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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 89
Photograph by Photo Services, Cornell University.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 89
CHARLES F. HOCKETT
January 17, 1916–November 3, 2000
BY JAMES W. GAIR
CHARLES F. HOCKETT—KNOWN to friends, students, and colleagues as “Chas”—was a leading figure in American structuralist linguistics, which flourished particularly in the four decades from the 1930s to the 1960s and did much to define linguistics as a science. Structuralist linguistics was sometimes referred to as Bloomfieldian linguistics from one of its pioneering figures, Leonard Bloomfield, who produced the seminal 1933 work Language. Hockett considered Bloomfield his master, and referred to his own influential 1958 work A Course in Modern Linguistics as “a commentary on Language.” Hockett was considered by many to be the brightest young contributor to linguistic theory in the framework of structural linguistics, to which he contributed a number of basic concepts and issues. But he was by no means narrow in his scope, and he firmly believed linguistics to be a branch of anthropology, to which he also made serious contributions.
Hockett was the fourth child of Homer Carey Hockett, who taught American history at Ohio State University, and Amy Francisco Hockett. He entered Ohio State in 1932 at
This obituary is largely drawn, with permission, from one by the same author that appeared in the Linguistic Society of America journal Language 79(3)(Sept. 2003):600-613.
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the age of 16, and in the spring of 1933 took George M. Bolling’s linguistics course in which the textbook was the newly published Bloomfield work referred to above. Subsequently he took the only course in anthropology available at the time, and those experiences set him on the path to his future academic career. Hockett received his B.A. (summa cum laude) and M.A. simultaneously in ancient history at the age of 20, with a dissertation on the use of the Greek word logos in philosophy through Plato. Years later he described the introductory section of that work as showing “despite some weird use of terms … the Bloomfieldian impact” (1977, p. 1). He continued at Yale University, studying anthropology and linguistics with Edward Sapir, Franklin Edgerton, George P. Murdock, and Leslie Spier, also having Morris Swadesh, George L. Trager, and Benjamin Whorf as teachers and associates. Hockett received his Ph.D. in anthropology in 1939, with a dissertation based on his fieldwork in Potawatomi. His paper on Potowatomi syntax was published in Language in that year (1939), and the dissertation, in streamlined form, was published as a series in the International Journal of American Linguistics in 1948. After a summer of fieldwork in Kickapoo and an autumn in Michoacán, Mexico, he went on to two years of postdoctoral study, including two quarters with Bloomfield at Chicago, followed by a stay at Michigan.
Hockett was drafted into the U.S. Army in February 1942. After basic training in antiaircraft artillery and a few months helping to prepare other recruits for officer candidate school, he was transferred to Army Service Forces, where his linguistic capabilities were put to work on Chinese. In late 1942 he accompanied General Stillwell’s officers to their headquarters in Bengal, India, supervising their learning of Chinese while en route. Afterward Hockett was stationed in Washington and then in New York City, where he worked
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under Major Henry Lee Smith in the dedicated and productive group preparing language-training materials, language guides, and dictionaries for military personnel. This unit numbered among its personnel or associates a number of the leading linguists of the time, and the effort allowed the application of a Bloomfieldian structural linguistic approach to language teaching on an unprecedented scale. It thus served as a testing ground and laboratory for the applicability and effectiveness of that approach. The materials produced there were later put to use in many postwar civilian programs, particularly in the less commonly taught languages, and they became the model for many subsequent texts. In the course of this work Hockett, with C. Fang, produced a basic course in spoken Chinese (1944) and a guide’s manual for it, as well as a Chinese dictionary (1945) that included an introductory sketch of Chinese that was notable for both conciseness and clarity. He was commissioned as a second lieutenant in 1943, and after the Japanese surrender in 1945 was dispatched to Tokyo as a first lieutenant to help train U.S. troops in Japanese. In February 1946 he was separated from the army with a terminal leave promotion to captain.
After a short association with the American College Dictionary, he began his university teaching career in 1946, as an assistant professor of linguistics in the newly formed Division of Modern Languages at Cornell, a pioneering unit designed specifically to unite linguistics and language teaching on the university level following the model of the successful wartime effort. The division, which later morphed into the Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics, was given the responsibility for basic language teaching for virtually all languages at Cornell, a function it retained in a widening number of languages until recently. It also served as the home for the graduate and subsequently the undergradu-
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ate program in linguistics. Hockett was in charge of Chinese and continued to run the Chinese program for 15 years, while teaching a range of linguistics courses and directing students. Along with him were some of the leading names in structural linguistics, both descriptive and historical, including William Moulton, Robert Hall, Frederick Agard, and Gordon Fairbanks, all of whom directed and taught in language programs and carried out productive research and teaching in linguistics. Hockett once described the situation as “in effect, a linguistics institute in permanent session” that “permitted me to spend most of my time just as I have wanted to, in linguistics and anthropology alike”(1980, p. 104). His Cornell obituary describes him as having been “the soul of the linguistics program from his first years until his retirement in 1982, serving on the committee of almost all students enrolled in linguistics during his time and serving as director of 25 Ph.D. dissertations.” (He played a major role in the training of many more.) In 1957 he was invited to become a member of Cornell’s Department of Anthropology, and he was later named the Goldwin Smith Professor of Linguistics and Anthropology at Cornell, where he remained until his 1982 retirement to emeritus status.
