouncement of the verdict can be fourth In Appendix E.)
Both the prosecution and defense subsequently appealed
the verdict, issuing beefs on both substantive and procedural
grounds. An appeal hearing took place on December 5, 2002, as
had been scheduled, before the Third Chamber of the Court of Ap-
peals. However, arguments on the meets of the appeals were not
heard, primanly because the defense filed motions against two of
the three judges of the Chamber. As a result of the motions, the
hearings were postponed, resulting in the case being ~arlsfe~red
.
.~v
3 The Recovery of the Historical Memory (REMHI) Project was begun by the Catholic Church
in Guatemala in an effort to establish the truth about what happened during the 36-year civil conflict
as a basis for justice and reconciliation. Interviews of approximately 7,000 victims were analyzed
and published on April 24, 1998, in a report entitled Guatemala: Nunca Mas (Guatemala: Never
Again). The report found Me Guatemalan military and paramilitary groups responsible for He vast
majority of human rights violators committed during He conflict
5
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REPORT OF THE 2002 MISSION
15
Tom the Third Chamber to the Fourth Chamber o f the C curt o f
Appeals --the same court that had recently issued a ruling over-
turning the convictions in the murder trial of Bishop Juan Jose
Gerardi Conedera.4 An appeal hearing was then scheduled for late
February 2003, but was postponed by a motion filed by the public
prosecutor. The appeals are now expected to be heard in late April
2003. According to the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights,
threats and intimidation, particularly of witnesses and staff mem-
bers of the Myrna Mack Foundation, have continued dunng the
appeals process.
Another significant development with regard to the Mack
case took place in mid-February 2003, when the Inter-American
Court of Human Rights began hearing the Mack case.5 Just before
the government of Guatemala was to appear before the Inter-
Amencan Court, it wrote to the court that it accepted international
responsibility for having failed to provide prompt and due justice
in the case. At the subsequent court session, when the government
of Guatemala was accused of violating Myrna Mack's right to life
and failing to promptly bring the case to justice, the government
withdrew from the hearing. The court ordered the healing to pro-
ceed as planned, however, to allow it to make a determination re-
garding Me extent of the state's responsibility in the case. The
Guatemalan government returned to the hearing only to make a
Trial statement. The court's decision is expected In late summer or
early fall 2003. If, In the court's view, We American Convention
4 Bishop Gerardi was auxiliary bishop of the archdiocese of Guatemala and coordinator of the
archdiocese's human rights of lice. On April 26, 1998, he was brutally murdered in the garage of his
home, two days after he announced the much publicized report on the Guatemalan civil conflict (see
fin. 3). As pastoral director of the REMHI Project, Bishop Gerardi oversaw production of the report
and presented it to the Guatemalan public on April 24, 1998.
s In early 200~because Guatemala had not brought the three military officers charged with
ordering Myrna Mack's murder to trial in its own courts Helen Mack requested that the Inter-
American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States begin the process
of p lacing the c ase under the I egally b inding j unsdiction o f the ~ter-Amencan Court o f H uman
Rights. The case was referred to He ~ter-American Court in June 2001. Due to a backlog in cases,
however, the case did not come before the court until February 2003.
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16
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE MACK CASK
on Human Rights has been violated by the government of Guate-
mala, reparations could be awarded to the Mack family.
Since August 2002, the C~;atemalan government has been
required by order of the ~ter-Arr~encan Court to take measures
to protect Helen Mack and her family. That court order was reis-
sued in February 2003. According to the Lawyers Committee for
Human Rights, the state is required to work with the Mack family
In arranging for their protection and must file a report on its pro-
gress every two months.
POLITICAL CONTEXT
.
.
6
The CHR representatives' observations, conversations, and
briefings during this mission (see Appendix C) indicate that at the
time of their visit the situation in Guatemala for colleagues of the
CHR was worsening rather than improving, in spite of a brief pe-
riod of optimism generated by the 1996 peace accords. Pressure
by the international community played an important role in bnng-
~ng an end to the 36-year civil war in 1996. Dunug the war some
200,000 people primarily civilian Mayan Indians were killed or
disappeared. International pressure is still critical In promotion of
human rights In Guatemala. The perception of the army was that
they had won the war. They submitted to a series of peace ac-
cords, including democratic and human rights guarantees, as the
result of outside pressure. Optimism ended with the murder of
Bishop Gerardi in 1998. As emphasized by Dr. Edelberto Torres
Rivas, Guatemala advisor of the United Nations Development
Program, He Guatemalan institutions that In the past have provided
a measure of security to threatened scholars have been weakened
by internal divisions arid new pnonties. Following the completion
of the truth commission report arid the assassination of Bishop
Gerardi, the Catholic Church, although still a leading defender of
human nights, turned increasingly to pastoral missions.
