PART II
Preparation for Adult Roles



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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries PART II Preparation for Adult Roles

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries 3 Schooling INTRODUCTION Learning occurs more intensely during childhood and adolescence than during other phases of the life cycle in all domains, whether it is the development of physical or cognitive skills or the acquisition of knowledge and the shaping of values and beliefs. This is not just because of the obvious fact that growth always appears more rapid when starting from a lower base. During these same years, physical and intellectual capacities are growing rapidly, allowing for the more rapid acquisition of skills and accumulation of knowledge than at other phases of the life cycle. Interventions affecting the timing and sequencing of learning and the quality of the learning environment during these years can have important implications for the development of adult productive capacities. Investments in learning in these earlier stages of the life cycle tend to yield relatively high returns in comparison to learning later in life, because there are expected to be more decades of subsequent adulthood for returns to be obtained. Failure to invest at this stage is extremely unlikely to be compensated for in any later stage. For all these reasons, this phase of the life cycle has typically been associated with a focus on learning. This learning can take many forms, ranging from learning by doing and imitating around the household and in family economic activities, to learning in the labor market or in military service, to formal training and schooling. Education is a central aspect of preparation for the multiple aspects of the transition to adulthood and indeed interacts with and affects each of them.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries This chapter explores the process of becoming an educated adult during the second decade of life and beyond in the context of rapid global change. This process involves the acquisition of relevant capacities, including cognitive competencies, marketable skills, social capital, and complementary values and motivations, that enable individuals to function effectively in a range of adult roles, including worker, household provider, parent, spouse, family caretaker, citizen, and community participant. While education is not synonymous with going to school, the formal schooling system has become the preeminent institution worldwide dedicated to the education of young people. As a result, it is a place in which a growing percentage of young people spend significant amounts of their time. In major part, this is because the rapid changes that are discussed in Chapters 1 and 2 have substantially increased the benefits from both a more intensive as well as an extended period of learning at this stage of the life cycle. Indeed, schools are widely seen to be institutions in which young people can best develop their capacity for lifelong learning and thus are critical institutions in creating the enabling conditions for successful transitions to adulthood. The strong link between schooling levels and subsequent earnings is well documented in the empirical literature (e.g., Knight and Sabot, 1990; Krueger and Lindahl, 2001; Psacharopoulos, 1994), as is the link between schooling levels, particularly for females, and various nonmarket or social outcomes, such as subsequent fertility and child health and educational outcomes (e.g., National Research Council, 1999; Jejeebhoy, 1995; Knowles and Behrman, 2005; Schultz, 2002; Summers, 1994; World Bank, 2001). In some parts of the developing world, however, the opportunities that education opens up for girls in the marriage market may be even more salient for parents making decisions about their girls’ schooling (see Chapter 7 for further discussion of the links between schooling and various aspects of marriage). While many of these studies characterize static relations between schooling and various outcomes, a subset of studies provides evidence of a causal effect of schooling on the capacity to deal with change in markets and technologies, a capacity that is likely to be of increasing importance given the acceleration of change that motivates this report (e.g., Rosenzweig, 1995; Schultz, 1975; Welch, 1970). The quantity and quality of schooling experienced by today’s young people in developing countries will have important effects on them as well as on future economic growth and development and on trends in inequality and poverty. The chapter begins with a review of the basic facts and figures with respect to changes in schooling participation, attainment, and academic performance. We then explore some of the forces that have led to these changes, not only factors affecting demand for schooling, but also facts about some of the critical features of school systems, including recent re-