Hockett was elected to the National Academy of Sciences in 1974; he was also a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He served as president of the Linguistic Society of America in 1964. In 1982 he was president of the Linguistic Association of Canada and the United States and in 1986 he was the distinguished lecturer of the American Anthropological Association. He held visiting positions at a number of institutions, and throughout his career he gave invited lectures at a number of U.S. and foreign institutions. Starting in 1986, he was first visiting professor and then adjunct professor of linguistics at Rice
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University in Houston, Texas, an appointment still in effect at the time of his death.
Hockett had a long and productive career. His Festschrift (Agard et al., 1983) contains the last available full bibliography. It lists 133 published items; he also produced many privately reproduced items presented to students and colleagues. He continued to publish after his retirement, though at a much reduced pace, as he turned his attention increasingly to other interests, especially music.
Though Hockett studied and associated with several leading figures in American structural linguistics, Bloomfield was unquestionably the major influence on and model for him. Hockett was widely considered Bloomfield’s chief disciple, and the most prominent explicator and elaborator of Bloomfield’s works. He was also the direct inheritor of Bloomfield’s unfinished work, and he collected, edited, reworked, and published much of that work, including Eastern Ojibwa Grammar, Texts and Word Lists, and The Menomini Language. In 1970 he produced A Leonard Bloomfield Anthology, with a slightly revised version of his own “Implications of Bloomfield’s Algonquian Studies,” which had originally appeared in Language two decades earlier. In addition, he considered his own works on Algonquian languages, extending throughout his career, to be a tribute to the master.
Like Bloomfield, Hockett was himself a master of linguistic description, producing numerous principled, meticulous, and perspicacious descriptions of an array of languages, including not only the Algonquian studies that he was most recognized for but also Chinese, Fijian, and English. American structural linguistics, consistent with its empirical orientation, always had a strong descriptive component. Much of its impetus and many of its concepts grew out of and were inspired by the work of language description, particularly
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of “exotic” languages like Amerindian ones that exhibited structures very different from those found in the more common ones of Europe. Those languages were consequently resistant to analysis in terms developed for the latter and required the development of new armament. Thus, in common with the practice of other linguists in that school, Hockett’s descriptive works often served as the vehicle for the presentation of theoretical proposals, as in his “Peiping Phonology” (1947), “Componential Analysis of Sierra Popoluca” (1947), and “Peiping Morphophonemics” (1950), among numerous others.
His directly theoretical productions were legion, and many of them were legendary, working their way into much of the work of structuralist linguists and becoming part of the conceptual equipment of several generations of students. The neo-Bloomfieldian structuralist linguistics of the 1940s and 1950s was developed by a number of productive linguists, including Bernard Bloch, George Trager, Henry Lee Smith, and Zellig Harris, but arguably Hockett was the single most productive and wide-ranging figure in the establishment of the parameters of the enterprise, and in discerning, defining, and elaborating issues that needed to be faced in that work. It is instructive that the volume Readings in Linguistics (Joos, 1957), which was intended to be a kind of representation of the status of the field, contained seven of Hockett’s papers, more than any other contributor (runners-up were Bernard Bloch and Zellig Harris, each with four).
Hockett’s A Manual of Phonology (1955), though a solidly structuralist work, was to a degree revolutionary, characteristically original, and rich in content. It attempted a principled typology of phonological systems in the spirit of Troubetzkoy and the Prague school, argued for immediate constituents in phonology in a framework that included the
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syllable, and developed a system of phonology based on distinctive features and the recognition of long components. As he duly acknowledged, many of its elements were already present in the field in some form, but their combination and development were innovative and, typical of much of his work, went counter to much of the prevailing structuralist practice and doctrine. They also foreshadowed elements in later work in different frameworks, to an unfortunately often unrecognized extent.
