7
The Transition to Marriage

INTRODUCTION

In all regions of the world, most people over age 30 are either currently in a long-term coresidential sexual union, or they have been at one time in their lives. Even in populations of European origin, who have generally exhibited the smallest percentages of adults ever in unions, the fraction of the population who never married is on the order of 10 or 15 percent (with some exceptions, for example, 19th century Ireland—Watkins, 1986). Given that the vast majority of adults marry, examining the transition to marriage in a particular cultural and historical milieu is crucial to understanding the transition to adulthood in that setting.

It is important to stress, however, that although the transition into marriage is a key component of the transition to adulthood in most contexts, marriage, in and of itself, is not necessarily a marker of adulthood, particularly for the numerous young women who wed during their teenage years. As we discuss in Chapter 1, one of the preconditions for a successful transition to adulthood is the taking on of adult roles in an appropriate time and sequence, giving young people: (1) the opportunity to acquire an appropriate amount of human and social capital, (2) the knowledge and means to sustain health during adulthood, and (3) the capability to make choices through the acquisition of a sense of self and a sense of personal competence. Early marriage is unlikely to satisfy those preconditions. Moreover, marriage during the teenage years is associated with an increased probability of divorce (Goldman, 1981; Singh and Samara, 1996; Tilson and Larsen, 2000), although studies have yet to establish whether it is early



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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries 7 The Transition to Marriage INTRODUCTION In all regions of the world, most people over age 30 are either currently in a long-term coresidential sexual union, or they have been at one time in their lives. Even in populations of European origin, who have generally exhibited the smallest percentages of adults ever in unions, the fraction of the population who never married is on the order of 10 or 15 percent (with some exceptions, for example, 19th century Ireland—Watkins, 1986). Given that the vast majority of adults marry, examining the transition to marriage in a particular cultural and historical milieu is crucial to understanding the transition to adulthood in that setting. It is important to stress, however, that although the transition into marriage is a key component of the transition to adulthood in most contexts, marriage, in and of itself, is not necessarily a marker of adulthood, particularly for the numerous young women who wed during their teenage years. As we discuss in Chapter 1, one of the preconditions for a successful transition to adulthood is the taking on of adult roles in an appropriate time and sequence, giving young people: (1) the opportunity to acquire an appropriate amount of human and social capital, (2) the knowledge and means to sustain health during adulthood, and (3) the capability to make choices through the acquisition of a sense of self and a sense of personal competence. Early marriage is unlikely to satisfy those preconditions. Moreover, marriage during the teenage years is associated with an increased probability of divorce (Goldman, 1981; Singh and Samara, 1996; Tilson and Larsen, 2000), although studies have yet to establish whether it is early

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries marriage per se or the characteristics of those who marry early that increases the risk of dissolution. Despite the fact that marriage or union formation is nearly universal, many aspects of this transition vary from place to place. This variation makes the meaning of marriage—both in and of itself and in relation to the transition to adulthood more broadly—quite different in different contexts. In this chapter, we examine various aspects of the transition to marriage with a focus on changes in the last several decades. First, we describe the prevalence of marriage among young people under age 30, focusing especially on the timing of marriage. Second, we consider differentials in age at marriage. Third, we explore some of the global changes described in Chapter 2 and their possible implications for changes in the timing of marriage. Fourth, we look at the terms and conditions of marriage, including the age difference between spouses, polygyny, the decision making process surrounding marriage, consanguinity, the nexus between marital behavior and household formation and structure, and financial transfers between families. Finally, we provide data on changes in the legal age at marriage across countries and review the limited literature on interventions that have been designed to encourage young women and their families to delay marriage. Note that, although constrained by the available data, we give attention to young men as well as women. Given that the literature focuses on the timing and conditions of women’s marriage, this concern with the marriage of men is a distinctive feature of our treatment. TRENDS IN MARRIAGE PREVALENCE AND TIMING Trends in Marriage Prevalence The data on marriage prevalence and timing among young people come from two sources: the United Nations (UN) Population Division database and the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). The advantage of the UN data base is that the data are available for a large number of developing countries; the advantage of the DHS data is that there is information on age at first marriage rather than information simply on current marital status by age. A more extensive discussion of the data, including a discussion of the regional weights we employ and the degree of coverage of each data source, appears in Appendix A at the end of the volume. Before turning to the findings on marriage trends, a cautionary note is in order. We are assuming here that the reporting of age and marital status in the censuses and surveys on which our analysis is based is accurate. In certain populations, however, this assumption may be questionable. In Africa, where formation of a marital union has been described as a process that takes place in stages, marriage is not a well-defined event and therefore

