| Copyright © 2009. National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved. Terms of Use and Privacy Statement |
Below are the first 10 and last 10 pages of uncorrected machine-read text (when available) of this chapter, followed by the top 30 algorithmically extracted key phrases from the chapter as a whole.
Intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter-representative searchable text on the opening pages of each chapter.
Because it is UNCORRECTED material, please consider the following text as a useful but insufficient proxy for the authoritative book pages.
Do not use for reproduction, copying, pasting, or reading; exclusively for search engines.
OCR for page 9
1
Introduction
Assessments of the quality of research-doctorate pro-
grams and their faculty are rooted in the desire of programs
to improve quality through comparisons with other similar
programs. Such comparisons assist them to achieve more
effectively their ultimate objective to serve society through
the education of students and the production of research.
Accompanying this desire to improve is a complementary
goal to enhance the effectiveness of doctoral education and,
more recently, to provide objective information that would
assist potential students and their advisors in comparing pro-
grams. The first two goals emerged as graduate education
began to grow before World War II and as higher education
in the United States was transformed from a predominantly
elite enterprise to the widespread and diverse enterprise that
it is today. The final goal became especially prominent dur-
ing the past two decades as doctoral training expanded
beyond training for the professoriate.
As we begin a study of methodology for the next assess-
ment of research-doctorate programs, we have stepped back
to ask some fundamental questions: Why are we doing these
rankings? Whom do they serve? How can we improve
them? This introduction will also serve to provide a brief
history of the assessment of doctoral programs and report on
more recent movements to improve doctoral education.
A SHORT HISTORY OF THE ASSESSMENT OF
RESEARCH-DOCTORATE PROGRAMS
The assessment of doctorate programs in the United States
has a history of at least 75 years. Its origins may date to
1925, a year in which 1,206 Ph.D. degrees were granted by
61 doctoral institutions in the United States. About two-
thirds of these degrees were in the sciences, including the
social sciences, and most of the remaining third were in the
humanities. Yet, Raymond M. Hughes, president of Miami
University of Ohio and president of the Association of
American Colleges, said in his 1925 annual report:
At the present time every college president in the country is
spending a large portion of his time in seeking men to fill
vacancies on the staff of his institution, and every man [presi-
dent] is confronted with the question of where he can hope to
get the best prepared man of the particular type he desires.
Hughes conducted a study of 20 to 60 faculty members in
each field and asked them to rank about 38 institutions ac-
cording to "esteem at the present time for graduate work in
your subject."
Graduate education continued to expand, and from time
to time, reputational studies of graduate programs were
carried out. These studies limited themselves to "the best"
programs and, increasingly, those programs that were
excluded complained about sampling bias.
In the 1960s, Allan Cartter, vice president of the Ameri-
can Council on Education, pioneered the modern approach
for assessing reputation, which was used in the 1982 and
1993 NRC assessments. He sought to include all major uni-
versities and, instead of asking raters about the "esteem" in
which graduate programs were held, he asked for qualitative
judgments of three kinds: 1) the quality of the graduate
faculty, 2) the effectiveness of the doctoral program, and
3) the expected change in relative position of a program in
the next 5 to 10 years.2 In 1966, when Cartter's first study
appeared, slightly over 19,000 Ph.D.s were being produced
annually in over 150 institutions.
Ten years later, following a replication of the Cartter
study by Roose and Anderson in 1970, another look at the
methodology to assess doctoral programs was undertaken
under the auspices of the Conference Board of Associated
Research Councils.3 A conference on assessing doctoral
iGoldberger, et al., eds. (1995:10).
2Cartter (1966).
3Consisting of the Social Science Research Council, the American
Council of Learned Societies, the American Council on Education, and the
National Research Council.
9
OCR for page 10
10
programs concluded that raters should be given the names of
faculty in departments they rate and that "objective measures"
of the characteristics of programs should be collected in
addition to the reputational measures. These recommenda-
tions were followed in the 1982 assessment that was con-
ducted by the National Research Council (NRC).4 By this
time, over 31,000 doctorates were being produced by over
300 institutions, of which 228 participated in the NRC study.