Hockett had a remarkable gift for mathematics and for comprehending and working with mathematical and formal systems. In 1953 he produced a review of Shannon and Weaver’s work on communication theory, and the information-theoretical approach became, as he put it in The View from Language (1977, p. 19), part of his standard intellectual equipment. One result was the inclusion in A Manual of Phonology (1955) of an introductory section presenting a finite state, Markovian view of speech communication and grammar, essentially of the kind that Chomsky famously critiqued in Syntactic Structures (1957). Hockett quite soon rejected that approach as not fitting the nature of human language, while retaining the view that information science had important contributions to make to linguistics.
In 1966 he produced an extensive paper “Language, Mathematics and Linguistics” in which he attempted to explore the formal properties of natural language that were susceptible to mathematical treatment. Ultimately, he also came to reject that endeavor as futile, except for some implications for sound change (1977, p. 19).
Hockett’s best-known work was undoubtedly the 1958 textbook A Course in Modern Linguistics, which was widely used for many years. He considered this to be essentially a commentary on and updating of Bloomfield’s Language and to a great extent, the pattern of topics covered in the book
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echoes that earlier work, covering a wide range of areas in the study of human language, but introducing some new topics and omitting others. Though he considered the tenor of the work to be “conservative,” and presenting “the generally accepted facts and principles of the field” (p. vii), when compared to other introductory texts it appears as a highly personal, original, and sometimes challenging work. It incorporated many of his own interests and much of his work, and consistent with his anthropological orientation, he included a chapter “Man’s Place in Nature” (1973), which contained the first publication of seven of his design features of communicative systems.
Hockett’s treatment of grammatical analysis, especially syntax, in A Course in Modern Linguistics is especially interesting, and hindsight endows it with an element of dramatic irony, since generative grammar was looming on the horizon. It was in that book that Hockett introduced his concept of “surface and deep grammar.” It was a direct exemplification of his ability to perceive and isolate phenomena that had to be accounted for in any full account of language but that were at the time not amenable to or expressible in the canons of scientific linguistics to which he subscribed. In this case the stimulus was the result of his not failing to notice the pervasiveness and unavoidable importance of syntactic relations between noncontiguous elements, of a kind that would later be called “long distance dependencies.” As he recalled years later, “At that period in American linguistic theory … if two forms stood in a construction, then we expected them to be adjacent and to be parts of a larger form that we called the constitute. Apparent connections at a distance were therefore embarrassing” (1997, p. 160). Such connections were admirably amenable to transformational treatment, and thus given later
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developments in transformational-generative grammar, Hockett’s use of terms was to a degree prophetic.
A Course in Modern Linguistics turned out to be the last major textbook summary of American post-Bloomfieldian structuralism, since its appearance essentially coincided with the appearance of Chomsky’s Syntactic Structures (Chomsky, 1957) and Lees’s laudatory review in Language (Lees, 1957) that foreshadowed the ultimate dominance of generative grammar. Though neither Chomsky nor Lees appear in the index of the work or are treated in the text itself, they are listed in the bibliography, and there is a note at the end of one chapter that the transformational approach of Chomsky, Harris, and Lees came too late to be worked into the treatment (1958, p. 208).
In 1961 Hockett published a paper “Linguistic Elements and Their Relations” that in hindsight marked a turning point in his own views on language and its investigation, and to a degree signaled the end of structural linguistics as it had existed. It was an elegantly conceived attempt to solve the fundamental problem faced by structuralist descriptive linguistics: the fact that the elements that structuralist descriptive linguistics recognized as basic, such as phones, phonemes, and morphemes, did not occur in a linearly parallel and compositional hierarchy of levels as many structural linguists had envisioned. Hockett’s solution was to propose grammatical and phonological strata, with the “composed of” relation holding only between elements within each stratum, and the strata linked by a mapping relation between them, but he ultimately rejected that as well.
That 1961 paper closed with a characteristically Hockettian passage raising the possibility that the kind of linguistics that led to the problem in the first place, and hence the paper itself, might be misdirected and inadequate to deal with natural language:
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In closing this paper, I must for the sake of honesty mention a suspicion that cannot be followed through in detail here, but that if verified, is due to undermine the logic of most of our accomplishments in descriptive linguistics since Saussure, Sapir, and Bloomfield, or even an earlier period” (1961, p. 52).
What was at issue here was the underlying assumption that every occurring utterance in any given context had a specific “determinate grammatical structure involving an integral number of grammatical elements in specifiable structural relations with each other,” which he saw as making linguistics as it stood inadequate to deal with such inescapable and natural phenomena of language in action as blends, which “are not rare, but extremely common,” and “occur not only as “slips of the tongue” (whatever that means) but also as planned puns, double entendres, plays on words, and variously in poetry and advertising.” In dealing with these, there were three possibilities that he saw: (1) linguistics as it was then practiced could allow them to be ignored, (2) they could be regarded as deviations to be explained with additional special machinery, or (3) they could be used as evidence for “some new and very different theory of the generation of speech that would provide at once for such “deviant” utterances and for all “regular” utterances.”
