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KENNETH LOCKE HALE August 15, 1934-October 8, 2001 BY MORRIS HALLE AND NORVIN RICHARDS K EN HALE WAS A DESCENDANT of Roger Williams, the founder of Rhode Island, whose political and religious views led to his banishment from Massachusetts by order of the Gen- eral Court of the Colony. Williams made special efforts to be on good terms with the indigenous Indians, and his 1643 book Key into the language of America is one of the earliest studies in English of a Native American language. Hale felt great affinity for his seventeenth-century ancestor, not only for the latter’s interests in the language and cul- ture of the indigenous population among whom he had come to live, but also for his radical political views. Hale was six years old when his father, who had been a banker in Chicago, changed careers and became a rancher in Arizona. Growing up on the family ranch, Hale came in contact with speakers of Native American languages and discovered that he had an extraordinary talent for acquir- ing languages quickly and thoroughly, a talent that he was fortunate to retain throughout his life. Hale did his undergraduate work in anthropology at the University of Arizona in Tucson. For graduate study he trans- ferred to Indiana, where he worked with C. F. Voegelin, who had been an associate of Edward Sapir (NAS 1934). 115

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116 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS Hale obtained his PhD in 1959 at Indiana University with a thesis A Papago Grammar. He then spent two years doing fieldwork in Australia, during which time he collected the basic linguistic data (morphology and core vocabulary) of around 70 languages and made a more intensive study of many of these. Hale’s field notes and records of those years have served as the raw material for linguistic research at all levels, from numerous Master’s and PhD theses written by students at universities in Australia and the US to the most advanced research currently underway. Upon his return from Australia Hale taught at the Uni- versity of Illinois at Urbana and at his alma mater, the Uni- versity of Arizona. It was at this time (in the 1960s) that Hale became an active contributor to the work in transfor- mational and generative linguistics that had been initiated by Noam Chomsky (NAS 1972) at MIT. This, in turn, led to his appointment in 1966 to the linguistics faculty at MIT, where he remained to the end of his life. Hale was sensitive to the unequal relationship that often obtains between researchers, who usually have enormous material resources at their command, and the individuals whose languages are being studied, who often are barely surviving on the margins of our modern world. He was deeply concerned about “the sheer lethal incompatibility between the dominant Anglo-Saxon people’s empire and an Aboriginal society of almost inconceivable antiquity,”1 and he made major efforts to provide tangible benefits to the groups whose languages he was studying. In Australia, in Nicaragua, and particularly in the American Southwest, he was instrumen- tal in starting programs in elementary education in several local languages. He tried in a great many instances to pro- vide training to individuals from the groups whose languages he was studying, including admission to graduate programs in linguistics with financial support.

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117 KENNETH LOCKE HALE These efforts, alas, were less successful than Hale had hoped. Mainly as a result of political changes over the last quarter century, many of the educational programs Hale established lost financial support and had to be abandoned after a few short years, well before they could have worked their planned effects. These setbacks did not discourage Hale. They only clarified for him the great difficulty of the task, which he hoped would never be abandoned but would be continued by subsequent generations of linguists. An essential part of the research in linguistics consists of the collection of appropriate data. In many cases this involves extensive one-to-one contact with a speaker of a particular language. This is especially true of languages with- out copius written records, where fieldwork with native speak- ers is the only means of gathering necessary data. Hale was justly famous among linguists as a superb collector of lin- guistic data. However, data collection was never the primary goal of his work. For Hale, as for many modern linguists, the cen- tral aim of linguistics was the elucidation of the mental capacities of humans by virtue of which they are able to learn to produce and understand utterances in one (or more) languages. Like any other science, linguistics aims to go beyond the recording of facts to the discovery of the principles that govern these facts. One important result of the work of the last half century is the conclusion that the grammars of languages do not vary virtually without limit, as had been widely assumed; rather, the cross-linguistic dif- ferences that we find are all variations on a theme, with a common core of linguistic properties that appear to be uni- versal in human language. On one widely held view (sub- scribed to by Hale and the authors), this linguistic unifor- mity is due to the fact that the computations involved in putting words together into sentences employ neurophysi-

