8
The Transition to Parenthood

INTRODUCTION

Becoming a parent for the first time is a major transition at any age, and it is especially so for an adolescent or young adult. While age is one important indicator of readiness for parenthood, other factors, such as family circumstances and social support systems, are also important and can influence young parents’ chances of success. Furthermore, in the context of rapid and persistent global changes discussed throughout this book—including rising rates of return to postprimary schooling, the pervasiveness of market-led economic change, advances in medical knowledge and practice, democratization and the rise of civil society, expansion of knowledge sharing networks, and the emergence and spread of new communicable diseases—the prerequisites for preparedness to be a parent are changing and the significance and consequences of early childbearing are assuming new meanings.

Our discussion suggests that success as a first-time parent in many of the contexts in which young people are growing up today is more likely to be ensured if other adult transitions occur prior to parenthood. This is because each of these other transitions to adult roles—to work, to citizenship, and to marriage—prepares the way for parenthood and contributes resources for success. While this sequencing does not ensure success and success can occur through a variety of transition pathways, many of the social and institutional supports for effective parenthood are built around this sequencing and therefore are particularly supportive of it. For example,



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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries 8 The Transition to Parenthood INTRODUCTION Becoming a parent for the first time is a major transition at any age, and it is especially so for an adolescent or young adult. While age is one important indicator of readiness for parenthood, other factors, such as family circumstances and social support systems, are also important and can influence young parents’ chances of success. Furthermore, in the context of rapid and persistent global changes discussed throughout this book—including rising rates of return to postprimary schooling, the pervasiveness of market-led economic change, advances in medical knowledge and practice, democratization and the rise of civil society, expansion of knowledge sharing networks, and the emergence and spread of new communicable diseases—the prerequisites for preparedness to be a parent are changing and the significance and consequences of early childbearing are assuming new meanings. Our discussion suggests that success as a first-time parent in many of the contexts in which young people are growing up today is more likely to be ensured if other adult transitions occur prior to parenthood. This is because each of these other transitions to adult roles—to work, to citizenship, and to marriage—prepares the way for parenthood and contributes resources for success. While this sequencing does not ensure success and success can occur through a variety of transition pathways, many of the social and institutional supports for effective parenthood are built around this sequencing and therefore are particularly supportive of it. For example,

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries in most settings, schooling is often not an option for parents, particularly mothers, although in this area change is beginning to be seen. The moment that young people become first-time parents, they become major actors in shaping the health and well-being of the next generation. There is a vast and growing literature on the determinants of success in early childhood. Not surprisingly, parental income, schooling, health knowledge, and the availability of community services have all been documented to be important to child survival and early childhood health and development in a diverse range of developing country settings (Bicego and Boerma, 1993; Cleland and van Ginneken, 1988; Hales et al., 1999; Mahy 2003; United Nations 1991; World Health Organization, 2000). The literature on rates of returns to schooling documents empirically the myriad social benefits that come from investing in schooling, particularly for girls, including smaller family size, better child health, and greater investments in schooling for the next generation. Because of the many global changes we have discussed, there is also increasing recognition that motherhood involves not only a caretaking role but also a role as an economic provider, as has always been the case for fatherhood (Bruce, Lloyd, and Leonard, 1995). Social concerns about the implications of premature parenthood arise for several reasons. One is the potential health consequences for very young women of pregnancy and birth if their physiological development is incomplete. Other consequences may include premature exit from school, reduced earnings prospects, reduced chances of community participation and the acquisition of social capital, a heightened possibility of divorce or single parenthood, and a greater risk of living in poverty. These other consequences of early parenthood are likely to be greater for young women than young men; in most societies, women have the primary responsibility of child care and childrearing, and parenthood for them often coincides with a shrinking of opportunities and reduced scope for independent action. We begin with an empirical overview of trends in the timing of first parenthood in developing countries, relying primarily on data from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), which are unique in their careful and comparable measurement of women’s birth histories (see Appendix A for further discussion). While the data on young men are more limited, we explore age patterns of parenthood for both. We then go into more depth on early motherhood, presenting data on trends as well as a review of the literature on consequences. Next, we present data on the sequencing of parenthood with marriage, including trends in premarital childbearing as well as trends in the length of the first birth interval. After reviewing the limited evidence on the consequences of premarital childbearing, we explore some of the factors affecting the changing context of first-time parenthood, including the rise of formal schooling, the rise in paid employment among women, changes in health and health behaviors, in particular HIV,