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries form efforts. Throughout these discussions, we recognize that changes in the quantity and quality of schooling provided are to an important extent a response to increased demand for schooling on the part of young people and their families. Both increases in demands for schooling and various proposals for school reform have emerged in response to the global changes, including changes in policies and programs outside the educational sphere, described in Chapters 1 and 2. The chapter also reviews the evidence about the effectiveness of existing educational policies and programs in improving the schooling environment and achieving various educational goals. The chapter ends with a summary of key findings, policy recommendations, and research questions. WHAT ROLES DO SCHOOLS PLAY? In traditional and slowly changing societies, the acquisition of productive capacities or human capital was largely taken up in the family or kin group through informal on-the-job apprenticeships, which taught agricultural techniques or various traditional trades. Over the course of economic development, with the growth of the monetized economy and the shift in the occupational structure from agriculture to industry to services, the inputs required to develop productive skills have shifted. These changes have led to a growing demand in the job market for literacy and numeracy—skills more efficiently provided in a formal classroom setting with specially trained teachers—as well as for the broader knowledge base and reasoning and problem-solving skills that are acquired in school. In response to these worldwide changes, mass formal schooling has become a global institution with commonly recognized features in all countries of the world (Meyer, 1992). These include courses in reading, mathematics, language, history or social studies, and science. While formal schools occasionally include religious education and religious groups sometimes run formal schools,1 we do not include in our definition of formal schools those schools that are solely dedicated to providing a religious education to the exclusion of other subjects.2 The gains from extended formal schooling, as noted, are expected to 1   In Egypt, there is a separate government ministry that is responsible for religious schools, but these schools are required to include all elements of the formal school curriculum in addition to religious instruction, and we would therefore include them as part of the formal schooling system. In a nationally representative survey of youth in Egypt fielded in 1997, it was found that 6 percent of all students attending formal schools attend school supervised by Al-Azhar (el-Tawila et al., 1999). 2   In some cases these religious schools complement other forms of schooling and children attend both, but, in other cases, children attend religious schools exclusively and are therefore not exposed to the formal school curriculum.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries increase with the more rapid changes that are being experienced by young people today. The acquisition of human capital is only one of several types of capital potentially acquired in school. Social capital, defined as “the ability of actors to secure benefits by virtue of membership in social networks or other social structures” (Portes, 1998), can be acquired in school through the formation of peer networks, parents’ networks, or student-teacher networks.3 An additional domain of learning important to our subject is the acquisition of values or “cultural capital” (a termed coined by Bourdieu, 1985, as cited in Portes, 1998) that enhances an individual’s effectiveness in the culture, in the community, and in the workplace. In a modernizing society, formal schooling, particularly Western-style schooling, provides a major counterpoint to the family in the socialization of the young. One important example concerns gender. While boys and girls are mostly taught the same curriculum when it comes to academic subjects, the process of socialization that occurs in the schoolyard and the classroom is often quite different for boys and girls, as are some of the traditional nonacademic subjects, such as home economics and agriculture, that are still provided in some school systems on a sex-segregated basis. In traditional societies, gender role socialization occurred primarily in the home and the community. The school, through the authority of the teacher, also has enormous potential to influence the values, expectations, and behaviors of boys and girls with respect to gender roles in the family as well as the workplace, either by reinforcing traditional roles or by sharing in the classroom changing international norms regarding human rights and gender equality.4 Therefore, the role of schools in the socialization of the young is another factor to consider in the progress of children in school and their transition to adulthood. A final aspect of formal schooling relates to becoming a citizen and a community participant and is treated more fully in Chapter 6. Effective citizenship at the community, national, and global levels requires a broad knowledge of the world and the acceptance of certain common values. As articulated by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, these include respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect for local cul- 3   School attendance, by taking children away from an exclusive reliance on family networks, may result in a decline in some types of social capital at the same time that it may provide access to other sources of social capital. 4   Other important examples include attitudes about roles, potentialities, and interactions with other members of society who may differ in respects other than gender—race, ethnicity, class, caste, clan, or tribe—and their value as individuals independent of these differences in background.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries ture and language, respect for the natural environment, and the acquisition of a spirit of understanding, peace, tolerance, and gender equality (United Nations, 1989). Most national governments and educational ministries typically include at least some aspects of citizenship training in their educational curricula. The universal desire of governments to control the education of children and youth through the provision of public formal schooling can be largely explained by the need perceived by all governments to shape citizens’ values and beliefs in ways that are consonant with prevailing culture, predominant religious beliefs, and national political ideology. A recent assessment of the centralized public school curriculum in Pakistan, for example, has concluded that “an overemphasis on Islamic interpretations in the government-prescribed syllabus has distorted historical data, nurtured intolerance for other religions and confined the scope of the physical and social sciences” (International Crisis Group, 2004). In recent years, there has been a growing concern that nonformal religious schools, in particular Islamic schools, are capturing a growing share of school enrollment in parts of the Muslim world. The panel, however, could not find any solid evidence that this is indeed the case. Nonetheless, we did have access to recent nationally representative data from Pakistan from a survey of youth fielded in 2001-2002 that shows that 3.2 percent of young men ages 15-19 and 1.7 percent of young women of the same age had ever attended religious schools; less than 0.05 percent of young people attended religious schools exclusively.5 TRENDS AND PATTERNS OF SCHOOLING PARTICIPATION AND ATTAINMENT The panel used data from a number of recent nationally representative household surveys—particularly Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS)—to describe various important aspects of formal schooling in this chapter. For most topics, we use these data in preference to United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) data because they permit the exploration of differentials in formal school participation and attainment by household background characteristics and because they permit the derivation of trends over the last two decades on a consistent basis across countries. A full discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of alternative sources of data on schooling and the reasons for our choice of data sources can be found in Appendix A. Appendix tables to this chapter pro- 5   Tabulations from Adolescents and Youth in Pakistan, 2001-2002 Survey data.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries vide country by country data to complement the tables in the text that are based on regional and country income groups. Current Patterns of School Participation Table 3-1 presents aggregate country-level data on patterns of current school attendance6 by age according to regional and income grouping (see definitions in Appendix A) based on all DHS data from the 1990s. Data for China and India are presented separately in Table 3-2. Data for these two countries, representing the education experience of two-fifths of all young people in the developing world, are not available for the full range of ages presented in Table 3-1, but are available for two recent points in time, revealing very recent changes for these two important countries. On average, the estimates presented in Table 3-1 suggest that roughly three-quarters of 10-14-year-olds, who are in the early phase of their transitions to adulthood, are attending school. This is probably a reasonable estimate of attendance rates for all developing countries, since India and China, with roughly equal numbers of young people in these ages, would exert countervailing and roughly balancing influences on the average if included (see Table 3-2). Attendance rates in low-income countries are about 16 to 18 percentage points lower than in the upper middle-income group. The gender gap in attendance rates among younger adolescents is also slightly larger in the lower income countries (6 versus 4 percentage points). Attendance rates for the 10-14 age group fall below 75 percent for boys and girls in sub-Saharan Africa and for girls in the Middle East. Gender equality in attendance rates during the early adolescent years has essentially been achieved in China, the former Soviet Asia, and Central and South America. The distribution of this attendance between primary and secondary school for this age group varies substantially across regions. This is partly a result of differences in the age at entry and the duration of the primary school cycle, but it is also affected by variation in progression rates from primary to secondary school across countries. Over 50 percent of 10-14-year-old students are attending secondary school in Asia, but no more than 3 percent are in Eastern and Southern Africa (data not shown). In the later teenage years, attendance rates fall off substantially, gender gaps widen, and regional differences become more pronounced. Roughly 50 percent of boys and 41 percent of girls in the 15-19 age group are attending school in the countries represented in Table 3-1. Boys have higher 6   We use the term “attendance” to refer to those who are reported by their household to be currently attending school, whereas we use the term “enrollment” to refer to officially reported opening day enrollment. For further discussion see Appendix A.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries TABLE 3-1 Percentage Currently Attending School, DHS Countries Region or Income Level Weighteda Averages Ages 10-14 Ages 15-19 Ages 20-24 Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Region Africa Eastern/Southern Africa 74.1 70.6 52.2 39.4 16.4 9.1 Western/Middle Africa 66.1 57.6 48.1 34.3 24.2 12.2 Asiab South-central/South-eastern Asiac 81.0 76.0 47.1 37.3 16.9 9.8 Former Soviet Asiad 98.4 98.9 56.1 54.4 13.2 11.7 Latin America and Caribbean Caribbean/Central America 80.0 77.8 50.9 44.2 21.3 16.5 South America 92.9 93.1 60.5 61.7 22.0 23.8 Middle East Western Asia/Northern Africa 81.0 67.6 47.7 37.4 17.5 10.3 Income Levele Low 75.3 69.2 46.4 34.0 17.5 8.8 Lower middle 86.6 84.1 57.4 54.0 20.1 16.5 Upper middle 91.4 87.2 59.6 58.1 22.1 22.1 TOTAL—All DHS 79.8 74.6 50.4 41.2 18.7 12.2 aWeighting is based on United Nations population estimates for year 2000 (World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision). bEastern Asia not included; no DHS available. cIndia’s DHS does not include current enrollment data for 18-24-year-olds and has been removed from this table. dFormer Soviet Asia includes former Soviet Republics in South-central and Western Asia. eWorld Bank income classifications, World Bank (2002b). NOTE: See Appendix Table 3-1 for the data from each country. attendance rates than girls in all regions except South America. While over 50 percent of 15-19-year-olds are attending school in middle-income countries, this is not the case for the low-income countries. Among those who are attending school, over 70 percent of 15-19-year-old students are currently attending secondary school (data not shown). However, in Eastern and Southern Africa, where children get a late start in school and many primary school cycles are more than six years, no more than 31 percent of male students and 38 percent of female students ages 15-19 are enrolled in secondary school (data not shown).