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118 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS ological machinery that is uniform in the human species. It is this machinery, sometimes called Universal Grammar,2 that allows humans, but not chimpanzees, to learn English, or Warlpiri, or any other language, and it is due to the nature of this machinery in homo sapiens that human lan- guages have certain properties and lack others. On this view, the subject matter of linguistics is the nature of the human mind, of this neurophysiological machinery which is part of what makes us human, as revealed in the patterns of the languages of the world. This approach to human language began with Noam Chomsky’s pioneering work in the 50’s, and has driven several decades of fruitful work in linguistics—work to which Ken Hale made profound and varied contributions. Partly because of his talent as a polyglot, Hale was able to shed light on these profound questions of human nature by drawing on data from a phenomenal number of lan- guages from all over the world. In addition to studies of the native languages of Australia and the American Southwest (especially Navajo, Hopi, and Tohono O’odham [formerly called Papago]), Hale’s bibliography includes papers on two native languages of Nicaragua (Ulwa and Miskitu), on Irish, on Igbo, on Dagur (a language of Mongolia), on Hocak ‘ (Winnebago), on K’ichee’ Mayan, and on numerous oth- ers. In what follows we have tried to present one of Hale’s many contributions to linguistic theory in a manner acces- sible to readers without extensive familiarity with the tech- nical literature. We must emphasize that Hale’s contribu- tions were so profound and far-reaching that we can discuss only a small fraction of them. We have picked a particular area in which he was active, and will go into this area in some detail, merely as an illustration of the impact of his work. It is our hope that the following pages provide those who have never been exposed to modern linguistics with

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119 KENNETH LOCKE HALE some insight into the problems and a few of the results of this area of scientific inquiry. ONE OF HALE’S QUESTIONS: ARGUMENT STRUCTURE A recurring theme in Hale’s long and fruitful research career had to do with the nature of what linguists refer to as argument structure. This is the power of certain kinds of words (for example, verbs) to determine certain other as- pects of the structure of the clause. Traditional grammar recognizes, for instance, that verbs may be transitive or in- transitive, requiring or forbidding the presence of a direct object (here and below, examples marked with an asterisk, like (1b) and (2b), represent inadmissible sequences of words): (1) a. The dragon devoured the villagers. b.* The dragon devoured. (2) a. The knight fainted. b.* The knight fainted the danger. Transitive verbs like devour require a direct object, while intransitive verbs like faint cannot occur with an object. In some cases, the demands imposed on the structure by the verb may be more elaborate than this; verbs like put, for example, require the presence not only of a direct object but of a locative prepositional phrase as well, as (3) shows: (3) a. The dragon put the villager upon the plate. b.* The dragon put the villager. c.* The dragon put upon the plate. In all of these examples, the argument structure is determined by the verb. Once the role of verbs in deter- mining argument structure is recognized, a host of ques- tions arises. What kinds of verbs can there be? We have seen

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120 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS above that verbs like devour require direct objects, and verbs like put require locative prepositional phrases as well as direct objects. Are there any limits on the kinds or num- bers of things that verbs can require? Must the properties of argument structure be restated for each language, or are there principles that hold universally? One of the important results of the work of the last half century is that the properties of argument structure across languages do not simply vary without limit, but are nar- rowly constrained by general principles of Universal Gram- mar. This is particularly interesting, since argument struc- ture interacts with an aspect of linguistic knowledge that is plainly not universal, namely the properties of the indi- vidual words of the language. Part of the task of a child learning her first language is to learn the vocabulary. But, what does “learning the vocabulary” entail? At a minimum, a child learning English must learn, for example, that the word pronounced faint can be a verb with a particular mean- ing (something like “lose consciousness”). Here Universal Grammar is clearly of no help, as the pairing of sound and meaning is arbitrary; no universal principles predict that the word with this pronunciation ought to have this mean- ing rather than a different one. As (2) shows, any English speaker also knows at least one other fact about faint, namely that it is intransitive (that is, that it cannot have a direct object). Is this an independent fact that must be separately learned? Or does it follow from other properties of the verb’s meaning? This puzzle is one of many to which Hale contributed answers. Let us consider the nature of transitivity somewhat more closely. There are verbs in English that differ from the ones considered above in that they can appear either with or without an object (that is, they may be either transitive or intransitive):