The most recent NRC assessment of doctorates, con-
ducted in 1993 and published in 1995, was even more
comprehensive. The 1995 Study design tried to maintain
continuity with the 1982 measures, but it added and refined
quantitative measures. With the help of citation and pub-
lication data gathered by the Institute for Scientific Informa-
tion (ISI), it expanded the measures of publications and
citations. It also included measures of awards and honors
for the humanities. It covered 41 fields in 274 institutions,
and data were presented for 3,634 doctoral programs.
This expansion, however, did not produce a non-
controversial set of rankings. It is widely asserted that "halo"
effects give high rankings to programs on the basis of recog-
nizable names star faculty without considering average
program quality. Similarly, there is evidence to support the
contention that programs within well-known, larger univer-
sities may have been rated higher than equivalent programs
in lesser-known, smaller institutions. It is further argued
that the reputational rankings favor already prestigious
departments, which may be, to put it gently, "past their
primes" while de-emphasizing striving programs that are
Investing In achieving excellence. Another criticism
involves the inability of the study to recognize the excel-
lence of "niche" and smaller programs. It is also asserted
that, although reputational measures seek to address schol-
arly achievement as something separate from educational
effectiveness, they do not succeed. The high correlation
between these two measures supports this assertion.
Finally, and most telling, there is criticism of the entire
ranking business. Much of this criticism, directed against
rankings published by a national news magazines attacked
those annual rankings as derived from capnc~ous cntena
constructed from varying weights of changing variables.
Fundamentally, the incentives created by any system of
rankings were said to induce an emphasis on research pro-
ductivity and scholarly ranking of faculty to the detriment of
another important objective of doctoral education the train-
ing of the next generation of scholars and researchers.
Rankings were said to create a "horse race" mentality in
which every doctoral program, regardless of its mission, was
encouraged to emulate programs in the nation's leading
research universities with their emphasis on research and the
production of faculty who focused primarily on research. At
the same time, a growing share of Ph.D.s were setting off for
tones et al. (~982).
ASSESSING RESEARCH-DOCTORATE PROGRAMS
careers outside research universities and, even when they
did take on academic positions, taught in institutions that
were not research universities. As Ph.D. destinations
changed, the question arose whether the research universi-
ties were providing appropriate training.
Calls for Reforms in Gracluate Eclucation
Although rankings may be under fire from some quarters,
this report comes at a time when such an effort can be highly
useful for U.S. doctoral education generally. Recently, there
have been numerous calls for reform in graduate education.
Although based on solid research about selected programs
and their graduates, these calls lack a general knowledge
base that can inform recommendations about, for example,
attrition from doctoral study, time to degree, and comple-
tion. Further, individual programs find it difficult to com-
pare themselves with similar programs. Some description of
the suggested graduate education reforms can help to explain
why a database, constructed on uniform definitions and col-
lected in the same year, could be helpful both as a baseline
from which reform can be measured and as a support for
data-based discussions of whether reforms are needed.
In the late 1940s, the federal government was concerned
with the need for educating a large number of college-bound
World War II veterans and created the National Science
Foundation to support basic science research at universities
and to fund those students interested in pursuing advanced
training and education. Competition with the Russians, the
battle to win the Cold War, and the sense that greater exper-
tise in science and engineering was key to America's inter-
ests jumpstarted a new wave of investments in the 1960s,
resulting in a tripling of Ph.D.s in science and engineering
during that decade. Therefore, for nearly a quarter of a
century those calling for change asked universities to expand
offerings and capacity in areas of national need, especially
in scientific fields.5
By the mid-1970s, a tale of two realities had emerged.
The demand for students pursuing doctoral degrees in the
sciences and engineering continued unabated. At the same
time, the number of students earning doctoral degrees in the
humanities and social sciences started a decade-long drop,
often encouraged by professional associations worried by
gloomy job prospects and life decisions based on reactions
to the Vietnam War (for a period graduate school insured
military service deferment). Thus, a presumed crisis for
doctorates in the humanities and humanistic social sciences
was appearing as early as the 1970s. Nonetheless, the over-
all number of doctoral recipients quadrupled between 1960
and 1990.6
By the l990s a kind of conversion of perspectives
emerged. Rapid change in technologies, broad geopolitical
5Duderstadt (2000); Golde (July 2001 draft).