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries TABLE 3-2 Recent Trends in School Attendance in India and China Sex and Age China India 1989 1997 % Growth 1992 1999 % Growth Boys 12-13 93 96 3.2 76 81 6.2 Girls 12-13 92 96 4.3 56 67 19.6 Boys 14-15 77 85 10.4 35 69 74.3 Girls 14-15 69 84 21.7 23 52 126.1 Boys 16-17 38 65 71.1 n.a.a 54 n.a.a Girls 16-17 31 59 90.3 n.a.a 37 n.a.a aInformation on attendance was not asked of those over the age of 15 in 1992 survey. NOTE: n.a. = not available SOURCES: Hannum and Liu (2005); DHS data. In some parts of the developing world, a substantial minority of young people ages 20-24 are still in school—over 20 percent of young men and women in South America and of young men in Western and Middle Africa and in the Caribbean and Central America. For boys at this age, the differences in attendance rates between low and upper middle-income countries are not large (18 versus 22 percent), whereas for girls the gap is much larger (9 versus 22 percent). The reasons for these patterns vary substantially. In some cases, grade attainment is high, leading to continuing school attendance at later ages; in other cases, lower grade attainment combined with late ages of entry and repetition have led to similar patterns of attendance by age despite poorer grade attainment (see further discussion of schooling beyond the secondary level below). In Table 3-2, we compare recent changes in attendance by age in India and China. China has made impressive progress in extending school participation later into the adolescent years. The gender gap in attendance that had begun to emerge at the age of 14 in the late 1980s has almost been eliminated in the 14-15 age group and is now apparent only to a small degree among 16-17-year-olds who have showed extraordinary growth in school participation over the past 8 years. By ages 16-17, 59 percent of girls and 65 percent of boys are still attending school. India has also seen exceptional growth in school participation during the same period, particularly among the 14-15-year-olds. While the absolute gender gap in attendance rates has widened at this age, the percentage growth for girls exceeds that for boys because girls’ attendance rates started from a much lower base.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Differentials in Attendance by Wealth and Residence and Other Characteristics Globalization is sometimes claimed to benefit most those who are relatively better off. Thus, it is interesting to look separately at current enrollment patterns among the most privileged in each country. We can do that by using the wealth index developed by Filmer and Pritchett (1999) especially for use with DHS data. It is based on a common set of indicators capturing the ownership of a set of consumer durables (e.g., radio, bike, car) as well as various indicators of quality of housing, including the availability of piped water, electricity, and finished flooring. Table 3-3 mirrors Table 3-1, but includes only those in the top 20 percent of the wealth TABLE 3-3 Percentage Currently Attending School, Wealthiest 20 Percent of Households, DHS Countries Region or Income Level Weighteda Averages Ages 10-14 Ages 15-19 Ages 20-24 Boys Girls Boys Girls Boys Girls Region Africa Eastern/Southern Africa 88.6 84.8 60.9 49.4 21.2 12.7 Western/Middle Africa 86.7 80.0 67.4 53.7 40.2 26.8 Asia South-central/South-eastern Asiab 90.7 88.3 67.3 58.1 31.7 20.3 Former Soviet Asia 98.6 98.9 64.0 63.6 24.8 22.1 Latin America and Caribbean Caribbean/Central America 96.3 92.6 81.0 74.0 50.0 43.1 South America 98.1 97.0 73.2 72.8 31.9 36.9 Middle East Western Asia/Northern Africa 93.5 88.9 61.8 60.3 27.7 20.4 Income Level Low 88.8 85.0 64.4 53.8 31.3 19.9 Lower middle 96.6 93.6 74.5 66.8 32.9 26.9 Upper middle 96.6 95.5 67.8 70.8 27.4 30.8 TOTAL—All DHS 91.4 88.1 66.7 58.7 31.0 22.8 aWeighting is based on United Nations population estimates for year 2000 (World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision). bIndia’s DHS does not include current enrollment data for 18-24-year-olds and has been removed from this table. NOTES: For source of regional and income groupings and population data for weighted averages, see Table 3-1. Further detail can be found in Appendix A. See Appendix Table 3-2 for the data from each country.