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries age at marriage is difficult to establish (van de Walle and Meekers, 1994). To the extent that particular rites and ceremonies have lost significance or been eliminated as the population becomes more urbanized and better educated, comparisons over time are problematic. In countries in which, at least officially, early marriage violates newly passed legislation, observed declines in the proportion married at or by a particular age may simply reflect increases in deliberate misreporting. For example, Amin and Al-Bassusi (2003) speculate that, in Bangladesh, the implementation of a new law requiring girls to be at least 18 when they marry resulted in a precipitous and, they believe, improbable decline in the proportion of 15-19-year-olds reporting being married. Feng and Quanhe (1996) report that in China, a gap between the marriage ceremony, when couples are permitted by custom to live together, and marriage registration means that the reporting of age at marriage is problematic, at least in the recent past, when the legal age of marriage was higher than the desired age for many young people. While age misreporting may lead to an exaggeration of change in certain populations, in others it may lead to an underestimation of the decline in early marriage over time. In countries in which age is not reported with a great deal of accuracy, the timing of an event that occurred in the remote past is often estimated to take place closer to the survey than it actually did. Older women are thus more likely to report that a marriage took place at a later age (Blanc and Rutenberg, 1990). Note also that the definition of marriage used in censuses and standardized surveys varies. For the DHS, marriage is a self-defined state. Respondents are coded as married if they say so in response to questions on whether they are currently or ever married or are living with a man. Age at first marriage is thus typically age at first cohabitation with a partner or husband (Kishor, 2003). As for censuses, countries typically define marriage to reflect the forms of marriage and union that are generally recognized and accepted and obtain information accordingly; as a result, for the most part, data on marriage or union status is largely comparable between censuses and surveys. For example, in Latin America, census questions on marital or union status include the category “consensual union” because this is a widely occurring and acknowledged form of union. However, in countries in which cohabitation or living together is much less common, “consensual union” may not be explicitly included as a category, with the result that this type of arrangement may be underreported. Note that we do not separately assess trends in consensual unions because of variability in how data were collected and fluid definitions of marriage. For DHS data, we could present the percentage of respondents currently in a consensual union, but we are not able to compare cohorts because we do not have information on marriages that began as consensual unions. For the UN database we could compare the percentage of those in a consensual union

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries by age group for two censuses or surveys but only for those countries with a separate consensual union category, which is a subset of countries in which consensual unions are common. Tables 7-1 and 7-2, based on the UN database, show the percentage of women and men ever in a union1 by age group from data collected at two different points in time. For women the age groups are 15-19, 20-24, and 25-29, and for men—for whom marriage during the teenage years is rare—they are 20-24 and 25-29. An annualized rate of change is calculated, since the interval between the two times varies by country. Note that for these tables as well as all subsequent tables that present regional data, the individual country data are provided in appendix tables at the end of the chapter. For all regions except former Soviet Asia and South America, where early marriage was not that common even 10-20 years ago, teenage marriage has declined among women; whereas 27 percent of 15-19-year-old women in the developing world were married in 1970-1989, 21 percent were married in 1990-2000.2 The reduction in the percentage of married 15-19-year-olds is particularly striking in Africa.3 The percentage married among 20-24-year-olds has also fallen markedly in most regions, with the exception, again, of South America. While the majority of women in developing countries were married by ages 25-29, there are regions in which 15-25 percent of women were still not married by their late 20s, including South America, the Caribbean and Central America, the Middle East, the former Soviet Asia, and Eastern and Southern Africa, as well as certain countries in Asia (e.g., Myanmar, the Philippines, and Thailand). For the most part, regions with a relatively high percentage married at younger ages also had a relatively high percentage married at older ages (e.g., Africa) and vice versa (e.g., the former Soviet Asia). The exception is 1   For countries in which consensual union is uncommon, the percentage shown is simply those who ever married. 2   Given that the rate of growth in cohort size is currently declining in most parts of the developing world including in China, where the rate of decline is accelerating, even if the percentage married at each age were unchanged, it would appear that the percentage of 15-19-year-olds married had increased because the ratio of 15-17-year-olds to 18-19-year-olds would be smaller and, relative to 18-19-year-olds, 15-17-year-olds are less likely to be married. The fact that we observe a reduction in the percentage of 15-19-year-olds married indicates that the true decline in marriage is likely to be slightly larger. 3   Not all demographers would agree with this observation. Van de Walle and Baker (2004:17) assert that for Africa “there are good reasons to argue that the age at union has changed little.” They base this claim on the belief that visiting unions, in which an individual has “stable noncohabiting” partners, have increased. Because most women in a visiting union would not describe themselves as married, they are not categorized as such in the DHS.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries China,4 which ranks very low in the level of young marriage and relatively high in the level of marriage at older ages. Not only is marriage during the teenage years uncommon among men, but also marriage in the early 20s is much less frequent among men than among women and, in some regions, has declined substantially in recent years. For example, in Eastern and Southern Africa, Eastern Asia, the former Soviet Asia, and the Middle East, there has been a sizeable reduction in the percentage of men married at ages 20-24 in the last decade or so. By ages 25-29, considerable numbers of men in developing countries have wed. However, in certain regions, marriage is postponed until the 30s for a large fraction of men. In South America and the few countries of Western/Middle Africa for which there are data, this pattern is observed in the earlier period and seems to have stabilized. In the Middle East, where nearly half of men were not married in this age group, and in the former Soviet Asia, there is recent evidence of increasing delay. In summary, Tables 7-1 and 7-2 reveal declines in the proportion ever married for both sexes in most regions; the exceptions are South America for both men and women and, for men only, Western/Middle Africa and South-central/South-eastern Asia. For six of the eight regional groupings, the patterns for men more or less parallel those for women. The exceptions are Western/Middle Africa, where there are substantial declines in the proportions married for women at ages 15-19 and 20-24 but virtually no change for men at ages 20-24 and 25-29, and South-central/South-eastern Asia, where there is no change for men but declines for women at ages 15-19 and 20-24. While five of the eight regions have had declines in the proportions married among young people of both sexes, in China and the Middle East the change has been most consistent across the three age groups for women and the two age groups for men. Tables 7-3 and 7-4, which are also based on the UN database, are similar to Tables 7-1 and 7-2 in that they show levels of union formation by age, gender, and time, but they also break countries down by income group as designated by the World Bank, rather than region (World Bank, 2002b).5 For both men and women there is very little difference in the percentage in a union in the lower middle- and upper middle-income categories. There is 4   For Eastern Asia, data are available only for China, which contains 98 percent of the region’s population. 5   China is excluded from the lower-middle category because it is so numerically dominant that the weighted average for the category simply reflects its percentages. Given that China is the only country in the Eastern Asia regional grouping, the percentages for the country can be found in Tables 7-1 and 7-2.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries a large contrast, however, between the low-income category and these other two. That is, men and women in low-income countries married earlier than their counterparts in wealthier countries. Among women, proportions ever married at ages 15-19 and 20-24 have declined in countries in all income categories; however, at ages 25-29, declines have occurred only among those in the more affluent countries, that is, those in the lower middle- and the upper middle-income categories. Among men, while there is evidence of a decline in proportions ever married for those in lower middle- and upper middle-income countries, there is no change over time among men in low-income countries. Trends in Marriage Timing To reflect the earlier timing of marriage among women, we examined the proportions in a union before ages 18, 20, and 25 for women and before ages 20, 25, and 30 for men. We compared these proportions across age groups (20-24, 30-34, and 40-44) in order to get a sense of time trends. Tables 7-5 and 7-6, which are based on the DHS, provide data on the percentage of women ever in a union by ages 18 and 20 for three cohorts and by age 25 for two cohorts by region and income level. The trends revealed by Table 7-5 are more or less consistent with those shown in Table 7-1. First, the regional rankings essentially follow the same sequence; moreover, the ranking changes little by age group. Western/Middle Africa is generally the region with the greatest percentage of women marrying at young ages, followed by South-central/South-eastern Asia, Eastern/Southern Africa, and the Caribbean and Central America. The Middle East, South America, and the former Soviet Asia have smaller proportions of women who married early. Second, a comparison of the percentage married by ages 18 and 20 across age cohorts indicates that there has been little change in South America, the Caribbean and Central America, and the former Soviet Asia. Indeed, in the former Soviet Asia, a greater percentage of 20-24-year-olds have married early than 30-34-year-olds. Other regions reveal a considerable decline in the percentage married by these ages, with a slightly greater percentage decline by age 18 than by age 20. The fall-off in early marriage is particularly sizeable in the Middle East, where there has been a 49 percent decline between 20-24-year-olds and 40-44-year-olds in the percentage married by age 18, and a 38 percent decline in the percentage married by age 20. As for marriage by age 25, in all regions except South America, over 80 percent of women have married or are living with a partner by that age, with little change across the 30-34 and 40-44 age cohorts, except for the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. Comparing the 30-34-year-old cohort with the 40-44-year-old cohort for all three ages at marriage, it is clear that