6Duderstadt (2000: 91); Bowen and Rudenstine (1992:~-12, 20-55).
OCR for page 11
INTRODUCTION
factors, and intense competition for the best minds led scien-
tific organizations and bodies to call for the dramatic over-
haul of doctoral education in science and engineering. For
the first time, we questioned whether we had overproduced
Ph.D.s in certain scientific fields. Meanwhile, worry about
lengthening times to degree, incomplete information on
completion rates, and less-than-desirable job outcomes led
to plans to reform practices in the humanities, the arts, and
the social sciences.
A number of these reform efforts have implications for
the present NRC study and should be briefly highlighted.
The most significant statement in the area of science and
engineering policy came from the Committee on Science,
Engineering and Public Policy (COSEPUP), formed by the
National Academy of Sciences, the National Academy of
Engineering, and the Institute of Medicine. Cognizant of the
career options that students follow (more than half in non-
university settings), the COSEPUP report, Reshaping the
Graduate Education of Scientists and Engineers (1995J,
called for graduate programs to offer more versatile training,
recognizing that only a fraction of the doctoral recipients
become faculty members. The committee encouraged more
training programs to emphasize more and better mentoring
relationships. The report called for programs to continue
emphasizing quality in the educational experience, monitor
time to degree, attract a more diverse domestic pool of
students, and make expectations as transparent as possible.
The COSEPUP report took on the additional task of seg-
menting the graduate pathways. It acknowledged that some
students would stop after a master's degree, others would
complete a doctorate, and others would complete a doctorate
and have significant research careers. The committee
suggested different graduate expectations and outcomes for
students, depending upon the pathway chosen. To assist this
endeavor the committee called for the systematic collection
of pertinent data and the establishment of a national policy
conversation that included representatives from relevant
sectors of society industry, the Academy, government, and
research units, among others. The committee signaled the
need to pay attention to the plight of postdoctoral fellows,
employment opportunities in a variety of fields, and the
importance of attracting talented international students.7
Three years later the Pew Charitable Trust funded the first
of three examinations of graduate education. Re-envisioning
the Ph.D., a project headed by Professor Jody Nyquist and
housed at the University of Washington, began by canvass-
ing stakeholders students, faculty, employers, funders, and
higher education associations. More than 300 were inter-
viewed, five focus groups were created, e-mail surveys went
to six samples, and a mail survey was distributed. Nyquist
and her team brought together representatives of this group
for a two-day conference in 2000. Since that meeting the
7Committee On Science, Engineering, and Public Policy (1995).
11
project has continued as an active website for the sharing of
best practices.
The project began with the question, "How can we re-
envision the Ph.D. to meet the societal needs of the 21st
century?" It found that representatives from different sec-
tors had different emphases. On the whole, however, there
was the sense that, while the American-style Ph.D. has great
value, attention is needed in several areas. First, time to
degree must be shortened. For scientists this means incorpo-
rating years as a postdoctoral fellow into an assessment of
time to degree.8 Second, the pool of students seeking
doctorates needs to be more diverse, especially through the
inclusion of more students of color. Third, doctoral students
need greater exposure to information technology during their
careers. Fourth, students must have a more varied and flex-
ible curriculum. Fifth, interdisciplinary research should be
emphasized. And sixth, the graduate curriculum should
include a broader sense of the global economy and the envi-
ronment. The project and call for reforms built on Woodrow
Wilson National Fellowship Foundation President Robert
Weisbuch's assessment that "when it comes to doctoral edu-
cation, nobody is in charge, and that may be the secret of its
success. But laissez-faire is less than fair to students and to
the social realms that graduate education can benefit." The
project concluded with the recommendation that a more self-
directed process take place. Or in the words of Weisbuch,
"Re-envisioning isn't about tearing down the successfully
loose structure but about making it stronger, more particu-
larly asking it to see and understand itself."9
The Pew Charitable Trusts also sponsored research that
assessed students as well as their concerns and views of
doctoral education as another way of spotlighting the need to
reform doctoral education. Chris Golde and Timothy Dore
surveyed doctoral students in 11 fields at 27 universities,
with a response rate of 42.5 percent, yielding nearly 4,200
respondents. The Golde and Dore study (2001), At Cross
Purposes, concluded that "the training doctoral students
receive is not what they want, nor does it prepare them for
the jobs they take." They also found that "many students do
not clearly understand what doctoral study entails, how the
process works and how to navigate it effectively.''l°
A Web-based survey conducted by the National Associa-
tion of Graduate and Professional Students (NAGPS)
produced similar findings. Students expressed tremendous
satisfaction with individual mentoring but some pointed to a
mismatch between their graduate school education and the
jobs they took after completing their dissertation. Responses,
PA study by Joseph Cerny and Maresi Nerad replaced time to degree
with time to first tenure and found remarkable overlap between science and
non-science graduates of UC Berkeley 10 years after completion of the
doctorate.