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Girls Ages 10-14 Ages 15-19 Urban Rural Index Inequality Urban Rural Index Inequality 99.5 98.6 1.0 73.4 54.9 25.2 70.4 77.9 −10.6 39.4 32.9 16.7 45.3 21.5 52.5 24.8 8.2 67.0 95.6 81.7 14.6 75.0 32.4 56.9 95.7 88.5 7.5 68.0 49.0 27.9 62.5 14.0 77.6 34.1 1.4 95.8 87.4 70.7 19.0 53.3 25.1 52.9 69.8 33.0 52.7 33.3 7.6 77.2 52.3 22.9 56.3 31.8 6.4 79.9 93.9 81.9 12.8 57.0 35.0 38.5 67.3 56.3 16.3 63.4 40.5 36.2 53.7 41.8 22.1 28.3 7.3 74.4 96.2 93.6 2.7 69.2 52.6 24.0 92.0 75.2 18.3 65.1 40.1 38.5 78.4 28.4 63.8 58.8 17.1 70.9 86.2 76.9 10.8 41.1 35.6 13.5 81.0 70.0 13.6 46.4 25.9 44.1 48.3 14.2 70.6 26.9 4.6 83.0 83.4 75.2 9.9 71.9 58.6 18.5 93.1 86.3 7.3 60.1 33.5 44.2 96.9 95.1 1.8 72.1 65.1 9.7 99.6 98.7 0.9 80.3 73.9 8.0 86.5 91.4 −5.6 29.6 55.6 −88.3