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries TABLE 7-1 Percentage of Women Ever Married by Age, Time Period, and Regiona (Weightedb Averages) Region Region Population Represented Ages 15-19 Time 1c 1970-1989 Time 2 1990-2000 Annual Change Africa Eastern/Southern Africa 89.8 37.5 24.5 −.75 Western/Middle Africa 30.8 53.0 38.4 −.89 Asia Eastern Asiad 98.1 4.2 1.3 −.24 South-central/South-eastern Asia 93.3 39.6 32.3 −.64 Former Soviete Asia 37.8 9.4 9.6 .02 Latin America and Caribbean Caribbean/Central America 87.5 20.6 18.1 −.27 South Americaf 99.9 14.4 16.3 .12 Middle Eastg Western Asia/Northern Africa 62.8 21.0 14.9 −.59 TOTAL 86.5 26.6 20.8 −.48 aRegional groupings based on United Nations World Population Prospects: The 2002 Revision (2003b). bWeighting is based on United Nations population estimates for year 2000 (World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision, POP/DB/WPP/Rev. 2000/3/F1. February 2001). cFor several countries, the first survey/census was before 1970: Chad, Gabon, Cambodia, Palestine, Namibia. dThere are 3 countries in this region, China, North Korea, and Mongolia; data are available only for China, which contains 98% of the region’s population ages 10-24. the percentage decline in marriage prevalence is greater during the teenage years, that is, by ages 18 and 20, than it is by age 25. In short, in most regions there has been a greater reduction in early marriage than in marriage during the 20s, suggesting an increase in age at marriage among women in the developing world rather than a retreat from the institution of marriage. Table 7-6 presents these same data by World Bank income group; however because lower middle- and upper middle-income countries are not as well represented by the DHS, these data are not as useful as the comparable UN data. As with Table 7-3, little difference is observed in the percentage married in the lower middle- and upper middle-income categories, whereas a large contrast between the low-income category and these other two is apparent. In summarizing the data on trends among women, we must emphasize that while marriage during the teenage years is declining in many regions of

