6
Barriers to Educational Opportunities for Hispanics in the United States

Barbara Schneider, Sylvia Martinez, and Ann Owens

For Hispanics in the United States, the educational experience is one of accumulated disadvantage. Many Hispanic students begin formalized schooling without the economic and social resources that many other students receive, and schools are often ill equipped to compensate for these initial disparities. For Hispanics, initial disadvantages often stem from parents’ immigrant and socioeconomic status and their lack of knowledge about the U.S. education system. As Hispanic students proceed through the schooling system, inadequate school resources and their weak relationships with their teachers continue to undermine their academic success. Initial disadvantages continue to accumulate, resulting in Hispanics having the lowest rates of high school and college degree attainment, which hinders their chances for stable employment. The situation of Hispanic educational attainment is cause for national concern.

Today, most parents and their children believe that a college degree is necessary for obtaining stable and meaningful work (Schneider and Stevenson, 1999). This attitude is reflected in the educational expectations parents hold for their children and in the expectations that young people have for themselves (U.S. Department of Education, 1995b, p. 88). High educational expectations can be found among all racial and ethnic groups regardless of their economic and social resources (p. 73). Although parents and children share high educational aims, their aspirations do not necessarily translate into postsecondary matriculation. This is especially the case for Hispanic high school students, particularly those whose parents have not attended college (Nuñez, Cuccaro-Alamin, and Carroll, 1998).



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Hispanics and the Future of America 6 Barriers to Educational Opportunities for Hispanics in the United States Barbara Schneider, Sylvia Martinez, and Ann Owens For Hispanics in the United States, the educational experience is one of accumulated disadvantage. Many Hispanic students begin formalized schooling without the economic and social resources that many other students receive, and schools are often ill equipped to compensate for these initial disparities. For Hispanics, initial disadvantages often stem from parents’ immigrant and socioeconomic status and their lack of knowledge about the U.S. education system. As Hispanic students proceed through the schooling system, inadequate school resources and their weak relationships with their teachers continue to undermine their academic success. Initial disadvantages continue to accumulate, resulting in Hispanics having the lowest rates of high school and college degree attainment, which hinders their chances for stable employment. The situation of Hispanic educational attainment is cause for national concern. Today, most parents and their children believe that a college degree is necessary for obtaining stable and meaningful work (Schneider and Stevenson, 1999). This attitude is reflected in the educational expectations parents hold for their children and in the expectations that young people have for themselves (U.S. Department of Education, 1995b, p. 88). High educational expectations can be found among all racial and ethnic groups regardless of their economic and social resources (p. 73). Although parents and children share high educational aims, their aspirations do not necessarily translate into postsecondary matriculation. This is especially the case for Hispanic high school students, particularly those whose parents have not attended college (Nuñez, Cuccaro-Alamin, and Carroll, 1998).

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Hispanics and the Future of America FIGURE 6-1 Educational attainment of the population 25 years and over by country of origin (percentage), 2002. SOURCE: U.S. Census Bureau (2002a). Despite high educational expectations, Hispanics are among the least educated group in the United States: 11 percent of those over age 25 have earned a bachelor’s degree or higher compared with 17 percent of blacks, 30 percent of whites, and 49 percent of Asian Americans in the same age group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003).1 Even more troubling, more than one-fourth of Hispanic adults have less than a ninth-grade education (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002b). These numbers represent all Hispanic groups and include recent immigrants. When examined by country of origin, educational attainment for Hispanics varies. As shown in Figure 6-1, Mexican Americans, who are the largest and fastest growing Hispanic subgroup in the United States, have the lowest rates of educational attainment compared with other groups. Cuban Americans report the highest levels of high school completion, and “other Hispanics” report the highest levels of bachelor’s degree attainment. Most data sets do not distinguish among Hispanic subgroups, disregarding important cultural and economic differ- 1   Mexican Americans constitute the largest proportion of Hispanics in the United States as shown in the 2000 census. The composition of the Hispanic population is as follows: 66 percent Mexican, 15 percent Central and South American, 9 percent Puerto Rican, 6 percent other Hispanic, and 4 percent Cuban (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002b). Reported percentages have been rounded to the nearest whole number.