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121 KENNETH LOCKE HALE (4) a. The ice melted. [intransitive] b. I melted the ice. [transitive] (5) a. The pot broke. [intransitive] b. I broke the pot. [transitive] By contrast, the intransitive verbs in (6-7) lack transitive counterparts: (6) a. The baby laughed. [intransitive] b. *I laughed the baby. [transitive] (7) a. The engine coughed. [intransitive] b. *I coughed the engine. [transitive] With respect to their argument structure, verbs fall into at least three classes: transitive (1), intransitive (6-7), and alternating (4-5). Argument structure is one of many com- plex aspects of language that we use instinctively. English speakers do not make mistakes about the facts in (1-7); English classes in high school do not dwell on them, and they are not discussed in popular newspaper columns about language. Because our mastery of these facts is so effortless, it is easy to assume that the explanation for these facts must be straightforward. We might think, for instance, that (6b) and (7b) are impossible because the sentences in question are meaningless. But the problem with (6b) and (7b) is not a straightfor- ward semantic one. It is easy to imagine what a sentence like (6b) could mean if it were grammatical (something like “I caused the baby to laugh,” just as (4a) roughly means “I caused the ice to melt”). (6b) cannot mean this, how- ever; such meanings must be expressed via more complex

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122 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS syntactic structures involving multiple verbs, like the ones in (8): (8) a. I made the baby laugh. b. I made the engine cough. Moreover, as Hale never failed to note, these are not parochial facts about English. Navajo, for instance, has a class of intransitive verbs that add a prefix l to form their transitive versions: (9) a. Tin yí-yí ‹í ’ ‹ ice 3 melt.PERF ‘The ice melted’ l‹ b. Yas yí-l-hí ‹í ’ snow 3.1s l melt.PERF ‘I melted the snow’ (10) a. Tóshjeeh si-ts’il barrel 3 shatter.PERF ‘The barrel shattered’ l b. Leets’aa’ sé-l -ts’il l shatter.PERF dish 3.1s ‘I shattered the dish’ With another class of verbs, the transitive cannot be formed so simply; this latter class includes Navajo verbs like the ones meaning laugh and cough. With these verbs, more complex structures, roughly analogous to the English ones in (8), must be used to express causation of the event. We find a very similar situation in Miskitu, a Misumalpan language of eastern Nicaragua and Honduras on which Hale did extensive work. In this language, there is a class of verbs that may appear in either transitive or intransitive forms (with the difference indicated by a suffix); these in- clude the verbs for melt (transitive slil-k, intransitive slil-w)

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123 KENNETH LOCKE HALE and break (transitive kri-k, intransitive kri-w). And, again, just as in English and Navajo, there are verbs that may only be intransitive, including the verbs for laugh (kik) and cough (kuhb). In all three of these unrelated languages, then, some intransitive verbs may be made transitive, while others may not. Moreover, the particular verbs that fall into these classes are startlingly similar across languages, as we see in the charts below: (11)VERBS THAT CAN BE TRANSITIVIZED English Miskitu Navajo intransitive transitive intransitive transitive boil pya-w- pya-k- -béézh -l-béézh break kri-w- kri-k- -ii-dlaad -ii-l-dlaad crack bai-w- bai-k- -ii-ts’il -ii-l-ts’il dry (up) lâ-w- lâ-k- -gan -l-gan fill bangh-w- bangh-k- ha-di-bin `ha-di-l-bin float â-w- â-k- di-’eel di-l-’eel melt slil-w- slil-k- ghí í h -l-ghí í h ‹‹ ‹‹