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Ages 20-24 Ages 25-29 Time 1c 1970-1989 Time 2 1990-2000 Annual Change Time 1c 1970-1989 Time 2 1990-2000 Annual Change 77.2 65.6 −.71 89.2 83.4 −.38 85.1 78.6 −.40 93.5 92.3 −.05 60.1 45.9 −1.19 95.9 91.6 −.36 80.6 77.4 −.30 93.7 93.4 −.02 61.2 54.0 −.70 85.0 80.7 −.42 59.4 56.1 −.35 81.0 79.3 −.20 51.1 51.3 .03 75.9 76.0 .00 64.5 54.6 −.95 87.7 81.4 −.58 70.8 63.9 −.56 91.6 89.4 −.18 eFormer Soviet Asia includes former Soviet Republics in South-central and Western Asia. f15-19-year-old married data not available for Argentina, Survey 1. gData for Bahrain limited to 15-19 age group, other data in nonstandard age groups. SOURCES: United Nations Population Division Database on Marriage Patterns (Pop/1/DB/2000/3), 73 countries, 1960-2001. See Appendix Table 7-1a for list of countries. the world, substantial proportions are still marrying extremely early. Indeed, as Table 7-5 indicates, in six of seven regions, at least one-fifth of women currently ages 20-24 married prior to age 18. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child defines childhood as extending to the age of 18. Thus, according to these data, outside China, 38 percent of women in developing countries marry as minors. Recently, Demographic and Health Surveys have been conducted among men in a number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Central America and the Caribbean, and the former Soviet Asia. However, only in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America are there a sufficient number of countries with male surveys to aggregate the data and generate regional averages.6 Table 7-7 provides regional data on the percentage of men 6   In three other countries, male marriage data are available: Armenia, Kazakhstan, and Turkey.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries TABLE 7-2 Percentage of Men Ever Married, by Age, Time Period, and Region (Weighted Averages) Region Region Population Represented Ages 20-24 Ages 25-29 Time 1a 1970-1989 Time 2 1990-2000 Annual Change Time 1a 1970-1989 Time 2 1990-2000 Annual Change Africa Eastern/Southern Africa 89.8 36.0 27.8 −.56 71.8 66.5 −.42 Western/Middle Africa 30.8 28.4 26.5 −.10 61.6 60.5 −.04 Asia Eastern Asia 98.1 39.0 24.9 −1.17 82.7 77.2 −.46 South-central/South-eastern Asia 93.3 41.6 41.4 −.03 77.5 77.2 −.01 Former Soviet Asia 37.8 31.9 23.9 −.81 78.0 66.0 −1.20 Latin America and Caribbean Caribbean/Central America 87.5 38.4 37.5 −.14 72.0 68.8 −.36 South America 99.9 28.3 29.3 .06 65.3 62.8 −.18 Middle Eastb Western Asia/Northern Africa 62.6 24.9 16.8 −.78 63.0 53.4 −.91 TOTAL 86.5 37.9 33.0 −.41 76.0 73.1 −.24 aFor several countries, the first survey/census was before 1970: Chad, Gabon, Cambodia, Palestine, Namibia. bBahrain excluded; data in nonstandard age groups. NOTES: For source of regional groupings and population data for weighted averages, see Table 7-1. Further detail can be found in Appendix A. SOURCES: United Nations Population Division Database on Marriage Patterns (Pop/1/DB/2000/3), 72 countries, 1960-2001. See Appendix Table 7-1b for list of countries.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries married by ages 20, 25, and 30 by age group for 29 countries with surveys between 1994 and 2001:9 in Eastern and Southern Africa, 14 in Western and Central Africa, and 6 in Latin America. As with the data on women, the weighted averages shown are the country’s percentage of the region’s population ages 10-24 in 2000. This table indicates slight declines in the proportion of men married across cohorts at ages 20 and 25 in both regions of Africa, declines that are considerably smaller than those seen for women in sub-Saharan Africa. Note that, in comparison to Table 7-2, a smaller decline is observed for Eastern and Southern Africa and a slightly larger decline for Western and Middle Africa. These discrepancies arise because of differences in the countries included in the analyses. Data from Nigeria, which has nearly half of the population of Western Africa and where there has been a considerable decline in early marriage for young men (11 percent married by age 20 among 20-24-year-olds, compared with 19 percent among 40-44-year-olds) are not provided in the UN database. And the DHS was not conducted among men in South Africa, where there has been a large decline in early marriage. In 1985, according to the UN database, 17 percent of South African men ages 20-24 were married, compared with 9 percent in 1996. Among men ages 25-29 the decline is also substantial; half were married in 1985 compared with one-third in 1996.7 As for South America and the Caribbean and Central America, the DHS data, which are less representative than the UN data, show little change and are broadly consistent with the UN data. DIFFERENTIALS IN AGE AT MARRIAGE Tables 7-8, 7-9, and 7-10 are limited to women ages 20-24 and indicate the percentage ever married by age 18 by years of schooling attained, by an asset index score, and by rural-urban residence, respectively. Table 7-11 is limited to men ages 20-24 from sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean and indicates the percentage ever married by age 20 by the same three factors: years of schooling attained, an asset index score, and 7   In his recent analysis of DHS data on marriage, Westoff observed that “the trend toward later ages at marriage for women is not evident for men surveyed in sub-Saharan Africa” (Westoff, 2003:1). This assertion is based on changes in the median age at marriage, a measure that is not particularly illuminating when analyzing changes in early marriage if what is happening is that those who marry very young now marry slightly later but still before the median age. Moreover, as noted above, South Africa is missing from the DHS analysis, which distorts the regional estimate for Eastern and Southern Africa.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries TABLE 7-3 Percentage of Women Ever Married, by Age, Time Period, Incomea Group (Weighted Averages) Income Level Income Group Population Represented Ages 15-19 Time 1b 1970-1989 Time 2 1990-2000 Annual Change Low 81.0 42.5 34.1 −.66 Lower Middlec 29.4 19.6 14.5 −.50 Upper Middled 92.7 15.7 14.4 −.15 TOTAL 63.9 34.6 27.8 −.55 aWorld Bank income classifications. SOURCE: World Bank (2002b). bFor several countries, the first survey/census was before 1970: Chad, Gabon, Cambodia, Palestine, Namibia. cChina excluded; see Table 7-1 for data on China. d15-19-year-old married data not available for Argentina, Survey 1. Data for Bahrain limited to 15-19 age group, other data in nonstandard age groups. rural-urban residence. Note that the asset index score is based on a methodology used by Filmer and Pritchett (1999) and is generated from answers to questions on ownership of assets and housing characteristics.8 Weights for each item are derived from principal components analysis. The index is computed separately for each country, and households are then assigned a score based on whether they fall into the top 20 percent, the middle 40 percent, or the bottom 40 percent. As expected, very large differentials by education, household wealth, and residence are observed for both sexes. Women and men with 8 or more years of schooling are much less likely to marry early than are those with 0-3 years of schooling.9 Women and men in the top wealth category are much less likely to marry at young ages than are those in the bottom category, and those in urban areas are much less likely to marry early than young people living in the countryside. While these differentials are considerable for women, greater variability exists in the timing of marriage by education than by household economic status or residence. For example, in 8   The asset index reflects the characteristics of the household in which the respondent currently resides; these assets may not belong to the respondent or his or her spouse. 9   Some of those, ages 20-24 in the 8+ “years of education” category, could still be in school.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Kenya, 1998 24.6 37.2 48.0 46.1 55.7 66.1 82.5 90.4 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 21.2 10.4 15.7 58.4 40.2 46.7 88.5 91.6 Madagascar, 1997 40.4 40.4 49.5 61.5 57.9 63.6 84.4 86.0 Malawi, 2000 46.9 53.9 55.7 72.9 75.8 77.0 94.7 93.7 Mali, 2001 65.4 68.4 66.0 80.9 80.2 80.4 93.8 95.0 Morocco, 1992 18.4 31.6 42.9 31.4 50.4 64.1 75.1 88.7 Mozambique, 1997 56.6 55.6 59.9 77.8 72.5 76.3 90.6 93.2 Namibia, 1992 11.5 14.7 14.1 20.1 24.7 28.2 50.4 53.3 Nepal, 2000-2001 56.1 65.5 69.6 74.5 82.3 84.2 94.9 96.3 Nicaragua, 1997-1998 50.3 46.6 49.4 65.6 65.6 67.4 87.4 90.3 Niger, 1998 76.6 86.4 89.1 85.1 91.4 95.5 97.9 99.6 Nigeria, 1999 39.6 52.0 56.1 52.7 64.9 70.3 86.3 91.9 Pakistan, 1990-1991 31.6 47.8 44.8 48.9 63.1 60.9 87.7 87.7 Paraguay, 1990 24.2 23.5 23.4 40.5 43.1 44.4 74.9 74.3 Peru, 2000 18.7 22.7 23.3 33.6 38.0 39.2 69.5 70.1 Philippines, 1998 14.6 18.0 20.2 27.5 34.2 36.8 68.3 71.7 Rwanda, 2000 19.5 19.7 21.5 41.6 40.0 45.0 82.0 87.0 Senegal, 1997 36.1 55.7 61.9 50.6 70.0 76.6 87.5 94.5 South Africa, 1997 7.9 14.2 15.1 14.2 26.9 30.3 51.5 59.9 Tanzania, 1999 39.3 44.9 61.2 61.8 68.2 78.9 88.8 92.7 Togo, 1998 30.5 40.6 40.4 48.4 62.8 61.0 89.0 89.2 Turkey, 1998 23.0 27.9 43.0 42.8 47.5 66.2 82.4 89.3 Uganda, 2000-2001 53.9 52.6 59.5 74.7 74.4 76.7 92.4 94.8 Uzbekistan, 1996 15.3 12.7 18.0 55.7 42.7 56.2 90.1 91.3 Vietnam, 1997 12.4 14.7 13.2 35.9 34.8 34.6 76.9 77.6 Yemen, 1991-1992 49.2 72.5 71.3 62.6 82.4 79.8 94.4 92.4 Zambia, 1996-1997 44.2 51.7 57.8 64.3 69.8 76.4 90.7 94.4 Zimbabwe, 1999 28.7 28.0 39.4 52.9 54.1 62.3 85.3 90.0