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries and finally changes in access to and use of prenatal and delivery services, with particular implications for the service context surrounding first births. We draw on both qualitative and quantitative research material to describe the changing context of first parenthood. In our brief discussion of policies and programs affecting the transition to parenthood, we focus primarily on those that position young people for success as first-time parents. THE TIMING OF THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD Gender Differences in Age Patterns of First Parenthood As noted above, information on the timing of fatherhood is scarce, and it is difficult to obtain comparable indicators for men and women. Data on the age patterns of first parenthood are one of the few measures available TABLE 8-1 Parenthood by Age and Sex (percentage)—Weighteda Regional Averages, DHS Countries Region and Country Regional Population (male) Who Ever Fathered a Child, Among Men Ages: 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 Africa Eastern/Southern Africa 49.3 1.7 24.0 65.4 86.6 Western/Middle Africa 71.4 1.5 13.4 49.7 79.6 Asiab South-central/South-eastern Asia n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Former Soviet Asiac n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. Latin America and Caribbean Caribbean/Central America 13.7 1.7 26.8 56.8 79.0 South America 60.3 3.0 23.1 53.7 77.9 Middle East Western Asia/Northern Africa n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. n.a. TOTAL—All DHS 56.2 2.1 20.8 55.7 81.0 aWeighting is based on United Nations population estimates for year 2000 (World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision, POP/DB/WPP/Rev. 2000/3/F1. February 2001). bEastern Asia not included; no DHS available. cFormer Soviet Asia includes former Soviet Republics in South-central and Western Asia.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries for both. Table 8-1 shows that the proportion of men ages 15-19 who report that they have had a child is extremely low: 2-3 percent in the regions for which information is available. This is much lower than the proportion of adolescent women ages 15-19 who have done so (6-21 percent). Even at ages 20-24, young men are much less likely to have made the transition to fatherhood than young women: about 25 percent have done so in Latin America, compared with twice as many young women (50-60 percent). The differential is even larger in sub-Saharan Africa, where young women are three to five times as likely to have become a parent in their early 20s as young men. By their late 20s, however, 50-65 percent of men in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa have become fathers, although this proportion is still lower than that among women of this age (74-89 percent). Gender differences in age patterns of parenthood reflect spousal age differences, discussed in Chapter 7. Regional Population (female) Who Ever Had a Child, Among Women Ages: 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 91.7 18.4 69.9 89.1 95.1 75.2 21.1 64.4 85.8 93.6 86.0 15.2 59.8 84.7 92.7 68.4 5.6 55.1 86.1 93.9 21.0 17.3 60.5 82.4 91.2 74.1 13.9 49.8 74.7 87.5 54.9 6.8 43.5 74.1 88.4 77.8 15.2 59.2 83.6 92.3 NOTES: n.a. = not available. Regional groupings based on United Nations World Population Prospects: The 2002 Revision (United Nations, 2003b). SOURCES: Demographic and Health Surveys tabulations from 51 countries (females) and 26 countries (males). See Appendix Table 8-1 for data from each country.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Trends in the Distribution of Ages at First Motherhood We compare the distribution of ages at first birth among women from three cohorts: those who were ages 40-44 at the time of the most recent DHS survey (born roughly in the 1950s), those who were ages 30-34 (born roughly in the 1960s), and those who were ages 20-24 (born roughly in the 1970s). In Table 8-2 we present the ages when 25 percent, 50 percent, and 75 percent of women had made the transition to motherhood, by region, using life table analysis. The first thing to observe about the table is that, for the youngest cohort, a quarter of women remain childless until after age 24 in all regions. This substantial and worldwide pattern is apparent from the footnotes in TABLE 8-2 Age of Transition to First Motherhood by Quartile—Weighted Region and Income Averages, DHS Countries Region or Income Level 25th Quartile 20-24 30-34 40-44 Region Africa Eastern/Southern Africa 17.9 17.2 17.0 Western/Middle Africa 17.4 16.8 16.4 Asia South-central/South-eastern Asiaa 18.2 17.6 17.7 Former Soviet Asia 19.9 20.2 20.0 Latin America and Caribbean Caribbean/Central America 18.4 18.1 18.2 South America 19.0 19.2 19.4 Middle East Western Asia/Northern Africaa 20.1 18.8 18.5 Income Leveld Low 18.0 17.4 17.4 Lower Middle 19.9 19.3 19.0 Upper Middle 19.1 19.0 19.2 TOTAL—All DHS 18.3 17.8 17.7 aQuartiles for SC/SE Asia and Middle East are computed from countries where the DHS only interviews ever married women. b20-24-year-olds from the following countries have not reached the 75th quartile for first births: Armenia, Kazakhstan, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, Comoros, South Africa, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Paraguay, Peru, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Nicaragua, Indonesia, Pakistan, Philippines, Vietnam, Jordan, Morocco, Turkey, and Yemen. cIn Western Asia/Northern Africa, 20-24-year-old females in Jordan and Morocco have not reached the 50th quartile for first births.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries the eighth column of Table 8-2. These footnotes indicate that for no region in the world has a 75th percentile in the age distribution of first birth been reached by the age of 24 for women born in the 1970s. Of course, in both subregions of Latin America and the Caribbean this was true of women born in the 1950s and 1960s as well. This can be seen in the last (tenth) column of the table, which shows that, in South America, at least a quarter of women ages 40-44 were childless until past age 26. This later pattern of childbearing is also apparent in the Middle East for older cohorts. In Africa and Asia, however, 75 percent of the oldest and the middle cohorts were mothers by age 23. If this pattern had remained unchanged, we would have been able to include data in the fifth column of the table for the youngest 50th Quartile 75th Quartile 20-24 30-34 40-44 20-24 30-34 40-44 20.0 19.3 19.0 b 22.1 21.8 20.3 19.5 19.2 b 22.8 22.5 20.8 19.9 20.0 b 23.2 23.1 21.6 21.9 21.7 b 24.2 24.2 21.0 20.9 20.3 b 24.5 24.1 22.3 22.1 22.1 b 26.9 26.3 c 21.7 21.0 b 26.0 24.5 20.5 19.7 19.7 b 22.8 22.7 c 22.2 21.7 b 26.8 25.9 22.3 21.7 21.7 b 26.0 25.3 c 20.2 20.1 b 23.6 23.3 dWorld Bank income classifications. NOTES: In order to estimate an accurate exposure time, unmarried females in the household roster were identified and censored at their age at the time of the interview plus 0.5 years. For source of regional groupings and population data for weighted averages, see Table 8-1. Further detail can be found in Appendix A. SOURCES: Demographic and Health Surveys tabulations, see Appendix Table 8-2 for data from each country.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries cohort where footnotes are indicated; recent delays in the timing of parenthood in these two regions make such an estimate for the youngest cohort impossible. In former Soviet Asia, South America, Central America, and the Caribbean, there is very little change in the age patterns of first-time parenthood, as the table shows. For all three cohorts, a quarter of women in former Soviet Asia are mothers by age 20 and half by age 21.5; in South America, a quarter of women are mothers by age 19 and half by age 22. In the case of Central America and the Caribbean, the age pattern of first parenthood has stayed roughly the same for the past 10 years, with a quarter becoming mothers by age 18 and half by age 21; in the previous 10 years there was a one-year rise in the median age at first-time parenthood. Figure 8-1 depicts these regional trends with data from an illustrative country from each region. Uzbekistan and Colombia are the countries that best exemplify the regions in which there has been little change in the distribution of ages of first-time motherhood, particularly in recent years. Table 8-2 shows that in South Asia and the Middle East, there has been an overall shift in the distribution of age at first birth toward an older pattern. The changes are particularly notable between the younger two cohorts in South Asia, where this increase has occurred in most countries. Exceptions are Nepal, where there has been a slight decline in the age of motherhood overall, and Vietnam, where things have been constant. In most countries in Southern Asia, the change has been moderate. In the youngest cohort, a quarter of women ages 20-24 became mothers by 18.2, up from 17.7 among women ages 40-44. Among the younger women in Southern Asia we examined, half were mothers by age 20.8, which is up from age 20 among those ages 40-44. We illustrate this modal pattern in Figure 8-1 with information on Indonesia. In the Middle East, the increase in the age at first-time motherhood has been more substantial. In the oldest cohort, a quarter of women were mothers by age 18.5, and this milestone was reached by the youngest women at age 20.1. The most notable change in this region is that, for the youngest cohort, half of the women living in the countries of the Middle East for which there are data were childless at age 24. In Figure 8-1 we illustrate this dramatic shift with detailed data for Jordan. In Eastern and Southern Africa, there has been an intercohort increase in the age by which a quarter of women have become mothers of about a year, from 17 to 17.9. There has also been an increase of about a year in the median age at first birth from 19 to 20. We illustrate the overall trend for this region in Figure 8-1 with data on Ethiopia. This is an accurate depiction of the experience of most of the people in this region, including those in the very populous country of Kenya (the data in Table 8-2 are weighted). Nevertheless, it is important to note that in most of the countries in this