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Hispanics and the Future of America ences among them. Whenever possible, analyses in this chapter attend to such differences. Given the growth of the Hispanic population in the United States, most notably in the past decade (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001a), and the increasing importance of a college degree even for entry-level jobs (Carnoy, 2000), the barriers Hispanics face in realizing their educational ambitions is a major policy concern (see Chapter 4). This chapter presents the current state of educational opportunities available to the majority of Hispanic students in elementary, secondary, and postsecondary schools. Similar to other chapters in this volume, this chapter moves beyond the descriptive and explores some of the institutional and student-level factors that appear to be hindering Hispanic educational success. The goal is to identify some of the barriers to educational advancement experienced by Hispanic students in the United States, including entering school at a disadvantage because of a lack of exposure to literacy activities at home and in early formalized school settings, teacher assessments of students’ language proficiency unduly influencing instructional practices, how the relationship between Hispanic students and their predominantly non-Hispanic teachers encourages disengagement from academic work, and how the lack of academic guidance pertaining to course selections and college choice impedes Hispanics from attending four-year colleges. TAKING THE FIRST STEPS: ACTIVITIES AT HOME One of the most important factors in school success is the extent to which parents actively participate in their children’s education prior to their entry into formal preschool or kindergarten programs (U.S. Department of Education, 2003d). Specific activities, such as reading to children, have been shown to enhance children’s language acquisition, early reading performance, social development, and later success in school (Loeb, Fuller, Kagan, and Carrol, 2004; National Research Council, 1998). National trend data from the National Household and Education Survey (NHES) from 1993 to 1999 indicate that Hispanic children age 3 to 5 are less likely to be read to compared with non-Hispanic children. Families in which parents’ primary language at home is Spanish have especially low rates of participation in literacy activities. With respect to reading to children three or more times per week, Hispanic families in which both parents speak only Spanish at home had participation rates that were nearly 50 percentage points lower than white families in 1999. By contrast, for Hispanic families in which both parents speak English at home, participation rates were only 15 percentage points lower than white families. Hispanic households are also less likely than white households to participate in other prekindergarten literacy activities, such as telling their child a story or visiting a library,

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Hispanics and the Future of America again with a pronounced difference between Hispanic families who speak English in the home and those who do not. Families with limited economic, educational, and social resources are often less likely to participate in literacy activities than those with greater resources. Using data from the NHES, families were categorized by income level to determine whether literacy activities still differ by race/ethnicity when resources are taken into account.2 Figure 6-2 suggests a statistically significant association between literacy activities and family resources across racial/ethnic groups.3 However, at all income levels except the highest, Hispanic families are less likely than other groups to participate in literacy activities (see Figure 6-2), indicating that lower participation in literacy activities can be partially explained by lack of financial resources. An additional mechanism explaining different rates of participation is language: within each income bracket except the highest, Hispanic families in which neither parent speaks English were less likely to read to their children, tell a story, or visit a library than Hispanic families in which both parents speak English in the home.4 The rates of literacy participation for Hispanic families who speak English at home more closely resemble those of white and black families, suggesting that bilingual families may be more assimilated into American culture, and specifically into practices that increase school performance. It is difficult to draw causal conclusions regarding the effects of language spoken at home across racial/ethnic groups and within the Hispanic population due to methodological shortcomings of existing data sets: the small numbers of non-English speakers in the existing samples, some surveys not being administered bilingually, and questions regarding literacy activities not differentiating between reading to a child in Spanish and doing so in English. However, multivariate analyses based on these NHES data show that, regardless of mother’s educational attainment and household income, Hispanic parents who speak only Spanish at home are less likely to read to their children than other Hispanic parents (both bilingual parents and those who speak only English).5 However, NHES data indicate 2   Income brackets were constructed by recoding the NHES household income variable into quartiles. NHES does not provide a more comprehensive measure of socioeconomic status, such as a construct that includes parental level of education. 3   The language variable was constructed from questions about the mother’s and father’s first language and the language spoken at home. The three language categories are (1) both parents’ main language is English, (2) one of two parents speaks a language other than English in the home, and (3) both parents speak a language other than English in the home. 4   While the language variable is not specific, we can infer that for the majority of Hispanic families, Spanish is the other language spoken in the home. 5   Multivariate analyses, using NHES, are not shown but are available from authors upon request.