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 7-3 Percentage of Men Ever Married by Ages 20, 25, and 30 by Age at Time of Survey in 32 DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Married by Age 20 Married by Age 25 Married by Age 30 20-24-Year-Olds 30-34-Year-Olds 40-44-Year-Olds 30-34-Year-Olds 40-44-Year-Olds 30-34-Year-Olds 40-44-Year-Olds Armenia, 2000 5.0 5.2 3.5 52.3 62.3 85.7 86.6 Benin, 1996 14.3 20.6 21.5 59.5 58.4 85.2 84.8 Bolivia, 1998 18.1 20.4 19.2 61.1 61.8 82.5 79.1 Brazil, 1996 13.7 18.3 9.7 59.0 58.3 81.5 86.9 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 9.3 9.6 11.5 48.1 46.8 82.9 76.6 Cameroon, 1998 15.2 13.1 11.4 49.2 52.4 73.3 80.5 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 28.5 28.9 28.4 62.7 57.5 84.9 74.7 Chad, 1996-1997 26.1 26.1 26.1 69.9 65.2 92.5 90.9 Comoros, 1996 8.7 14.3 13.0 44.2 48.1 74.0 72.2 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 9.9 11.0 18.2 39.5 54.1 72.3 74.8 Dominican Republic, 1996 18.6 18.9 12.1 56.3 54.9 80.0 77.1 Ethiopia, 1999 12.1 20.1 24.7 53.9 56.4 81.5 85.2