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries FIGURE 8-1 Life table estimates of the proportion who are mothers. SOURCE: Demographic and Health Surveys.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries region one observes very little intercohort change in the age at the transition to motherhood, specifically in Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Rwanda, South Africa, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. The aggregate data from Western and Middle Africa in Table 8-2 show similar trends but mask even more diversity in the region than was observed for Eastern and Southern Africa. An increase in the age at first-time motherhood can be observed in several countries: Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Senegal, Togo, and Nigeria, which is depicted in Figure 8-1. We note, however that there are at least three other patterns in this region. In Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Guinea, and Niger, one observes no change in the age distribution of first-time motherhood. In the Central African Republic and Chad, there is a crossover in the age distribution across cohorts. For the youngest cohort, women exhibit a lower probability of motherhood at young ages, compared with their older counterparts. Finally, in Mali there is a decline in the average age at transition to motherhood. We have adapted Winsborough’s (1978) definition of the duration of a transition specifically as the numbers of years separating the age at which a quarter of women become first-time mothers and the age at which three-quarters of women become first-time mothers (i.e., the age difference for the interquartile range). Using this approach, comparing women born in the 1950s with women born in the 1960s, the duration of the transition to parenthood has remained about the same for most regions but has widened slightly in Latin America and substantially in the Middle East (see Figure 8-2).1 The diversity across regions remains striking, however, with almost 8 years separating the first and the third quartiles in the Middle East and South America and only four years separating these two quartiles in the former Soviet Asia. Thus, in the Middle East and South America, there is much greater diversity among women in the timing of first motherhood than in other regions. These comparisons are not possible for the youngest cohort because, by this definition, the transition to motherhood for this cohort is still incomplete. The duration of the earlier portion of the transition to motherhood as measured by the difference in ages between the first and second quartiles has remained remarkably stable over the past 20 years in sub-Saharan Africa, but there has been a small increase in Latin America and the Caribbean and Southern Asia (see Table 8-2). It is likely that the duration of the early part of the transition is also becoming longer in the Middle East as 1   This is a measure first used by Winsborough (1978) to describe trends in the duration of various transitions for young men in the United States, including exit from school, entrance into the labor market, entrance into the military, and first marriage.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries FIGURE 8-2 Changes in duration of transition to first motherhood: Difference in years between age at first quartile and third quartile of age distribution. SOURCE: Demographic and Health Surveys. well, but a full comparison is not possible because less than 50 percent of the youngest cohort has had their first child. EARLY CHILDBEARING Parenthood’s demanding and enduring obligations, its potential to limit human capital accumulation, and its far-reaching consequences have led scholars and policy makers to be concerned about “premature” transitions to parenthood (Luker, 1996; Nathanson, 1991). The term “adolescent parenthood” is often used to connote parenthood that takes place: (1) before young women are physiologically mature enough for safe motherhood; and (2) before an age when young people have typically acquired the full complement of skills, experience, and social network connections that will enable them to perform the role of parent well and to fulfill the other obligations of adulthood to the best of their ability. Before commencing our discussion of early childbearing, we remind the reader that our conceptual framework defines adolescent parenthood in historically and geographically specific ways. The ideal approach would be to reflect in each specific context on how the distal and proximate settings