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124 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS (12)VERBS THAT CANNOT BE TRANSITIVIZED English Miskitu Navajo cry in- -cha cough kuhb- di-l-kos laugh kik- ghi-dloh play pul- na-né shout win- di-l-ghosh sing aiwan- ho-taal sleep yap- i-l-ghosh snore krat-w- i-l-ghá á ’ ‹‹ As the charts show, all three of these unrelated lan- guages have transitivity alternations in their words for boil, break, crack, dry up, fill, float, and melt, while all of them lack transitivity alternations of the same type in their words for cry, cough, laugh, play, shout, sing, sleep, and snore. As we saw in (8) above, the problem is not a straightforward semantic one, since it is clear what the transitive versions of these latter verbs would mean—yet the fact is that they cannot be made to mean this. We are confronted, then, with a question: what con- strains the ability of verbs to alternate between transitive and intransitive versions? We have seen that the answer to this question cannot be based on facts that are peculiar to English; what is needed is a theory that predicts that a verb that means cough, whatever language it finds itself in, will be unable to take a direct object, while a verb that means float will be able to do so.

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139 KENNETH LOCKE HALE offer windows onto different parts of a single puzzle, namely the nature of the human language faculty. We must be careful not to overlook differences among languages when they do arise, and the reader may be con- cerned that we have been too quick to conclude that En- glish and Basque have deep syntactic properties in com- mon. In fact, the behavior of resultatives offers a new kind of argument for the conclusion that in English, as in Basque, some apparently intransitive verbs are underlyingly transi- tive. If we consider the behavior of resultatives in intransi- tive sentences, we find two major types. For one type, resultatives cannot appear at all: (36) a.* I laughed hoarse. b.* She coughed dizzy. These sentences do not have resultative readings; for instance, (36a) cannot mean that I laughed until I became hoarse. For a second class of intransitive verbs, the resultative denotes the end state of the subject: a. The vase broke into smithereens. (37) b. The butter melted into a puddle. These are the two classes of intransitive verbs that Hale and Keyser are concerned with; verbs like laugh and spit underlyingly have direct objects that ultimately become part of the verb, while verbs like break and melt have direct objects which change into subjects. The facts in (36-37) follow, and are instances of the condition in (35). In (36), the resultative attempts to modify the subject, in violation of (35). In (37), by contrast, (35) is satisfied because the subjects to which the resultatives apply are underlying ob- jects. We may state (35) more precisely as (38):

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140 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS (38) A resultative denotes the end state of the underlying object. To summarize, then, Hale and Keyser posit three major types of verbs. Ordinary transitive verbs have both a subject and an object: (39) a. The dragon devoured the villagers. b. VP the dragon devoured the villagers In addition, we find two categories of verbs that appear to be intransitive in English. Hale and Keyser posit one set of verbs (including laugh and spit) that are underlyingly transitive with a ‘light’ verb that contributes little to the meaning of the clause. For these verbs, the underlying ob- ject of the verb becomes part of the verb, yielding a surface intransitive verb: a. The knight did a laugh → (40) The knight laughed. b. VP VP the knight the knight laughed laughed did a laugh Finally, there are verbs that underlyingly have no sub- ject at all (melt and break.) The underlying object of such verbs must become the surface subject, satisfying the re- quirement in English that all clauses have a surface subject:

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141 KENNETH LOCKE HALE a. broke the sword → (41) The sword broke. b. VP VP the sword broke the sword broke Transitivization, then, involves adding an agent respon- sible for causing an event to take place, which becomes the surface subject of the clause: (42) a. The knight broke the sword. b. VP the knight broke the sword A subject can be added to verbs like the one in (41), but not to verbs like the ones in (39-40), which already have underlying subjects. The account therefore correctly divides surface intransitive verbs into two types; verbs like break, which can be transitivized by adding a subject, and verbs like laugh, which are in fact already transitive and therefore cannot be transitivized. Hale’s typology of verbs involves two main principles (43), and at least three processes (44) that sometimes make discovering these principles difficult: (43) a. All verbs must have underlying objects. b. All clauses must have surface subjects.