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Hispanics and the Future of America FIGURE 6-2 Average rates of participation for 3- to 5-year-olds not yet enrolled in kindergarten in being read to by a family member, by race/ethnicity according to income. NOTES: Differences between racial groups and language status are statistically significant (p < .001). The difference between racial groups was not significant within the highest income bracket for this measure. “Read to” refers to being read to at least three times in the past week. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1999). that parents who are bilingual are more likely to engage their child in literacy activities than parents who speak only Spanish, but their children are still at a disadvantage in reading compared with children whose parents speak only English. While participating in literacy activities in English is the optimal preparation for schooling, being read to in Spanish also exposes children to literacy strategies that will be beneficial as they start school. Students who are successful readers in their native language employ the same strategies to help them read in English (Jiminez, Garcia, and Pearson, 1996; Saville-Troike, 1984). However, parents who speak only Spanish in the home are more likely to be recent immigrants, live in disadvantaged communities, be unfamiliar with American cultural and educational practices, and have lower levels of education and less income. Taken together, this confluence of language, nativity, and environment creates obstacles for young children as they prepare to enter school.

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Hispanics and the Future of America Preschool Attendance Most young children will attend some type of preschool program before entering kindergarten. Increasingly, scholars have pointed to the importance of having children attend preschool, arguing that it produces persistent gains on achievement tests and reduces the likelihood of grade retention and placement in remedial programs, especially for low-income children (Barnett and Camilli, 2002). Quality preschool and kindergarten experiences provide the basic foundation for children’s later cognitive and social development (Elkind, 1981; Wadsworth, 1989). Specifically, for Hispanic children, preschool can serve as a mediator between home and school. By exposing children to English and by socializing them into academic and cultural norms, even early schooling can reinforce the importance of education for future job success (Currie and Thomas, 1996). Despite evidence showing the benefits of preschool attendance, Hispanic children are the least likely to be enrolled in preschool. In 1999, 60 percent of white children who were 3 years old attended preschool, whereas only 26 percent of Hispanic children had started their education at this age (U.S. Department of Education, 2003d, p. 23). Among Hispanic 4- and 5-year-olds, enrollment rates were slightly higher and more closely resemble those of white and black children: 64 percent of Hispanic 4-year-olds attended preschool, compared with 69 percent of white and 81 percent of black 4-year-olds; among 5-year-olds, 89 percent of Hispanic, 93 percent of white, and 99 percent of black children attended preschool. Black children, however, are significantly more likely to attend preschool than Hispanic children in all age groups. Some positive changes in Hispanic attendance in preschool programs can be seen by looking at participation in Head Start, which is specifically designed to serve disadvantaged children and uses federal poverty guidelines as a key factor for assessing eligibility. In 1998, black children age 5 and under had an attendance rate that was almost 10 percent higher than eligible Hispanics. By 2003, however, black children had an attendance rate that was only about 1 percent higher than Hispanic children (see Table 6-1). The higher attendance rates of Hispanic children may be the result of more parents taking advantage of Head Start, or it may merely reflect increases in the numbers of Hispanic children eligible for the program. Attending Head Start appears to be a positive experience for most Hispanic children. Currie and Thomas (1996) have shown that Hispanic children who are enrolled in Head Start perform slightly better on a series of cognitive tests than those who do not attend any preschool program. However, the effects of participating in Head Start differ across Hispanic subgroups. The advantages of attending Head Start are the greatest among children of Mexican origin; Puerto Rican children appear to reap fewer benefits, although they do perform better than those who attend other types

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Hispanics and the Future of America TABLE 6-1 Head Start Enrollment Trends for Children Age 5 and Under by Race/Ethnicity, 1998–2003 Race/Ethnicity Year 1998 (%) 1999 (%) 2000 (%) 2001 (%) 2002 (%) 2003 (%) Black 35.8 35.1 34.5 33.8 32.6 31.5 White 31.5 30.5 30.4 29.9 28.4 27.6 Hispanic 26.4 27.8 28.7 29.7 29.8 30.6 Asian 2.9 2.1 2.0 2.0 2.0 1.8 American Indian 3.4 3.4 3.3 3.6 2.9 3.2 Hawaiian/Pacific Islander 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.0 1.1   SOURCE: Head Start Bureau Fact Sheets (2004). of preschool programs. One explanation for this difference may be the poor quality of other available preschool programs (Currie and Thomas, 1996).6 While attending Head Start programs appears to provide some benefits, lack of available quality preschool programs remains an obstacle for some Hispanic children. Currently, programs such as universal preschool are being implemented in several states, including California. However, critics of such programs argue that while state-funded preschool allows access to preschool to more children, it detracts from creating quality preschools (Olsen, 1999). Risk Factors for Kindergartners Limited success in early schooling can be traced to several family background characteristics. Specific factors, such as having a mother who did not complete high school (Bianchi and McArthur, 1993), living in a single-parent home (McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994), living in a low-income or welfare-dependent household (U.S. Department of Education, 1995a), and having parents who speak a language other than English in the home (Kao, 1999; Rumberger and Larson, 1998) place children at risk of not succeeding academically (Pallas, Natriello, and McDill, 1989). These broad indicators, several of which are interrelated, do not necessarily predict that a student is destined for school failure. However, students whose families have combinations of these factors are more likely to have diffi- 6   In examining the benefits of Head Start attendance, the comparison group is siblings who either did not attend a preschool program or attended other types of preschool programs.