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Country Survey Date Boys Ages 10-14 Ages 15-19 Urban Rural Inequality Index Urban Rural Inequality Index Kyrgyz Republic 1997 98.5 96.9 1.6 60.7 47.8 21.3 Madagascar 1997 78.1 53.3 31.8 45.6 12.8 71.9 Malawi 2000 94.8 82.1 13.4 72.7 62.8 13.7 Mali 2001 71.8 37.6 47.6 58.2 16.5 71.7 Morocco 1992 84.6 42.9 49.3 53.6 16.3 69.6 Mozambique 1997 84.5 67.7 19.9 55.7 40.8 26.8 Namibia 1992 96.4 90.1 6.5 78.2 76.2 2.6 Nepal 2001 90.4 82.7 8.5 61.4 49.7 19.1 Nicaragua 1997 86.0 66.4 22.8 59.3 25.0 57.8 Niger 1998 65.7 23.0 64.9 37.3 3.9 89.5 Nigeria 1999 82.2 71.2 13.3 72.6 56.2 22.6 Pakistan 1990-1991 79.2 64.9 18.0 48.9 42.0 14.0 Peru 2000 97.0 93.3 3.8 66.7 55.4 16.9 Philippines 1998 92.4 83.9 9.2 65.6 51.4 21.6 Rwanda 2000 46.7 41.0 12.2 17.6 11.3 35.4 Senegal 1992-1993 69.5 27.0 61.2 41.3 13.7 66.9 South Africa 1998-2000 97.9 95.5 2.5 82.8 86.8 −4.9 Togo 1998 94.2 80.9 14.1 75.3 61.0 19.0 Turkey 1998 86.7 73.4 15.4 41.5 27.9 32.9 Uganda 2000-2001 89.7 91.5 −1.9 65.6 66.2 −0.9 United Republic of Tanzania 1999 81.2 66.5 18.1 26.8 31.2 −16.7 Uzbekistan 1996 97.5 98.9 −1.5 42.1 44.5 −5.9 Vietnam 1997 93.0 90.0 3.3 54.1 41.5 23.2 Zambia 1996-1997 87.0 69.7 19.9 60.8 46.1 24.2 Zimbabwe 1999 97.4 91.9 5.6 59.3 57.6 2.8

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Girls Ages 10-14 Ages 15-19 Urban Rural Inequality Index Urban Rural Inequality Index 99.0 97.1 1.8 67.7 47.7 29.5 76.5 51.1 33.2 37.5 8.0 78.7 86.5 84.3 2.5 57.5 42.0 27.0 54.0 24.0 55.6 33.2 5.4 83.8 73.4 19.1 74.0 46.6 4.8 89.7 75.6 53.3 29.5 33.3 11.1 66.6 95.8 92.6 3.4 61.8 72.2 −16.9 81.4 63.2 22.4 54.8 27.7 49.5 89.9 69.9 22.2 60.3 26.2 56.6 55.9 11.5 79.4 25.3 0.8 96.9 82.6 64.3 22.2 59.9 45.0 24.8 68.4 33.1 51.7 41.1 10.0 75.7 95.8 87.3 8.9 65.9 43.3 34.3 93.9 91.6 2.4 65.0 61.4 5.5 46.6 41.8 10.3 16.7 6.8 59.1 54.8 16.9 69.2 22.5 2.3 89.7 98.4 96.8 1.6 79.4 79.4 0.0 74.5 61.5 17.5 45.0 31.2 30.6 72.6 47.1 35.1 34.4 13.9 59.5 87.5 90.5 −3.4 48.7 44.9 7.8 76.6 67.1 12.4 27.6 25.9 6.0 99.4 98.8 0.6 44.3 38.1 14.2 94.0 84.3 10.3 59.8 28.4 52.5 86.2 67.1 22.2 43.5 24.6 43.6 92.3 91.6 0.8 41.7 43.3 −3.9

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 3-5 Percentage Ever Attended School, DHS Countries Country Survey Date Male (age) Female (age) 10-14 15-19 20-24 10-14 15-19 20-24 Armenia 2000 99.2 99.8 99.5 99.6 99.8 99.6 Bangladesh 1999-2000 87.5 79.4 61.8 89.1 68.4 51.3 Benin 1996 66.9 66.3 57.4 38.4 32.2 24.7 Bolivia 1998 99.3 99.0 98.7 98.8 96.7 92.6 Brazil 1996 97.9 94.4 92.6 98.7 96.9 93.3 Burkina Faso 1998-1999 40.6 36.0 22.7 27.2 16.8 9.3 Cameroon 1998 88.6 90.5 85.3 83.6 77.6 67.3 Central African Republic 1994-1995 82.9 86.1 80.7 62.8 56.1 48.7 Chad 1996-1997 54.5 61.0 45.1 35.1 27.2 16.7 Colombia 2000 98.0 97.5 96.1 99.2 98.0 96.3 Comoros 1996 77.1 78.1 61.9 63.6 63.8 35.0 Côte d’Ivoire 1998-1999 72.8 62.7 51.5 57.3 53.4 37.9 Dominican Republic 1996 96.2 91.9 89.8 97.6 93.8 91.7 Egypt 2000 95.6 92.4 83.4 86.7 78.1 61.2 Ethiopia 1999 49.9 53.5 50.2 40.0 30.3 20.6 Ghana 1998-1999 86.8 86.9 83.3 85.8 75.0 65.5 Guatemala 1998-1999 93.8 89.6 83.6 90.2 80.6 75.0 Guinea 1999 57.6 48.5 43.0 40.3 24.2 17.8 Haiti 2000 87.5 90.1 80.8 88.4 83.8 63.5 India 1998-2000 90.4 85.5 75.3 80.0 61.6 46.2 Indonesia 1997 98.7 97.9 95.4 98.8 97.1 88.3