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Gabon, 2000 21.5 22.9 24.4 57.6 68.3 79.4 85.1 Ghana, 1998-1999 12.1 18.4 13.3 51.3 48.7 80.0 77.4 Guinea, 1999 10.5 16.1 8.7 45.1 36.9 69.7 69.2 Haiti, 2000 15.8 14.9 26.5 44.8 52.4 64.2 78.1 Kazakhstan, 1999 9.5 7.9 6.1 61.8 67.9 80.6 92.1 Kenya, 1998 7.6 11.6 11.6 50.1 59.1 84.9 87.4 Malawi, 2000 14.8 23.3 26.7 69.1 72.6 94.1 93.5 Mali, 2001 9.7 11.0 4.4 47.1 33.3 78.1 68.8 Mozambique, 1997 30.8 29.7 27.8 72.7 78.5 90.6 90.7 Nicaragua, 1997-1998 38.7 32.1 29.1 71.6 71.9 89.6 88.1 Niger, 1998 21.0 26.0 33.7 64.8 73.8 89.6 90.6 Nigeria, 1999 10.8 16.7 19.5 45.8 50.9 76.7 74.8 Peru, 1996 14.7 17.3 14.8 56.3 50.2 74.8 79.1 Senegal, 1997 2.5 4.2 7.8 23.6 37.4 50.1 70.0 Tanzania, 1999 12.2 21.9 19.2 60.1 53.1 88.8 86.9 Togo, 1998 9.5 18.4 16.9 51.8 53.5 77.5 82.0 Turkey, 1998 27.5 12.8 25.8 63.1 72.2 92.6 94.5 Uganda, 2000-2001 21.5 25.2 26.9 70.4 72.3 92.5 91.9 Zambia, 1996-1997 11.3 15.7 20.3 61.8 57.1 86.4 86.7 Zimbabwe, 1999 7.6 14.0 14.1 58.2 59.7 88.1 87.8

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 7-4 Percentage of Women Ages 20-24 Ever Married by Age 18, by Years of Schooling, Household Economic Status, and Rural-Urban Residence in DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Years of Schooling 0-3 4-7 8+ Armenia, 2000 n.a. n.a. n.a. Bangladesh, 1999-2000 84.7 67.1 33.2 Benin, 1996 43.9 28.6 1.9 Bolivia, 1998 39.8 34.3 12.2 Brazil, 1996 41.3 30.5 12.9 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 69.2 40.8 9.5 Cameroon, 1998 76.6 42.3 21.8 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 59.6 58.1 39.2 Chad, 1996-1997 74.6 56.8 30.8 Colombia, 2000 39.0 22.6 2.2 Comoros, 1996 37.6 29.1 15.1 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 42.0 33.3 6.5 Dominican Republic, 1996 74.7 61.1 22.3 Egypt, 2000 41.2 27.9 7.6 Ethiopia, 1999 53.7 42.9 15.5 Ghana, 1998-1999 45.3 37.3 29.2 Guatemala, 1998-1999 48.5 38.8 7.3 Guinea, 1999 71.2 50.8 20.6 Haiti, 2000 37.7 23.0 10.6 India, 1998-2000 n.a. n.a. n.a. Indonesia, 1997 50.2 43.0 12.5 Jordan, 1997 19.7 28.6 11.0 Kazakhstan, 1999 n.a. n.a. n.a. Kenya, 1998 52.0 39.2 14.4 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 n.a. n.a. n.a.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Household Economic Status Low (bottom 40%) Middle (mid 40%) High (top 20%) Residence Rural Urban 28.7 15.5 10.7 30.8 12.1 n.a. n.a. n.a. 69.9 48.2 51.0 37.5 17.3 46.1 27.8 35.7 18.3 10.4 35.1 16.8 29.9 21.9 15.9 30.1 22.2 72.0 68.6 38.6 69.9 32.0 59.8 39.8 27.8 51.3 30.2 59.4 59.2 48.5 59.2 54.2 73.2 72.6 64.8 73.6 64.7 34.8 14.5 13.4 33.7 18.4 39.8 32.1 10.8 33.0 22.5 47.3 35.2 14.7 43.0 23.5 58.5 31.2 18.4 50.3 31.6 n.a. n.a. n.a. 26.1 11.4 59.8 50.3 31.8 53.2 31.8 41.0 39.7 20.3 41.6 25.3 49.6 33.5 11.6 43.9 24.7 81.2 65.0 40.3 75.3 46.2 32.5 27.0 10.3 30.7 17.8 n.a. n.a. n.a. 54.0 25.9 n.a. n.a. n.a. 38.4 13.2 n.a. n.a. n.a. 15.3 13.1 15.3 13.8 13.0 16.7 12.4 30.3 26.4 14.7 26.2 20.7 23.7 20.2 17.7 22.3 18.6