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries (Boxes B and C of Figure 2-1) shape the opportunities for young people to acquire the stocks of human and social capital that they need for successful adulthood (Box D of Figure 2-1). This conceptualization leads to a context-specific definition of premature parenthood as parenthood that occurs at an age prior to the age at which most young people in that setting typically complete the minimal level of human capital accumulation. The need for comparative analyses, however, has led the panel to choose two cutoffs to define adolescent parenthood: parenthood before age 18—the age of adulthood as defined by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child—and parenthood before age 16. The latter of these, for young women, may be a legitimate absolute indicator of premature parenthood, since it is possible that pregnancy and birth before this age are dangerous to the mother and to the child for reasons that are biological and do not vary by setting or culture. Trends in Early Childbearing Table 8-3 presents data by region on the percentage of young women who become mothers by age 16 and by age 18. We focus the comparison on the differences between women born in the 1950s (women ages 40-44 in the table), women born in the 1960s (women ages 30-34 in the table), and women born in the 1970s (women ages 20-24 in the table). The first thing to observe from the table is that over 10 percent of young women still have their first child before the age of 16 in Western and Middle Africa. In other regions, levels of childbearing at this early age range from less than 1 percent in the former Soviet Asia to almost 9 percent in Eastern and Southern Africa and in South Asia. Furthermore, in Western and Middle Africa, the percentage among the youngest cohort still having their first child below age 18 is over 30 percent. Substantial percentages persist for women having a first birth before age 18 in most regions, with over 20 percent in Southern Asia, Central America and the Caribbean, and Eastern and Southern Africa and 16 percent in South America. The next thing to notice is that the pace of decline in rates of first parenthood by age varies dramatically across regions but is more similar within regions regardless of whether age 16 or age 18 is chosen as the critical measure of early parenthood. Among regions in which the percentage having very early first births (whether by 16 or 18) was substantial among the oldest cohort—Western and Middle Africa, Eastern and Southern Africa, and Southern Asia—declines have been largest in absolute terms and among the largest in percentage terms. In the Middle East, the declines have been largest in percentage terms, having started from a much lower base. In South America, where rates of early motherhood for the older cohort were much lower in comparative terms, there has been an actual