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Hispanics and the Future of America FIGURE 6-3 Percentage distribution of kindergartners by number of risk factors and race/ethnicity: Fall 1998. NOTE: Percentage may not add to 100 due to rounding. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1998). culty in school. Hispanic and black children entering kindergarten are disproportionately from families with one or more of these risk factors (see Figure 6-3). The proportion of children with two or more risk factors is five times larger among Hispanics (33 percent) and four times larger among blacks (27 percent) than among whites (6 percent) (U.S. Department of Education, 2001a). To examine the risk factors for first-time kindergartners of different racial/ethnic backgrounds, several analytic models were constructed distinguishing among whites, blacks, Asians, and Hispanics (categorized by the language parents report is primarily spoken at home).7 The three models, in Appendix Table A6-1, show that race/ethnicity is differentially associated with each risk factor, and that Hispanics who speak English at home face different risks than those who speak Spanish at home. Hispanics, especially those who speak Spanish at home, are much less likely than blacks to be in a single-parent family relative to whites. There is a strong sense of family among Hispanics that is reinforced by religion, perhaps making single parenthood less likely to occur. For example, only 47 percent of Hispanics who 7   Appendix Table A6-1 presents three logistic regression models in which each of three risk factors serves as the dependent variable.

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Hispanics and the Future of America primarily speak Spanish find divorce acceptable, compared with 72 percent of the U.S. population as a whole (Pew Hispanic Center Survey Brief, 2004). However, as shown in Chapter 5, single parenting is now rising among Hispanic families; if this trend continues, it may place more Hispanic students at risk. The picture changes, however, when examining the likelihood of having a mother who does not have a high school diploma or being raised in a low-income family. Hispanics are between two (those who speak English at home) and three times (those who speak Spanish at home) more likely to have a mother with low educational attainment compared with whites, even when other risk factors and socioeconomic status have been taken into account. In addition, Hispanic families in which the parents speak Spanish at home are more than twice as likely to be below the poverty threshold as non-Hispanic whites.8 The risk factors seem to interact or be predictive of one another as well. Parents in Spanish-dominant families tend to be both less well educated and more likely to be poor. In general, these findings suggest that, although there are large numbers of Hispanics with two or more risk factors, the pattern of risk differs considerably for Hispanics who speak English at home and those who speak Spanish at home.9 As with literacy activities that occur prior to formal schooling, parental education and limited English proficiency play an important role in academic success when examining risk factors contributing to school performance. A parent’s primary language has implications for how involved he or she can be in their child’s education. Even a bilingual parent may have trouble with reading comprehension if he or she has not completed high school (Huerta-Macias, 2003; Zulmara and Necochea, 2003). Visiting the library or enrolling one’s child in a preschool program requires knowledge of what is available, where it is located, and how to get there. The most economically advantaged parent still needs logistical and organizational support to enroll and transport their young child to a preschool program. Furthermore, with respect to formal schooling, if kindergarten is not required, then parents may not even receive information about available programs.10 8   As expected, once other risk factors and socioeconomic status have been controlled, the coefficient for Hispanics drops significantly. 9   Partial linear regressions (not shown) predicting the total number of risk factors were conducted for each racial/ethnic group to determine the additive effects of these risk factors. These regressions resulted in different patterns for these groups, confirming results presented in Appendix Table A6-1. 10   Kindergarten is commonly regarded as the first step in the formal schooling process (Barnett, 1998), although in many states being enrolled in kindergarten is not mandatory (U.S. Department of Education, 2002d). Several states with a high proportion of Hispanic residents (California, New York, and Texas) do not have mandatory kindergarten enrollment (U.S. Department of Education, 1996a).