9Nyquist and Woodford (2000:3).
i°Golde and Dore (2001:9).
OCR for page 12
12
of course, varied from field to field. Most notably, students
called for more transparency about the process of earning a
doctorate, more focus on individual student assessments, and
greater help for students who sought nontraditional jobs.
Both the Golde and Dore study and the NAGPS survey asked
various constituent groups to reassess their approaches in
training doctoral students.
Pew concluded its interest in the reform of the research
doctorate with support to the Woodrow Wilson National
Fellowship Foundation. The Foundation was asked to pro-
vide a summary of reforms recommended to date and offer
an assessment of what does and could work. The Woodrow
Wilson Foundation extended this initial mandate in two
significant ways.
First, it worked with 14 universities in launching the
Responsive Ph.D. project. All 14 institutions agreed to
explore best practices in graduate education. To frame the
project, participating schools agreed to look at partnerships
between graduate schools and others sectors, to diversify the
pool of students enrolled in doctoral education, to examine
the paradigms for doctoral training, and to revise practices
wherever appropriate. Specifically, the project highlighted
professional development and pedagogical training as new
key practices. The architects of the effort believed that
improved professional development would better match
student interests and their opportunities. They sensed an
inattentiveness to pedagogical training in many programs
and believed more attention here would benefit all students.
Concerned with the insularity or narrowing decried by many
interviewed by the Re-envisioning the Ph.D. project, the
Responsive Ph.D. project invited participants concerned
with new paradigms to address matters of interdisciplinarity
and public engagement. They were encouraged to hire new
people to help remedy the relative underrepresentation of
students of color in most fields besides education. The
project wanted to underscore the problem and encourage
imaginative, replicable experiments to improve the recruit-
ment, retention, and graduation of domestic minorities.
Graduate programs were encouraged to work more closely
with representatives of the K-12 sectors, community col-
leges, four-year institutions other than research universities,
foundations, governmental agencies, and others who hire
doctoral students.~3
Second, the Responsive Ph.D. project advertised the suc-
cess of various projects through publications and a call for a
iiThe National Association of Graduate and Professional Students
(2000).
i2The 14 participating universities were: University of Colorado,
Boulder; University of California, Irvine; University of Michigan; Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania; University of Washington; University of Wisconsin,
Madison; University of Texas, Austin; Arizona State University; Duke
University; Howard University; Indiana University; Princeton University;
Washington University, St. Louis; and Yale University.
i3See, http://www.woodrow.org/responsivephd/initiative.html.
ASSESSING RESEARCH-DOCTORATE PROGRAMS
fuller assessment of what works and what does not. Former
Council of Graduate Schools (CGS) President Jules LaPidus
observed, "Universities exist in a fine balance between being
responsive to 'the needs of the time' and being responsible
for preserving some vision of learning that transcends
time."~4 To find that proper balance the project proposed
national studies and projects.