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142 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS (44) a. In English, light verbs sometimes ‘absorb’ their underlying objects: laugh, for example, in (40). b. ‘Transitivization’ adds an underlying subject to a verb that lacks one: The knight broke the sword in (42). c. If a verb has no underlying subject, the underlying object may become the surface subject, as inThe sword broke in (41). We can return now to the question with which we began this section. We have seen that break, in a sentence like (41), combines with a single noun phrase that starts out as its underlying object, before later becoming its surface sub- ject. With verbs like laugh, on the other hand, the surface subject—the knight, in (40)—is also the underlying subject (that is, these verbs are stored in the speaker’s memory as requiring subjects). Why do these verbs differ in this way? What is it about break and laugh that causes them to be- have syntactically as they do? We have seen that the behav- ior of these verbs is remarkably consistent across languages, so our answer should not simply be that the verbs are arbi- trarily classified, as exhibiting this particular behavior. A better answer to this question may be inferred from the nature of transitivization. We have seen that this opera- tion adds an underlying subject, which is the agent respon- sible for causing an event to take place. A crucial differ- ence between laugh and intransitive melt is that laughing is something an individual can do on purpose, while melting is not—that is, the subject of laugh is an agent, unlike the subject of melt. Hale claimed that this fact about the mean- ings of laugh and melt has repercussions for the way these verbs are associated with syntactic structure. Only agents, in his view, may be underlying subjects; non-agents may be- come surface subjects, but must be underlying non-subjects. Hale’s proposals about argument structure are propos- als about the nature of Universal Grammar. To Hale, all of us are born knowing general principles like (43a) and the

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143 KENNETH LOCKE HALE requirement that underlying subjects be agents. No matter what language a young child is acquiring, she is able to correctly deduce that the single argument of a verb with the meaning of intransitive break must be an underlying object. Since it is not an agent, it cannot be an underlying subject, and it becomes a surface subject only because of a requirement that the clause have a surface subject. This approach succeeds in reducing to a minimum the task faced by children learning the vocabulary of their na- tive languages. As we mentioned above, the mapping be- tween sound and meaning varies arbitrarily across languages; there are no principles of Universal Grammar that guaran- tee that a verb pronounced break must mean what break means in English. Clearly, learning a word must involve learning its pronounciation and its meaning; Universal Gram- mar is of no help in these tasks. What Hale established is that once the child has learned what a verb means, she has also learned its argument structure. Having learned what laugh means, for instance, she is in a position to conclude, on the basis of conditions like those in (43-44), that it is underlyingly transitive, and cannot be straightforwardly transitivized. The argument structure of words need not be learned independently, but follows from the general prin- ciples that map meaning onto structure. If Hale is correct, then a number of questions arise. Why must clauses have surface subjects? Why must verbs have underlying objects? What properties of agents constrain their syntactic behav- ior? It is perhaps one of Ken Hale’s greatest legacies that he left us with questions like these to answer. Hale’s proposals about these general principles are pro- posals about the nature of the human mind. Part of what it is to be a human being is to have a mind that constructs grammars incorporating the requirements in (43), and ev- ery normal human being is born with such a mind. Ulti-