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Country and Year of Survey Years of Schooling 0-3 4-7 8+ Madagascar, 1997 49.7 38.2 19.3 Malawi, 2000 60.7 52.2 18.4 Mali, 2001 71.9 44.5 18.2 Morocco, 1992 25.4 14.2 2.9 Mozambique, 1997 64.5 44.6 8.6 Namibia, 1992 25.8 17.0 2.6 Nepal, 2000-01 68.8 50.3 22.2 Nicaragua, 1997-1998 71.4 64.6 26.3 Niger, 1998 84.7 56.1 15.1 Nigeria, 1999 81.4 33.1 11.2 Pakistan, 1990-1991 n.a. n.a. n.a. Paraguay, 1990 46.9 29.3 11.5 Peru, 2000 48.0 39.5 10.2 Philippines, 1998 42.0 34.3 8.6 Rwanda, 2000 26.2 17.7 10.4 Senegal, 1997 48.5 18.9 3.2 South Africa, 1997 17.1 16.1 6.3 Tanzania, 1999 58.7 35.8 4.1 Togo, 1998 40.5 21.1 4.2 Turkey, 1998 44.5 28.4 6.4 Uganda, 2000-2001 69.8 58.4 18.0 Uzbekistan, 1996 n.a. n.a. n.a. Vietnam, 1997 27.4 12.9 8.0 Yemen, 1991-1992 n.a. n.a. n.a. Zambia, 1996-1997 58.7 52.9 18.7 Zimbabwe, 1999 79.7 46.5 17.4 Number of countries included: 44 44 44 NOTE: n.a = not available.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Household Economic Status Low (bottom 40%) Middle (mid 40%) High (top 20%) Residence Rural Urban 51.4 41.2 17.7 43.9 31.6 50.5 52.8 30.2 50.4 32.3 72.6 69.2 42.0 74.3 45.7 n.a. n.a. n.a. 24.2 12.9 67.6 52.4 42.6 59.7 47.0 14.3 13.2 4.6 13.7 8.1 n.a. n.a. n.a. 58.7 38.4 64.9 40.3 28.2 60.5 44.6 86.7 83.9 48.3 85.7 45.7 62.5 31.6 16.7 45.9 26.4 n.a. n.a. n.a. 36.9 21.3 n.a. n.a. n.a. 31.7 18.4 36.3 13.8 5.0 34.9 12.3 n.a. n.a. n.a. 20.4 10.7 22.8 18.0 17.5 19.2 20.5 56.0 46.7 14.5 53.1 15.4 12.5 5.2 4.3 12.3 4.7 48.9 41.0 25.4 47.6 22.5 41.9 30.8 17.4 40.8 16.9 n.a. n.a. n.a. 26.6 19.4 62.6 54.6 39.2 58.9 33.7 18.9 12.3 13.0 16.0 14.1 n.a. n.a. n.a. 14.4 5.1 n.a. n.a. n.a. 53.9 35.7 55.2 46.4 28.4 52.3 34.1 35.0 31.5 16.2 35.9 20.6 38 38 38 51 51

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 7-5 Percentage of Men Ages 20-24 Ever Married by Age 20, by Years of Schooling, Household Eeconomic Status, and Rural-Urban Residence in DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Years of Schooling 0-3 4-7 8+ Armenia, 2000 n.a. n.a. n.a. Benin, 1996 19.0 13.5 3.1 Bolivia, 1998 36.5 34.2 14.5 Brazil, 1996 18.0 16.1 9.6 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 11.5 9.4 0.9 Cameroon, 1998 24.2 15.6 12.5 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 29.6 33.9 20.5 Chad, 1996-1997 29.6 24.0 17.5 Comoros, 1996 6.7 5.6 14.0 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 14.5 8.4 5.4 Dominican Republic, 1996 19.2 23.9 12.2 Ethiopia, 1999 13.1 15.8 0.8 Gabon, 2000 n.a. n.a. n.a. Ghana, 1998-1999 5.4 25.6 10.5 Guinea, 1999 15.3 0.0 8.4 Haiti, 2000 17.2 26.1 9.2 Kazakhstan, 1999 0.0 14.3 5.1 Kenya, 1998 16.0 13.4 5.1 Malawi, 2000 23.8 22.1 5.5 Mali, 2001 11.7 6.4 5.4 Mozambique, 1997 48.0 22.7 12.4 Nicaragua, 1997-1998 45.3 49.6 24.2 Niger, 1998 n.a. n.a. n.a. Nigeria, 1999 27.2 15.9 4.4 Peru, 1996 32.8 24.7 11.0 Senegal, 1997 5.8 0.1 0.0 Tanzania, 1999 24.2 9.6 14.7 Togo, 1998 19.0 9.1 2.5 Turkey, 1998 0.0 34.7 17.0 Uganda, 2000-2001 27.0 29.0 5.8 Zambia, 1996-1997 13.1 13.1 5.2 Zimbabwe, 1999 17.6 17.9 8.7 Number of countries included: 29 29 29 NOTE: n.a = not available.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Household Economic Status Low (bottom 40%) Middle (mid 40%) High (top 20%) Residence Rural Urban 5.2 4.2 6.1 5.2 4.9 21.6 14.9 4.6 22.2 5.3 27.7 20.6 6.4 26.5 15.8 18.5 11.3 9.7 11.2 14.3 12.7 8.8 6.7 11.2 4.7 24.3 13.0 8.5 20.1 7.7 37.3 24.5 19.3 39.5 19.0 33.7 25.7 18.0 30.2 18.1 9.4 8.3 8.5 3.9 15.7 16.5 9.6 2.6 14.3 5.0 22.4 17.0 11.1 19.4 18.0 20.7 10.2 2.0 13.9 2.3 n.a. n.a. n.a. 31.0 19.4 12.8 15.0 2.9 16.8 4.9 15.4 13.7 1.1 15.3 4.7 15.1 20.8 8.1 22.8 8.2 4.1 15.2 7.0 7.5 11.0 10.5 8.3 3.8 7.7 7.5 19.0 16.4 6.2 17.2 5.0 15.3 8.0 7.0 11.2 7.7 58.4 26.5 6.1 34.1 22.3 47.2 34.1 32.6 43.5 35.3 18.6 32.0 9.9 26.9 7.4 19.9 8.8 3.4 14.4 3.3 25.4 15.3 3.5 23.2 11.7 4.1 3.0 0.4 4.7 0.8 16.4 12.4 7.6 14.0 7.8 11.8 12.8 1.6 14.0 3.9 36.9 21.3 10.0 31.1 25.3 23.9 22.9 14.4 22.4 18.1 14.0 15.6 2.3 13.6 8.6 9.7 9.2 2.3 10.7 3.8 31 31 31 32 32