By contrast, the Carnegie Initiative, building on the same
body of evidence that fueled the directions championed by
the Responsive Ph.D. project, centered the possibilities for
reform in departments. After a couple of years of review,
the initiative settled on a multiyear project at a select number
of universities in a select number of disciplines. Project
heads, Lee Shulman, George Walker, and Chris Golde, argue
that cultural change, so critical to reform, occurs in most
research universities in departments. Through a competitive
process, departments in chemistry, mathematics, English,
and education were selected. Departments of history and
neurosciences will be selected to participate in both research
and action projects.
Focused attempts to expand the professoriate and enrich
the doctoral experience, by exposing more doctoral students
to teaching opportunities beyond their own campuses, have
paralleled these two projects. Guided by leadership at the
CGS and the Association of American Colleges and Univer-
sities (AAC&U), the Preparing Future Faculty initiative
involved hundreds of students and several dozen schools.
The program assumed that "for too many individuals,
developing the capacity for teaching and learning about
fundamental professional concepts and principles remain
accidental occurrences. We can and should do a better
job of building the faculty the nation's colleges and univer-
sities need."~5 In light of recent surveys and studies, the
Preparing Future Faculty program is quickly becoming the
Preparing Future Professionals program, modeled on pro-
grams started at Arizona State University, Virginia Tech,
University of Texas, and other universities.
Mention should also be made of the Graduate Education
Initiative funded by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation.
Between 1990 and 2000, this program gave "approximately
$80 million to assist students in 52 departments at 10 leading
research universities. These departments were encouraged
to review their curricula, examinations, advising, official
timetables, and dissertation requirements to facilitate timely
degree completion and to reduce attrition, while maintaining
or increasing the quality of doctoral training they pro-
vided."~6 Although this project will be carefully evaluated,
the evaluation has yet to be completed since some of the
students have yet to graduate.
i4LaPidus (2000).
logoff, en al. (2000:X)
i6Zuckerman and Meise] (2000).
OCR for page 13
INTRODUCTION
ASSESSMENT OF DOCTORAL PROGRAMS AND ITS
RELATION TO CALLS FOR REFORM
The calls for reform in doctoral education, although con-
firmed by testimony, surveys of graduate deans, and student
surveys, do not have a strong underpinning in systematic
data collection. With the exception of a study by Golde and
Dore, which covered 4,000 students in a limited number of
fields and institutions, and another by Cerny and Nerad, who
investigated outcomes in 5 fields and 71 institutions, there
has been little study at the national level of what doctoral
programs provide for their students or of what outcomes they
experience after graduation. National data gathering, which
must, of necessity, be conducted as part of an assessment of
doctoral programs, provides an opportunity for just such an
investigation.
To date, the calls for reform agree that doctoral education
in the United States remains robust, that it is valued at home
and abroad, but that it must change if we are to remain an
international leader. There is no commonly held view of
what should and can be reformed. At the moment there is a
variety of both research and action projects. Where agree-
ment exists it centers on the need for versatile doctoral
programs; on a greater sense of what students expect,
receive, and value; on emphasizing the need to know, publi-
cize, and control time to degree and degree completion rates
13
as well as on the conclusion that a student's assessment of a
program should play a role in the evaluation of that program.
This conclusion points to the possibility that a national
assessment of doctoral education can contribute to an under-
standing of practices and outcomes that goes well beyond
the attempts to assess the effectiveness of doctoral educa-
tion undertaken in past NRC studies. The exploration of this
possibility provided a major challenge to this Committee
and presented the promise that, given a solid methodology,
the next study could provide an empirical basis for the under-
standing of reforms in doctoral education.
PLAN OF THE REPORT
The previous sections present a picture of the broader
context in which the Committee to Examine the Methodol-
ogy of Assessing Research-Doctorate Programs approached
its work. The rest of the report describes how the Commit-
tee went about its task and what conclusions it reached
concerning fields to be included in the next study, quantita-
tive measures of the correlates of quality, measures of
student educational processes and outcomes, the measure-
ment of scholarly reputation and how to present data about
it, and the general conclusion about whether a new study
should be undertaken.
OCR for page 14
Representative terms from entire chapter:
doctoral programs