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Jordan 1997 99.4 97.6 94.7 99.2 98.5 94.2 Kazakhstan 1999 99.6 99.5 99.6 99.6 99.6 99.9 Kenya 1998 96.5 97.3 95.8 95.0 94.7 91.4 Kyrgyz Republic 1997 99.4 99.2 99.5 99.3 99.8 99.4 Madagascar 1997 77.6 81.6 82.0 77.7 81.4 78.7 Malawi 2000 92.6 90.6 83.4 93.2 81.2 65.5 Mali 2001 50.7 34.2 33.0 36.3 20.0 18.8 Morocco 1992 75.4 74.3 60.0 54.1 45.5 30.6 Mozambique 1997 84.5 81.6 83.0 70.8 58.7 64.6 Namibia 1992 95.1 88.4 78.4 96.2 92.7 82.0 Nepal 2001 89.6 83.8 66.4 71.8 44.4 24.6 Nicaragua 1997 88.8 85.2 85.0 91.3 87.8 85.2 Niger 1998 40.9 39.0 27.0 27.4 19.9 12.3 Nigeria 1999 82.7 83.0 76.3 79.2 69.6 57.9 Pakistan 1990-1991 76.2 65.9 54.3 51.3 36.1 24.1 Peru 2000 99.7 99.1 98.6 99.1 97.5 94.3 Philippines 1998 98.4 98.7 98.7 98.9 98.7 98.4 Rwanda 2000 87.7 83.2 70.1 87.9 81.9 65.1 Senegal 1992-1993 52.0 50.4 38.2 40.2 32.8 24.2 South Africa 1998-2000 97.9 97.6 95.3 98.8 98.0 92.4 Togo 1998 88.9 85.1 76.9 72.3 58.8 46.6 Turkey 1998 97.0 98.5 96.5 92.7 89.8 84.1 Uganda 2000-2001 96.4 92.5 90.7 95.4 84.0 73.9 United Republic of Tanzania 1999 75.3 88.7 90.7 74.3 82.9 78.5 Uzbekistan 1996 99.5 99.9 99.7 100.0 99.3 99.7 Vietnam 1997 97.2 94.5 97.2 96.9 94.4 96.7 Zambia 1996-1997 87.5 92.8 93.8 87.5 89.0 86.9 Zimbabwe 1999 98.5 98.5 97.3 98.6 98.1 94.0

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 3-6 Percentage Completing Four or More Years of Schooling, DHS Countries Country Survey Date Male (age) Female (age) 15-19 25-29 35-39 15-19 25-29 35-39 Armenia 2000 99.2 99.4 99.3 100.0 99.8 99.4 Bangladesh 1999-2000 70.8 58.5 48.6 69.5 44.2 32.7 Benin 1996 45.9 44.9 36.8 25.5 21.6 10.5 Bolivia 1998 96.4 93.3 84.8 92.5 79.2 65.0 Brazil 1996 76.7 78.1 74.6 85.3 79.8 74.0 Burkina Faso 1998-1999 29.7 21.0 12.9 18.4 10.0 7.6 Cameroon 1998 77.9 82.2 72.6 72.2 65.4 54.1 Central African Republic 1994-1995 55.6 57.7 52.1 34.9 32.3 17.7 Chad 1996-1997 36.1 33.6 28.9 14.2 7.7 7.1 Colombia 2000 90.2 87.1 79.1 92.9 88.4 80.4 Comoros 1996 64.1 62.6 34.9 48.9 43.6 15.1 Côte d’Ivoire 1998-1999 57.1 59.0 50.5 40.9 43.5 27.3 Dominican Republic 1996 77.7 81.5 74.4 87.0 84.9 73.4 Egypt 2000 89.3 83.7 71.7 77.2 61.8 44.8 Ethiopia 1999 30.7 36.6 29.3 20.8 19.5 7.9 Ghana 1998-1999 85.0 83.7 77.0 79.1 62.4 60.1 Guatemala 1998-1999 67.3 62.9 53.0 62.9 49.5 41.9 Guinea 1999 48.9 35.3 31.1 25.1 15.1 12.1 Haiti 2000 62.2 66.8 49.2 65.1 50.2 28.6 India 1998-2000 81.5 75.1 65.4 64.9 47.0 38.4 Indonesia 1997 92.6 91.8 76.8 93.2 83.6 61.3