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REPORT OF THE 2002 MISSION
17
There appears to be no political party in Guatemala
strongly committed to the development of truly democratic institu-
tions. Some of the most influential prodemocracy leaders come
from the human rights movement, including Helen Mack, Nobel
Peace Prize Laureate Rigoberta Menchu Tum, and others. How-
ever, these people do not constitute a political party. The tradi-
tional parties are internally fragmented, and the peace accords
made it easy for new parties to be legally established, which has
led to a proliferation of small, weak parties. As primary elections
approach (scheduled for November 2003), the Guatemalan Repub-
lican Front (Frente Republicano Guatemalteco, FRG - the party of
current President Alfonso Portillo—has failed to gain the confi-
dence of those interested in promoting democracy and the rule of
law. The FRG is known for fiscal corruption and is under the con-
trot of former g eneral and ax-dictator Efra~n Rios Montt, who is
currently president of the Congress. Montt originally took power
In a military coup in the early 19SOs and is widely believed to have
been responsible for many of the human rights atrocities of that
period.
The general political picture is of a growing power vacuum
in Guatemala, with the potential sources of political leadership—
including traditional political parties, the Catholic Church, indige-
nous and campesino groups, labor unions, those representing busi-
ness interests, and even the military internally divided or weak.
Nevertheless, the military is still, as in the past, the dominant con-
troll~ng force.
This power vacuum is being filled by covert groups ("cuer-
pos clandest~nos") that issue death threats (see Appendix D) and
sometimes calTy them out and by a revival of paramilitary groups
Hat were formerly allied with the military. President Portillo has
reportedly referred to these groups as "a parallel power structure."
Judges, prosecutors, human rights workers, and indigenous leaders,
as well as scientists, have become targets.
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i
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18
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE MA CK CASE
~ an ironic twist, some fanner members of the Civil Self-
Defense Patrols (Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, PACs) recently
went on strike and demanded reparations for their services to the
nation during the civil war. Their wartime services included mur-
denug, displacing, torturing, and otherwise persecuting the indige-
nous population alleged to be supporting the insurgency. These
people are financially desperate because of unemployment associ-
ated with the coffee crisis that has resulted from drought and com-
petition. The former members of the PACs are being encouraged
in their demands by radio broadcasts and ex-militaly hardliners
promoting the reestablishment of the PACs. The government, with
elections approaching in October 2003, has promised to pay them.
Rigoberta Menchu Tum and others have been quick to
point out that not only does the proposed payoff promote intense
divisiveness among the communities of the rural poor, who remain
fearfi~! and disorganized since the civil war, but it focuses on the
rural PAC members as those responsible for the atrocities instead
of on the military that promoted and condoned their acts.
Meanwhile, the EMP has not been eliminated, despite a
stipulation for its elimination in the peace accords.6 This is the
unit to which the convicted murderer of Myma Mack, Noel de
Jesus Beteta Alvarez, was attached and whose former leaders were
tried as intellectual authors of the Myma Mack murder. The cIan-
destine groups now operating in Guatemala are similar in the
way they fimction and who they target to the EMP during the
· .
ClV1. ~ Wale.
6 In late 2002, President Portillo took what he has called the first step toward eliminating the
EMP by reducing it by 25 percent, and he reportedly planned another similar cut in March 2003.
The Guatemalan press, however, has reported that the 162 individuals who were dropped from the
EMP were mostly personnel who were close to finishing their service requirements. It should also
be noted that, in order to fully and properly dismantle the EMP, the ley constitutiva (constituent law)
would need to be amended by the Guatemalan Congress. To our knowledge no such step has been
taken.
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REPORT OF THE 2002 MISSION
19
The Cows Guatemalan colleagues and those concerned
about their welfare worry that the human rights situation in Gua-
temala will worsen even further In 2003, with the expiration of
oversight of the peace accords by the United Nations Mission to
Guatemala (Mision de las Naciones Un~das en Guatemala,
MINUGUA). In a speech before the U.N. General Assembly on
September ~ 2, 2 002, P resident P ortillo b nefly su ggested t hat t he
U.N. peace mission be extended to 2004. The day after the speech,
however, press reports (Siglo Ventiuno, September 13, 2002) indi-
cated that the United States opposes this plan but will study it.
Other countries were cited as supporting an extension. Additional
mechanisms by which to apply international pressure will need to
be initiated to slow or prevent further detenoration of the human
rights situation for academics in Guatemala.
Scientists at AVANCSO, especially those engaged in re-
search similar to that of Myoma Mack with the internally displaced
populations, have recently been victims of death threats (see Ap-
pendix D) presumed to be from the clandestine groups discussed
above. As a result, in the weeks prior to the trial, Helen Mack and
Clara Arenas found it necessary to leave the country for brief peri-
ods (2-4 weeks) for security reasons, and, dunng the third week of
the trial (on September IS, 2002), He family of Helen Mack's
lawyer, Roberto Romero, also left Guatemala because of death
threats.
By keeping close records of threats and other kinds of har-
assment, AVANCSO researchers have noted that peaks in these
activities are associated with events such as publication of their
books or of prominent human rights reports by observers (such as
the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders, Hina
lilani) with whom they had conferred. Repeated appeals to the
government to deal with these threats reportedly have had no ef-
fect.
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20
HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE MACK CASK
AVANCSO scientists explained to the Cow representatives
that they wish to emphasize their role as professional researchers
whose work has application in improving the well-being of the
Guatemalan people. They stressed that such research is distinct
Tom human rights activism. They have charactenzed the kind of
international support they need as "academics for academics." The
CUR is seen as especially effective in providing this type of sup-
pod.
,
.
. -