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 8-4b Percentage of Women Giving Birth by Age 18, by Residence, DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey 20-24 40-44 Rural Urban Rural Urban Armenia, 2000 14.2 4.4 4.5 2.6 Bangladesh, 1999-2000 47.4 29.9 59.1 56.2 Benin, 2001 30.1 15.0 32.9 32.6 Bolivia, 1998 30.2 11.5 17.9 12.4 Brazil, 1996 21.8 14.7 12.9 10.4 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 36.6 19.0 35.0 32.5 Cameroon, 1998 41.3 19.9 38.7 41.2 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 38.6 36.7 35.6 48.1 Chad, 1996-1997 46.4 42.2 48.6 46.3 Colombia, 2000 30.0 16.3 22.9 12.5 Comoros, 1996 18.8 13.2 28.3 40.7 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 43.7 26.4 42.9 42.1 Dominican Republic, 1996 30.0 17.7 30.6 20.9 Egypt, 2000 12.7 5.6 28.6 14.1 Ethiopia, 1999 25.9 17.2 46.8 41.1 Ghana, 1998-1999 22.9 14.9 29.6 25.4 Guatemala, 1998-1999 31.6 16.0 30.8 19.3 Guinea, 1999 55.7 33.0 46.4 40.4 Haiti, 2000 18.1 12.4 19.2 12.6 India, 1998-2000 32.8 14.2 39.2 26.1 Indonesia, 1997 18.9 4.8 29.0 18.7 Jordan, 1997 6.8 5.9 22.9 18.3 Kazakhstan, 1999 5.7 6.2 1.0 2.1 Kenya, 1998 25.1 18.7 41.0 23.4 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 3.7 5.4 2.9 1.7 Madagascar, 1997 36.0 22.3 45.2 29.4 Malawi, 2000 32.3 21.8 40.4 33.8 Mali, 2001 51.4 31.1 36.8 37.1 Morocco, 1992 10.0 4.7 20.2 20.7 Mozambique, 1997 44.2 40.1 47.4 31.7 Namibia, 1992 17.5 18.2 18.0 24.1 Nepal, 2000-2001 26.8 20.7 23.4 26.3 Nicaragua, 2001 38.4 22.2 40.5 29.5 Niger, 1998 52.1 27.4 53.7 44.2

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Country and Year of Survey 20-24 40-44 Rural Urban Rural Urban Nigeria, 1999 31.7 19.4 42.3 31.9 Pakistan, 1990-1991 20.2 11.2 21.8 22.1 Paraguay, 1990 20.6 12.5 18.2 10.8 Peru, 2000 26.2 9.4 22.3 14.0 Philippines, 1998 9.4 5.5 12.7 8.9 Rwanda, 2000 7.9 13.8 11.1 5.1 Senegal, 1997 34.5 15.3 36.0 30.0 South Africa, 1998 24.8 17.0 16.8 19.1 Tanzania, 1999 29.4 20.4 49.2 56.7 Togo, 1998 25.9 9.6 30.5 23.5 Turkey, 1998 15.1 9.0 25.6 17.2 Uganda, 2000-2001 45.0 29.5 43.2 34.5 Uzbekistan, 1996 3.1 1.8 6.0 3.1 Vietnam, 1997 4.6 2.2 4.4 1.9 Yemen, 1991-1992 29.1 21.1 21.0 29.6 Zambia, 2001-2002 39.9 27.3 44.9 44.8 Zimbabwe, 1999 26.2 12.8 29.2 26.1