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Hispanics and the Future of America Most existing data do not indicate whether Hispanic children in preschool or formal school are taught in English or Spanish. However, because of the monolinguistic nature of the U.S. school system, encouraging English proficiency in students and parents at the earliest possible stage is likely to lead to a stronger foundation for school learning and later academic success. Parents with young children, especially those who are first-generation immigrants, are likely to benefit if their schools and communities worked together to provide parent literacy programs, translators at school-related activities, advice on how to assist children in homework or engage them in academic activities, before- and after-school child care, and community outreach programs. ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE IN THE PRIMARY GRADES, MIDDLE SCHOOL, AND HIGH SCHOOL By the time they enter kindergarten, Hispanic students for the most part already trail their classmates in reading and mathematics achievement. Results from a recent national study of kindergartners, the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study Kindergarten Class of 1998–1999 (ECLS–K), point to a problematic academic future for Hispanic children. Non-Hispanic white children were more likely to score in the highest quartile in reading, mathematics, and general knowledge than black or Hispanic children (U.S. Department of Education, 2000a). Examining early literacy skills, Asian and non-Hispanic white children were more likely to recognize letters, beginning sounds, ending sounds, and sight words than blacks or Hispanics (see Table 6-2). With the exception of American Indians, Hispanic children whose parents do not speak English at home were the least likely to have passing reading proficiency scores across all tasks. Results for mathematics proficiency were similar to those for language proficiency (see Table 6-3). Hispanic students whose parents primarily speak Spanish at home were the least likely to have passing scores for number and shape recognition, relative size, ordinal sequence, and addition and subtraction. In this instance, passing rates were lower than those for American Indians in all categories. The academic achievement gap between Hispanics and other groups at the onset of schooling continues through the primary grades, suggesting that the effects of family background characteristics, including language, create an initial barrier that is difficult to overcome. Primary Grades Using ECLS data from kindergarten and first grade, Reardon and Galindo (2003) conducted a series of multivariate analyses that show substantial variation in mathematics achievement scores among Hispanic sub-

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Hispanics and the Future of America TABLE 6-2 Percentage of First-Time Kindergartners Passing Each Reading Proficiency Level, by Child’s Race/Ethnicity, Fall 1998 Characteristic Letter Recognition Beginning Sounds Ending Sounds Sight Words Child’s race/ethnicity White, non-Hispanic 70.2 34.3 20.7 4.2 Black, non-Hispanic 61.7 20.4 11.8 2.3a Asian 82.8 44.2 29.5 12.1 Hispanic, speak English at home 51.2 24.4 13.1 2.9a Hispanic, speak Spanish at home 38.3a 15.3a 6.6a 1.4a Hawaiian native/Pacific Islander 62.1 29.5 13.1 7.0a American Indian/Alaska native 37.1 14.4 6.4 1.3a More than one race, non-Hispanic 61.0 26.6 15.5 5.2 NOTES: Only students with complete assessments were included. Sixty percent of the Hispanic students who speak Spanish at home were assessed in Spanish. aThese numbers include students who scored below the cutoff on the Oral Language Development Scale. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1998). TABLE 6-3 Percentage of First-Time Kindergartners Passing Each Mathematics Proficiency Level, by Child’s Race/Ethnicity, Fall 1998 Characteristic Number and Shape Relative Size Ordinal Sequence Add/Subtract Child’s race/ethnicity White, non-Hispanic 94.1 66.2 27.7 5.9 Black, non-Hispanic 88.1 45.7 9.8 1.2 Asian 95.6a 71.1 30.3 7.6 Hispanic, speak English at home 88.2 41.1 12.0 2.3 Hispanic, speak Spanish at home 74.8 22.6 4.0 0.7 Hawaiian native/Pacific Islander 92.4 52.3 14.2 1.7 American Indian/Alaska native 80.3 37.0 7.3 1.0 More than one race, non-Hispanic 90.5 55.5 18.6 4.0 NOTES: Only students with complete assessments were included. Sixty percent of the Hispanic students who speak Spanish at home were assessed in Spanish. aThis number represents variables with high percentages of missing or not-applicable data. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1998).