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Jordan 1997 98.0 94.8 92.3 97.5 95.0 86.4 Kazakhstan 1999 98.9 99.1 99.8 99.5 99.8 99.7 Kenya 1998 90.6 93.0 90.9 90.6 88.5 72.3 Kyrgyz Republic 1997 99.0 99.4 99.8 99.3 99.4 98.8 Madagascar 1997 41.3 57.5 55.1 43.1 55.5 42.0 Malawi 2000 71.8 69.6 66.4 71.5 48.0 38.2 Mali 2001 35.3 25.0 25.3 23.0 14.0 14.9 Morocco 1992 69.0 56.5 50.3 44.5 32.3 22.2 Mozambique 1997 56.2 49.8 52.4 34.1 30.0 17.9 Namibia 1992 70.1 74.2 69.6 82.1 78.9 65.0 Nepal 2001 74.2 64.2 47.1 51.2 25.0 8.8 Nicaragua 1997 74.9 70.0 65.3 79.6 75.1 59.6 Niger 1998 35.7 26.8 15.8 18.1 15.0 7.2 Nigeria 1999 83.2 79.4 75.6 73.4 64.1 48.0 Pakistan 1990-1991 66.0 54.6 51.1 40.5 25.6 18.8 Peru 2000 96.1 95.8 93.2 95.0 90.3 82.7 Philippines 1998 93.5 92.5 91.0 97.0 95.5 92.8 Rwanda 2000 57.0 64.9 51.8 56.8 61.8 36.6 Senegal 1992-1993 45.6 38.4 35.0 34.0 20.7 18.4 South Africa 1998-2000 96.2 93.1 88.9 97.6 91.5 84.1 Togo 1998 68.8 63.9 61.0 47.5 32.9 26.8 Turkey 1998 97.1 96.8 94.6 90.6 84.3 72.9 Uganda 2000-2001 82.8 78.0 71.1 74.1 58.3 46.4 United Republic of Tanzania 1999 73.5 82.5 84.8 70.5 77.6 54.1 Uzbekistan 1996 99.1 99.6 99.8 99.2 99.5 99.4 Vietnam 1997 88.2 88.4 91.4 86.6 87.7 83.7 Zambia 1996-1997 80.6 87.4 90.1 78.4 74.8 71.1 Zimbabwe 1999 95.0 97.0 90.9 95.2 94.2 72.1

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 3-7 Mean Grades Attained, DHS Countries Country Age at Start Number of Years in Primary Survey Date Male (age) Female (age) 20-24 30-34 40-44 20-24 30-34 40-44 Armenia 7 4 2000 10.7 11.8 11.7 11.6 12.0 11.6 Bangladesh 6 5 1999-2000 6.1 4.8 4.5 4.7 3.1 2.3 Benin 6 6 1996 3.8 4.2 2.8 1.6 1.6 0.9 Bolivia 6 8 1998 9.9 9.2 8.2 8.8 7.7 6.2 Brazil 7 8 1996 6.5 6.8 6.0 7.4 6.9 5.9 Burkina Faso 7 6 1998-1999 2.6 1.6 1.3 1.2 0.6 0.4 Cameroon 6 6 1998 7.5 7.7 6.1 6.3 4.8 3.5 Central African Republic 6 6 1994-1995 5.0 5.1 3.7 2.8 2.4 1.0 Chad 6 6 1996-1997 3.6 2.7 2.3 1.1 0.7 0.4 Colombia 6 5 2000 8.6 7.7 7.2 9.2 8.0 7.0 Comoros 7 6 1996 5.3 5.4 2.3 4.3 2.8 0.7 Côte d’Ivoire 6 6 1998-1999 5.0 4.5 3.9 3.7 2.6 2.4 Dominican Republic 6 8 1996 7.5 8.2 7.4 8.7 8.6 6.6 Egypt 6 5 2000 9.6 9.1 7.7 8.0 6.4 4.4 Ethiopia 7 6 1999 2.8 3.1 2.1 1.7 1.1 0.4 Ghana 6 6 1998-1999 8.6 8.5 8.6 6.5 5.7 5.3 Guatemala 7 6 1998-1999 6.3 5.4 4.4 5.4 4.5 3.1 Guinea 7 6 1999 3.8 3.7 3.9 1.7 1.4 1.2 Haiti 6 6 2000 6.8 6.4 3.6 5.5 4.1 2.2 India 6 5 1998-2000 7.9 6.8 6.1 5.3 3.6 3.1 Indonesia 7 6 1997 8.7 7.9 6.3 8.1 6.3 4.9 Jordan 6 10 1997 11.0 10.1 9.9 11.4 9.6 7.1 Kazakhstan 7 4 1999 10.7 10.9 11.0 11.1 11.3 11.0 Kenya 6 8 1998 8.5 8.6 7.8 8.1 7.3 4.8