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 8-5 Percentage of Births That Occur Within Marriage, of All Births, DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Within Marriage Within 7 Months of Marriage 20-24 30-34 40-44 20-24 30-34 40-44 Armenia, 2000 99.4 98.2 98.7 0.8 2.4 1.4 Bangladesh, 1999-2000 98.7 96.7 97.5 5.7 7.7 5.8 Benin, 2001 86.0 85.5 85.6 24.0 28.2 22.4 Bolivia, 1998 70.7 79.7 79.7 21.4 19.3 16.7 Brazil, 1996 76.5 87.1 88.6 25.1 18.0 12.7 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 85.6 85.4 85.7 21.6 21.6 24.9 Cameroon, 1998 68.9 74.5 79.5 14.0 9.6 14.8 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 82.3 88.2 92.5 8.4 10.0 10.1 Chad, 1996-1997 95.7 96.4 98.1 6.9 7.2 8.5 Colombia, 2000 68.2 77.5 82.1 21.4 14.8 11.6 Comoros, 1996 95.7 96.1 93.1 12.4 12.9 13.8 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 59.1 66.2 72.3 19.5 17.0 16.4 Dominican Republic, 1996 94.2 95.6 95.2 6.9 9.0 7.1 Egypt, 2000 99.9 99.3 99.1 2.4 8.1 10.1 Ethiopia, 1999 96.2 95.1 95.8 5.8 9.4 9.6 Ghana, 1998-1999 84.1 88.0 90.3 11.7 22.5 21.3 Guatemala, 1998-1999 86.3 86.7 85.3 14.8 18.8 16.0 Guinea, 1999 87.6 89.2 90.4 19.1 17.2 19.8 Haiti, 2000 85.1 91.6 89.2 11.2 11.7 13.5 India, 1998-2000 96.1 96.3 96.6 20.3 17.9 15.5 Indonesia, 1997 99.0 97.3 96.9 8.5 7.7 7.4 Jordan, 1997 100.0 99.6 99.3 0.1 1.0 1.3

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Kazakhstan, 1999 93.9 94.1 94.3 12.8 14.2 10.6 Kenya, 1998 58.5 66.8 74.2 18.7 19.6 19.5 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 98.2 97.2 98.7 3.5 2.8 3.1 Madagascar, 1997 71.5 77.6 77.7 22.9 20.5 18.7 Malawi, 2000 85.7 86.5 93.2 14.2 13.1 14.1 Mali, 2001 84.4 88.2 90.8 13.2 13.9 14.7 Morocco, 1992 99.7 98.2 98.0 0.9 3.1 4.0 Mozambique, 1997 77.1 79.2 78.8 20.2 21.1 30.2 Namibia, 1992 26.2 42.0 49.8 16.7 18.2 11.4 Nepal, 2000-2001 99.0 98.9 98.9 3.1 2.9 3.9 Nicaragua, 2001 91.2 91.4 92.7 9.1 8.5 9.5 Niger, 1998 94.2 96.6 95.3 9.3 11.6 9.2 Nigeria, 1999 83.6 83.7 81.0 16.6 14.2 17.0 Pakistan, 1990-1991 100.0 100.0 100.0 3.0 1.6 3.0 Paraguay, 1990 73.8 80.8 81.5 15.0 11.5 10.3 Peru, 2000 71.9 77.7 78.6 21.0 19.9 20.0 Philippines, 1998 93.2 93.6 94.9 17.1 14.7 9.0 Rwanda, 2000 89.2 92.0 95.7 4.9 6.1 6.9 Senegal, 1997 77.8 86.4 91.6 14.8 13.2 13.2 South Africa, 1998 19.6 37.3 47.8 22.4 17.6 17.2 Tanzania, 1999 73.4 73.3 85.0 12.8 16.5 15.1 Togo, 1998 81.7 82.0 82.9 20.3 20.3 18.5 Turkey, 1998 99.2 97.5 96.2 4.1 5.8 4.8 Uganda, 2000-2001 79.3 74.5 80.5 13.3 14.0 13.6 Uzbekistan, 1996 98.5 97.3 97.3 1.4 2.0 3.7 Vietnam, 1997 99.4 98.2 98.3 5.6 3.8 3.6 Yemen, 1991-1992 98.4 98.6 99.0 10.7 7.8 8.5 Zambia, 2001-2002 71.0 76.2 81.9 16.9 13.4 11.4 Zimbabwe, 1999 76.5 79.1 78.3 20.2 19.2 17.5