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144 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS mately, of course, we would like to have a theory that ex- plains how principles like the ones in (43) are implemented in the neurophysiology of the brain, and work intended to develop such explanations is under way. Hale’s career is a testament to the fact that one can make progress on ques- tions about the properties of the mind without directly in- vestigating the implementation of those properties in the brain. In fact, it would be impossible to develop such theo- ries of neurological implementation without a clear under- standing of what is to be implemented, and as we have tried to show, the properties of human grammar are more complex than they might appear at first sight. Our under- standing of these complex properties owes an enormous debt to Hale’s work. Limitations of space and time make it impossible for us to fully describe the extent of Hale’s many other contribu- tions to linguistic theory. Hale worked on historical recon- struction of the Australian language families, on intonation in Tohono O’odham, on stress in Hocak, on agreement in ‘ Irish and K’ichee,’ on the phonology and semantics of a sacred initiation language of the Lardil called Damin, and on countless syntactic issues in languages from Warlpiri to Dagur to Navajo. He produced dictionaries of Lardil and of Ulwa, and contributed extensively to a dictionary of Warlpiri, and to educational materials in countless other endangered languages. He was the first, and in many cases, the only researcher to document the vocabulary and structure of dozens of aboriginal languages of Australia. He lived the kind of life that no set of writings can do full justice to. He was a great man, and we count ourselves fortunate to have known him and worked with him.

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145 KENNETH LOCKE HALE In writing this piece we benefited greatly from comments by Noam Chomsky, Heidi Harley, Jay Keyser, Mary Laughren, David Nash, David Pesetsky, Norvin Richards, and Jane Simpson, and we are very grateful for their help. Responsibility for any remaining errors is entirely ours. NOTES 1.J. Simpson, D. Nash, M. Laughren, P. Austin, and B. Alpher. Forty years on: Ken Hale and Australian Languages. Ogmios 2.5, no 17, summer 2001, p.3 2.The name is perhaps an unfortunate one, since it is not intended to refer to the grammar of any particular language, but rather to properties which universally hold of human languages. 3.(34a) may have another, irrelevant reading, in which they pounded the metal while they were sweaty, with no change of state implied. This reading treats sweaty not as a resultative but as a depictive, which is subject to different conditions.

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146 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1965 Review of J. A. Fodor and J. J. Katz, The structure of language: Readings in the philosophy of language. Am. Anthropol. 67:1011- 1020. On the use of informants in field-work. Canad. J. Linguist. 10:108- 119. 1971 A note on a Warlpiri tradition of antonymy. In Semantics, eds. D. Steinberg and L. A. Jakobovits, pp. 472-482. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press. 1972 A new perspective on American Indian linguistics. With appendix by Albert Alvarez. In New Perspectives on the Pueblos, ed. A. Ortiz, pp. 87-133. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Some questions about anthropological linguistics: The role of na- tive knowledge. In Reinventing Anthropology, ed. D. Hymes, pp. 382-397. New York: Pantheon. 1973 Person marking in Warlpiri. In A Festschrift for Morris Halle, eds. S. Anderson and P. Kiparsky, pp. 308-344. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. 1974 With L. Honie. Al’a a Dine’é Bizaad Alha a h Naha’nílígíí. Diné Bizaad ‹‹ ‹‹ Náníl’í í h/ Navajo Language Review 1:85-94. ‹‹ 1975 Gaps in grammars and cultures. In Linguistics and Anthropology, in Honor of C. F. Voegelin, eds. M. D. Kinkade, K. L. Hale, and O. Werner, pp. 295-315. Lisse, Netherlands: Peter de Ridder Press.