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 7-6 Percentage Distribution of Spouse/Partner Age Differences, Among Women Currently in First Marriage, by Age in 42 DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Spouse/Partner Age Difference 0-5 Years 6-10 Years 11+ Years 25-29-Year-Olds 45-49-Year-Olds 25-29-Year-Olds 45-49-Year-Olds 25-29-Year-Olds 45-49-Year-Olds Armenia, 2000 55.0 70.7 36.4 20.5 8.6 8.7 Bangladesh, 1999-2000 25.4 20.5 47.5 36.0 27.1 43.5 Benin, 2001 44.8 33.1 27.5 23.4 27.7 43.5 Bolivia, 1998 73.6 75.2 19.4 17.0 7.0 7.8 Brazil, 1996 65.7 70.8 24.1 18.9 10.2 10.3 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 39.9 40.3 23.6 15.8 36.5 44.0 Cameroon, 1998 35.5 34.1 29.2 19.7 35.3 46.3 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 52.9 52.4 28.1 20.1 19.1 27.4 Chad, 1996-1997 33.7 25.3 33.7 22.4 32.6 52.2 Colombia, 2000 66.2 59.6 21.5 24.8 12.2 15.6 Comoros, 1996 33.3 22.5 30.6 29.2 36.0 48.3 Dominican Republic, 1996 54.6 54.4 28.0 30.3 17.4 15.3 Egypt, 2000 43.5 44.4 38.3 30.6 18.3 24.9 Ethiopia, 1999 41.8 25.0 35.6 39.2 22.6 35.9 Ghana, 1998-1999 50.7 36.9 28.5 29.6 20.8 33.6 Guatemala, 1998-1999 71.7 70.3 20.3 17.7 8.0 11.9

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Guinea, 1999 13.4 15.6 30.0 26.1 56.6 58.3 Haiti, 2000 50.2 62.1 30.1 24.8 19.7 13.1 India, 1998-2000 53.8 52.6 35.2 30.2 10.9 17.2 Jordan, 1997 57.0 41.1 32.6 38.2 10.4 20.7 Kazakhstan, 1999 83.0 85.3 14.9 9.1 2.0 5.6 Kenya, 1998 47.4 47.9 35.0 28.8 17.6 23.3 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 85.7 64.9 11.8 27.3 2.5 7.8 Madagascar, 1997 59.9 66.2 27.3 18.3 12.8 15.5 Malawi, 2000 61.6 61.3 28.5 27.0 9.9 11.7 Mali, 2001 20.5 21.7 37.1 30.2 42.3 48.0 Mozambique, 1997 53.4 50.4 26.2 21.3 20.3 28.2 Nepal, 2000-2001 71.9 58.3 21.8 25.9 6.3 15.8 Nicaragua, 1997-1998 66.8 62.8 19.9 22.3 13.4 14.9 Niger, 1998 30.4 30.3 37.3 32.4 32.3 37.3 Nigeria, 1999 27.3 26.7 38.2 26.6 34.5 46.7 Peru, 2000 67.5 66.5 23.0 22.4 9.5 11.1 Philippines, 1998 74.4 80.7 18.3 13.9 7.3 5.4 Rwanda, 2000 57.2 78.1 27.0 12.3 15.9 9.5 South Africa, 1998 59.5 69.4 25.8 18.6 14.7 12.0 Togo, 1998 46.4 35.4 29.3 23.3 24.2 41.3 Turkey, 1998 65.5 66.4 27.9 24.7 6.6 8.9 Uganda, 2000-2001 56.8 42.3 30.2 30.1 13.0 27.6 Uzbekistan, 1996 89.0 70.6 9.6 23.9 1.4 5.6 Vietnam, 1997 80.1 74.9 16.9 16.1 3.0 9.0 Zambia, 2001-2002 52.6 33.9 35.2 37.1 12.2 29.1 Zimbabwe, 1999 54.8 44.3 26.7 28.8 18.5 26.9