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 8-6 Trends in Median Length of First Birth Interval Among Women Having Their Birth After Marriage, DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Median Birth Interval 20-24 30-34 40-44 Armenia, 2000 12 12 12 Bangladesh, 1999-2000 24 30 32 Benin, 2001 15 13 14 Bolivia, 1998 14 16 19 Brazil, 1996 16 19 17 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 20 20 22 Cameroon, 1998 23 30 36 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 20 20 20 Chad, 1996-1997 20 22 21 Colombia, 2000 14 17 16 Comoros, 1996 17 21 22 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 20 25 25 Dominican Republic, 1996 17 17 18 Egypt, 2000 13 15 17 Ethiopia, 1999 24 25 26 Ghana, 1998-1999 21 18 17 Guatemala, 1998-1999 12 15 17 Guinea, 1999 17 21 21 Haiti, 2000 17 17 16 India, 1998-2000 20 20 23 Indonesia, 1997 16 17 20 Jordan, 1997 14 13 14 Kazakhstan, 1999 13 11 11 Kenya, 1998 15 20 19 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 12 12 12 Madagascar, 1997 17 20 19 Malawi, 2000 14 15 15 Mali, 2001 21 21 23 Morocco, 1992 17 20 22 Mozambique, 1997 20 24 22 Namibia, 1992 21 30 30 Nepal, 2000-2001 23 27 34 Nicaragua, 2001 17 17 15 Niger, 1998 25 24 29

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Country and Year of Survey Median Birth Interval 20-24 30-34 40-44 Nigeria, 1999 22 23 26 Pakistan, 1990-1991 21 22 24 Paraguay, 1990 15 18 21 Peru, 2000 14 16 17 Philippines, 1998 12 13 13 Rwanda, 2000 13 14 15 Senegal, 1997 19 22 23 South Africa, 1998 20 47 57 Tanzania, 1999 16 16 14 Togo, 1998 17 18 17 Turkey, 1998 16 15 18 Uganda, 2000-2001 16 20 21 Uzbekistan, 1996 15 14 14 Vietnam, 1997 14 15 18 Yemen, 1991-1992 25 33 56 Zambia, 2001-2002 15 16 17 Zimbabwe, 1999 12 14 17

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 8-7 Trends in Percentage of Women Having First Birth Before Marriage (by ages 18, 20, 25), DHS Countries Country and Year of Survey Premarital Birth by Age 18 20-24 30-34 40-44 Armenia, 2000 0.2 0.1 0.1 Bangladesh, 1999-2000 0.3 1.5 1.4 Benin, 2001 2.9 4.8 3.5 Bolivia, 1998 5.8 4.5 3.9 Brazil, 1996 3.5 3.0 2.8 Burkina Faso, 1998-1999 6.4 6.8 8.2 Cameroon, 1998 10.5 10.0 10.5 Central African Republic, 1994-1995 5.7 4.2 2.3 Chad, 1996-1997 1.4 1.8 1.2 Colombia, 2000 6.3 3.1 2.9 Comoros, 1996 0.5 1.1 2.3 Côte d’Ivoire, 1998-1999 16.9 14.1 12.1 Dominican Republic, 1996 1.3 1.3 1.1 Egypt, 2000 0.0 0.0 0.2 Ethiopia, 1999 0.5 2.0 2.1 Ghana, 1998-1999 4.0 4.2 3.3 Guatemala, 1998-1999 3.9 2.9 6.9 Guinea, 1999 5.4 5.3 5.8 Haiti, 2000 2.7 1.6 3.5 India, 1998-2000 0.5 0.9 0.8 Indonesia, 1997 0.2 1.0 1.6 Jordan, 1997 0.0 0.1 0.2 Kazakhstan, 1999 0.8 0.2 0.3 Kenya, 1998 11.0 11.0 8.7 Kyrgyz Republic, 1997 0.4 0.3 0.1 Madagascar, 1997 9.7 8.6 9.5 Malawi, 2000 4.7 7.1 3.5 Mali, 2001 7.1 5.8 2.9 Morocco, 1992 0.1 0.4 0.7