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147 KENNETH LOCKE HALE 1976 The adjoined relative clause in Australia. In Grammatical Catego- ries in Australian Languages, ed. R. M. W. Dixon, pp. 78-105. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. 1980 Remarks on Japanese phrase structure: Comments on the papers in Japanese syntax. In Theoretical Issues in Japanese Linguistics, eds. Y. Otsu and A. Farmer, pp. 185-203. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, vol. 2. MITWPL, Department of Linguistics and Phi- losophy, MIT. With J. White Eagle. A preliminary metrical account of Winnebago accent. Int. J. Am. Linguist. 46:117-132. 1983 Warlpiri and the grammar of non-configurational languages. Nat. Lang. Linguist. Th. 1:5-47. With J. McCloskey. The syntax of inflection in Modern Irish. In Proceedings of ALNE 13/NELS 13, eds. P. Sells and C. Jones, pp. 173-190. GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Papago (k)c. Int. J. Am. Linguist. 49:299-327. 1984 Remarks on creativity in aboriginal verse. In Problems and Solu- tions: Occasional Essays in Musicology Presented to Alice M. Moyle, eds. J. Kassler and J. Stubington, pp. 254-262. Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. 1986 With S. J. Keyser. Some transitivity alternations in English. Lexicon Project Working Papers 7. Center for Cognitive Science, MIT, Cambridge, Mass., and Anuario del Seminario de Filologia Vasca “Julio de Urquijo” ASJU XX-3. pp. 605-638. Donostia-San Sebastian. 1987 With E. Selkirk. Government and tonal phrasing in Papago. In Pho- nology Yearbook 4, eds. C. Ewen and J. Anderson, pp. 151-183. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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148 BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS 1989 With L. M. Jeanne. Argument obviation and switch-reference in Hopi. In General and Amerindian Ethnolinguistics: In Remem- brance of Stanley Newman, eds. M. R. Key and H. M. Hoenigswald, pp. 201-211. Contributions to the Sociology of Language 55. Ber- lin: Mouton de Gruyter. 1990 With M. Baker. Relativized minimality and pronoun incorporation. Linguist. Inquiry 21:289-297. 1991 With A. Barss, E. T. Perkins, and M. Speas. Logical form and barri- ers in Navajo. In Logical Structures and Linguistic Structure, eds. C.-T. J. Huang and R. May, pp. 25-47. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy 40. Dordrecht: Kluwer. 1992 With S. J. Keyser. The syntactic character of thematic structure. In Thematic Structure: Its Role in Grammar, ed. I. M. Roca, pp. 107-144. Berlin: Foris. 1993 With S. J. Keyser. On argument structure and the lexical expression of syntactic relations. In The View from Building 20: A Festschrift for Sylvain Bromberger, eds. K. L. Hale and S. J. Keyser, pp. 53- 109. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 1995 An Elementary Warlpiri Dictionary. Alice Springs: IAD Press. 1996 With M. Bittner. The structural determination of case and agree- ment. Linguist. Inquiry 27:1-68.

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149 KENNETH LOCKE HALE 1997 With D. Nash. Damin and Lardil phonotactics. In Boundary Rider: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey O’Grady, eds. D. Tryon and M. Walsh, pp. 247-259. Pacific Linguistics C-136. Canberra: Austra- lian National University. A Linngithigh vocabulary. In Boundary Rider: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey O’Grady, eds. D. Tryon and M. Walsh, pp. 209-246. Pa- cific Linguistics C-136. Canberra: Australian National University. Grammatical preface. In Lardil Dictionary: A Vocabulary of the Language of the Lardil People of Mornington Island, Gulf of Carpenteria, Queensland, pp. 12-56. Ngakulmungan Kangka Leman/Language Projects Steering Committee, Mornington Shire Council, Gunana, Queensland. 1998 On endangered languages and the importance of linguistic diver- sity. In Endangered Languages: Language Loss and Community Response, eds. L. A. Grenoble and L. J. Whaley, pp. 192-216. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2000 Ulwa (Southern Sumu): The beginnings of a language research project. In Linguistic Fieldwork, eds. P. Newman and M. Ratliff, pp. 76- 101. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2001 With L. Hinton, eds. The Green Book of Language Revitalization in Practice. San Diego: Academic Press. 2002 With S. J. Keyser. Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Struc- ture. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.