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Hispanics and the Future of America APPENDIX TABLE A6-1 Logistic Regression Predicting the Likelihood of Having a Risk Factor (One of Three) by Race/Ethnicity and the Other Risk Factors Single Parent Family Risk Factor Predictor Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Beta Odds Ratio Beta Odds Ratio Beta Odds Ratio Constant −1.871***   −2.063***   −1.077***   Black 1.946*** 6.998 1.611*** 5.007 1.518*** 4.561 Hispanic, speaks English at home .864*** 2.372 .621*** 1.861 .559*** 1.749 Hispanic, speaks Spanish at home .326*** 1.386 −.275 .760 −.401*** .670 Asian −.338** .713 −.440** .644 −.349** .706 Other .942*** 2.566 .671*** 1.956 .608*** 1.837 Below poverty level (risk)     1.368*** 3.929 1.017*** 2.766 Low educational attainment for mother (risk)     .064 1.066 −.300*** .741 Socioeconomic status (quintiles)         –.282*** .754 Chi-square 3234.50*** 4689.61*** 5049.38*** –2 Log-likelihood 27874.65 26419.55 26059.78 Family Income Below the Poverty Threshold Risk Factor Predictor Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Beta Odds Ratio Beta Odds Ratio Beta Odds Ratio Constant −2.301***   −2.769***   .964***   Black 1.860*** 6.423 1.287*** 3.620 .955*** 2.599 Hispanic, speaks English at home 1.219*** 3.384 .840*** 2.316 .658*** 1.932 Hispanic, speaks Spanish at home 2.079*** 8.000 1.523*** 4.585 .857*** 2.356

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Hispanics and the Future of America Asian .435*** 1.545 .439*** 1.552 .816*** 2.262 Other 1.354*** 3.873 1.129*** 3.093 .915*** 2.497 Low educational attainment for mother (risk)     1.526*** 4.598 −.220*** .803 Single parent family (risk)     1.370*** 3.935 1.024*** 2.785 Socioeconomic status (quintiles)         –1.317*** .268 Chi-square 3261.36*** 5929.60*** 10722.43*** –2 Log-likelihood 25066.33 22398.08 17605.26 Low Educational Attainment for Mother (Less Than a High School Diploma) Risk Factor Predictor Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Beta Odds Ratio Beta Odds Ratio Beta Odds Ratio Constant −2.635***   −2.897***   2.495***   Black 1.084*** 2.955 .515*** 1.673 .065 1.067 Hispanic, speaks English at home 1.292*** 3.638 1.015*** 2.759 .759*** 2.136 Hispanic, speaks Spanish at home 2.609*** 13.585 2.183*** 8.875 1.109*** 3.033 Asian .577*** 1.781 .504*** 1.655 .880*** 2.410 Other .689*** 1.992 .309*** 1.362 −.011 .989 Below poverty level (risk)     1.519*** 4.565 −.407*** .665 Single parent family (risk)     .095* 1.099 −.280*** .756 Socioeconomic status (quintiles)         −2.191*** .112 Chi-square 2291.68*** 3626.14*** 9830.56*** −2 Log-likelihood 19850.60 18516.13 12311.72 NOTES: This is a weighted data set. The reference category for race/ethnicity is white, non-Hispanic. + p < .10, *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education (1998).

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Hispanics and the Future of America FIGURE A6-1a Probability (in percent) of taking high math courses (trigonometry or above) for each race/ethnicity by different control variables. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, NELS 88-2000, Second Follow-Up, 1992, restricted-use data (with imputed values).

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Hispanics and the Future of America FIGURE A6-1b Probability (in percent) of taking a high science course for each race/ethnicity by different control variables. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, NELS 88-2000, Second Follow-Up, 1992, restricted-use data (with imputed values).

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Hispanics and the Future of America FIGURE A6-1c Probability (in percent) of taking the SAT for each race/ethnicity by different control variables. SOURCE: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, NELS 88-2000, Second Follow-Up, 1992, restricted-use data (with imputed values).

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Hispanics and the Future of America APPENDIX FIGURE A6-1 NOTES: Model 1: Base (no control variables) Model 2: Base + male Model 3: Base + traditional mother–father family Model 4: Base + number of siblings = 1 Model 5: Base + family income = median ($32,209) Model 6: Base + parent educational attainment = some college Model 7: Base + student educational expectations = college Model 8: Base + comprehensive math and reading test at base year (G8) = 51.66 (average) Model 9: Base + grades at first follow-up (G10) = 2.81 Model 10: Base + parent–child academic discussions = 6.13 (average) Model 11: Controlling for all variables