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Kyrgyz Republic/Kyrgyzstan 7 4 1997 10.4 10.9 11.1 10.7 10.9 10.9 Madagascar 6 5 1997 3.8 5.0 4.2 3.8 4.3 3.3 Malawi 6 8 2000 6.4 5.7 5.4 4.8 3.4 2.5 Mali 7 6 2001 2.4 2.2 2.4 1.2 1.1 0.9 Morocco 7 6 1992 5.5 4.5 3.5 3.4 2.3 1.3 Mozambique 7 5 1997 3.9 4.1 3.2 2.3 2.2 0.9 Namibia 7 7 1992 6.1 6.1 5.1 6.9 5.9 4.0 Nepal 6 5 2001 6.2 4.8 3.3 3.1 1.4 0.6 Nicaragua 7 6 1997 6.3 6.5 5.6 6.7 6.6 4.8 Niger 7 6 1998 2.8 2.1 1.2 1.3 0.8 0.4 Nigeria 6 6 1999 8.2 7.8 6.5 6.6 5.2 3.0 Pakistan 5 5 1990-1991 5.4 4.5 3.8 2.8 1.8 1.2 Peru 6 6 2000 10.2 10.2 9.6 9.8 9.1 8.0 Philippines 7 6 1998 9.3 9.0 8.4 9.9 9.3 8.6 Rwanda 7 7 2000 4.8 4.9 3.6 4.6 4.0 2.4 Senegal 7 6 1992-1993 3.9 3.0 2.7 2.2 1.7 0.9 South Africa 6 7 1998-2000 9.8 9.2 7.9 10.1 8.5 7.2 Togo 6 6 1998 5.1 5.5 4.6 2.9 2.4 1.7 Turkey 6 5 1998 8.7 7.6 7.4 6.7 5.7 4.4 Uganda 6 7 2000-2001 6.5 6.4 6.1 5.1 4.0 3.5 United Republic of Tanzania 7 7 1999 6.0 6.3 5.0 5.6 5.3 2.8 Uzbekistan 6 4 1996 10.6 11.1 11.2 10.5 10.7 10.6 Vietnam 6 5 1997 7.4 8.0 8.1 7.4 7.5 6.9 Zambia 7 7 1996-1997 7.0 8.0 8.3 6.0 6.0 5.6 Zimbabwe 6 7 1999 9.5 10.0 7.3 9.0 8.2 5.0 SOURCE: UNESCO Statistical Yearbook (1999).

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries APPENDIX TABLE 3-8 Percentage Ever Attended School Beyond Secondary School, DHS Countries Country Survey Date Male (age) Female (age) 25-29 35-39 25-29 35-39 Armenia 2000 23.0 20.8 21.2 16.4 Bangladesh 1999-2000 18.2 13.8 7.4 2.9 Benin 1996 3.3 4.9 0.2 0.7 Bolivia 1998 27.0 24.4 21.7 16.5 Brazil 1996 7.0 9.0 7.6 10.1 Burkina Faso 1998-1999 2.4 1.2 0.5 0.5 Cameroon 1998 7.7 7.1 2.9 1.2 Central African Republic 1994-1995 4.4 5.3 1.7 1.0 Chad 1996-1997 2.1 2.3 0.1 0.3 Colombia 2000 18.3 15.1 17.8 15.3 Comoros 1996 4.2 5.6 1.4 0.5 Côte d’Ivoire 1998-1999 7.6 5.7 3.8 1.2 Dominican Republic 1996 14.5 16.4 18.6 16.6 Egypt 2000 17.9 17.4 13.0 10.3 Ethiopia 1999 3.0 2.9 1.2 0.8 Ghana 1998-1999 6.7 8.2 2.2 3.1 Guatemala 1998-1999 8.8 5.2 4.1 4.4 Guinea 1999 5.9 6.6 2.3 3.0 Haiti 2000 5.9 2.7 3.2 1.0 India 1998-2000 25.2 18.3 12.5 7.7 Indonesia 1997 8.9 5.5 7.1 3.1 Jordan 1997 34.1 37.3 34.1 24.2 Kazakhstan 1999 14.1 17.8 18.5 22.7 Kenya 1998 6.6 6.2 3.4 1.7

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Growing Up Global: The Changing Transitions to Adulthood in Developing Countries Country Survey Date Male (age) Female (age) 25-29 35-39 25-29 35-39 Kyrgyz Republic 1997 11.5 20.7 17.0 18.2 Madagascar 1997 2.6 6.2 1.8 2.1 Malawi 2000 0.7 1.1 0.3 0.1 Mali 2001 4.3 2.7 1.2 0.8 Morocco 1992 10.2 5.2 3.9 1.7 Mozambique 1997 0.2 0.3 0.0 0.1 Namibia 1992 4.3 6.7 3.2 2.9 Nepal 2001 12.4 7.9 2.6 0.8 Nicaragua 1997 8.1 13.1 9.5 8.6 Niger 1998 2.0 2.3 0.3 0.5 Nigeria 1999 16.4 19.3 8.9 9.9 Pakistan 1990-1991 6.4 5.2 2.2 1.6 Peru 2000 30.5 27.9 29.2 22.8 Philippines 1998 33.5 30.3 36.1 31.8 Rwanda 2000 1.3 2.1 0.7 0.2 Senegal 1992-1993 3.4 7.6 1.2 0.7 South Africa 1998-2000 11.1 10.5 11.2 8.5 Togo 1998 4.3 5.2 1.2 0.7 Turkey 1998 13.3 10.7 10.6 5.3 Uganda 2000-2001 8.3 9.5 5.0 4.6 United Republic of Tanzania 1999 0.1 0.5 0.0 0.1 Uzbekistan 1996 19.1 22.8 11.5 13.6 Vietnam 1997 1.3 2.2 1.3 3.1 Zambia 1996-1997 5.5 10.7 4.0 5.1 Zimbabwe 1999 7.1 10.4 4.5 3.9