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Premarital Birth by Age 20 Premarital Birth by Age 25 20-24 30-34 40-44 30-34 40-44 0.2 0.3 0.2 1.3 0.9 0.3 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 5.0 6.3 6.5 9.1 9.7 10.8 8.9 8.3 15.6 15.2 7.2 5.5 4.9 9.0 8.0 7.9 8.5 9.5 10.0 10.8 17.0 16.8 15.6 21.3 18.6 10.3 5.9 3.0 8.8 5.0 2.4 2.1 1.2 2.6 1.7 10.8 7.2 6.8 14.2 12.6 1.0 1.1 3.3 1.7 3.3 24.2 17.6 19.4 27.0 22.9 2.2 2.0 2.2 2.8 3.6 0.0 0.0 0.3 0.0 0.3 0.9 2.4 2.2 2.6 2.3 6.2 6.2 4.6 8.5 6.9 5.3 5.8 9.4 10.6 13.0 6.7 6.2 7.1 8.4 8.4 4.8 3.4 5.2 5.3 8.2 0.6 1.0 0.9 1.2 1.1 0.2 1.5 2.0 2.0 2.2 0.0 0.2 0.5 0.3 0.5 1.7 1.0 2.1 3.5 4.4 20.0 19.1 14.9 28.3 20.8 0.8 0.3 0.1 1.6 0.8 15.5 13.0 13.5 17.3 16.7 8.4 9.1 4.6 11.7 5.5 8.8 7.5 4.3 9.3 5.7 0.1 0.5 1.2 0.8 1.3

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Country and Year of Survey Premarital Birth by Age 18 20-24 30-34 40-44 Mozambique, 1997 9.0 6.2 9.1 Namibia, 1992 12.6 14.3 12.1 Nepal, 2000-2001 0.2 0.3 0.1 Nicaragua, 2001 2.8 3.9 2.5 Niger, 1998 1.8 1.6 2.0 Nigeria, 1999 4.5 7.7 10.7 Pakistan, 1990-1991 0.0 0.0 0.0 Paraguay, 1990 4.8 5.6 4.3 Peru, 2000 3.7 4.4 3.9 Philippines, 1998 0.6 0.5 0.7 Rwanda, 2000 1.6 1.5 0.6 Senegal, 1997 5.1 3.5 2.0 South Africa, 1998 17.3 18.4 12.7 Tanzania, 1999 7.0 9.0 7.2 Togo, 1998 3.2 6.1 5.8 Turkey, 1998 0.1 1.0 1.4 Uganda, 2000-2001 9.4 12.2 9.6 Uzbekistan, 1996 0.1 0.4 0.0 Vietnam, 1997 0.2 0.4 0.2 Yemen, 1991-1992 0.0 0.0 0.0 Zambia, 2001-2002 10.7 10.8 9.8 Zimbabwe, 1999 5.8 8.1 7.1

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Premarital Birth by Age 20 Premarital Birth by Age 25 20-24 30-34 40-44 30-34 40-44 13.5 11.9 12.2 15.7 13.9 30.4 30.0 22.7 46.4 41.1 0.2 0.4 0.2 0.6 0.4 3.7 5.5 3.5 6.8 5.2 2.9 1.9 2.1 2.2 2.2 5.8 9.3 13.2 10.9 15.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 10.5 8.8 7.8 14.4 13.5 7.8 8.4 8.7 14.4 14.7 1.5 1.6 1.5 3.4 2.9 3.8 2.5 1.0 6.3 2.6 8.6 6.5 3.6 9.9 5.4 32.5 33.7 24.6 51.7 43.1 15.7 15.7 9.5 20.0 11.3 5.7 9.1 8.7 12.8 12.5 0.1 1.6 1.7 2.0 2.6 13.6 17.5 13.5 22.3 15.8 0.4 1.0 0.5 2.3 2.6 0.2 0.5 0.6 1.3 1.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 17.8 15.4 13.7 20.5 16.6 11.7 11.7 12.8 17.0 18.0

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