At the time, Hockett was already shifting his perspective to an insistence on a more dynamic approach that focused on the hearer’s competence and behavior in real time. In part, this shift was stimulated by work that he had done in the 1950s in a project with the psychiatrists Robert Pittenger and Jack Danehy that involved a number of other anthropologists, linguists, and kinesicists and produced a fine-grained analysis of the first five minutes of a psychiatric interview published in 1960. As he remarked is his 1977 preface to the reprinting of his 1960 paper “Ethnolinguistic
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also included among his publications a 1968 volume of verse, Rugged Nuggets, which included several poems from “The Red Boat,” a version of the Rubaiyat in the form of limericks, which Hockett had earlier distributed to friends. The Cauchemar volume bore an introduction by one Charles F. Hockett and a dedication to several poets that he knew “in the hope that they will never lose sight of the humor intrinsic in all seriousity,” which reveals much about the editor/ author himself.
Hockett contributed eight poems to the volume The Linguistic Muse (Napoli and Rando, 1979), and composed numerous others, especially lyrics for his own musical compositions.
Hockett is survived by a loving family. He had a long and happy marriage to the former Shirley Orlinoff, whom he wed while on furlough in 1942. She became a professor of mathematics at Ithaca College and the author of a half-dozen textbooks, typed by him, a collaboration that reinforced his own considerable capability in mathematics. They had five children: four girls (Alpha Hockett Walker, Amy Robin Rose, Rachel Hockett Youngman, and Carey Beth Hockett) and a son (Asher Orlinoff Hockett), as well as five grandchildren.
Music played a vital part in his life. He possessed a deep love for music and a keen ear, and he engaged in a lifelong practice of musical performance and composition. His compositions ranged from the witty and light to the serious and sophisticated, and from short pieces through chamber works, to a full-length opera, The Love of Doña Rosita, based on a play by F. García Lorca, Los Títeres de Cachiporra, which received its premier performance by the Ithaca Opera at Ithaca College.
Music was also a vital center of his home life. He and his wife, Shirley, were early members of the Ithaca Concert
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Band, which closed every concert with “Stars and Stripes Forever,” featuring Hockett on the piccolo, and the group often played his Ithaca-inspired composition “The Small Plum” (contra “The Big Apple”). Everyone in the family played an instrument, and they regularly conducted home musical performances, often of his compositions. Two of his children became professional musicians and a son-in-law is principal oboist with the Los Angeles Philharmonic. Throughout the last decades, as Hockett turned his efforts increasingly to music, he and Shirley were unstinting in their organizational efforts and financial support and indefatigable in the energy they devoted to bringing music to the Ithaca public. Their leadership and hard work were a vital part in establishing the Cayuga Chamber Orchestra, which after more than a quarter of a century continues to enrich the musical life of the Ithaca community. The effects of their dedication and generosity are lasting and tangible in the Charles F. Hockett Music Scholarship, the Shirley and Chas Hockett Chamber Music Concert Series, and the Hockett Family Recital Hall at Ithaca College. Fittingly, Hockett’s memorial service was in great measure a concert at that institution that included several of his own compositions, some of them played by members of his family.
Roman Jakobsen was once quoted as saying, “It is very difficult for me to know what Hockett’s position on any question is… He changes his mind every day” (Mehta 1971, p. 235). There is a kernel of truth in this, since throughout his career he changed his theoretical views and was not hesitant to reject positions that he himself had espoused, developed, and argued for. However, one can consider that as more of a virtue than a vice, as the inevitable result was an active, questioning, and restless mind that was incapable of accepting any theory as immutable and necessarily true when faced with evidence to the contrary. It was also the
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product of a questing temperament that was given to ranging into areas whose inclusion in or even relation to the field or subfield at hand were not immediately obvious. At times these qualities resulted in his apparently espousing two views at the same time in an overlapping fashion, with the demise of one preceded by the sprouting seeds of the other.
Hockett was in essence a “God’s truth” linguist in Householder’s terminology (Householder, 1952, p. 260), dedicated to discovering the nature of human language and its place in humanity and the universe, and willing to pursue any clues toward that end. However he changed his views, not least on his own work, he never wavered from his Bloomfieldian commitment to the idea that the only valid generalizations about language were empirical generalizations, and from a conviction that whatever hypotheses or theoretical leaps one might make it was an absolute requirement to be responsible to the observable data. In short, “Linguistics is either an empirical science or it is nonsense” (Chevillet, 1996, p. 183).
Coupled with that commitment to empirical science, however, was his love for language and his marvelous capacity for intuition into its structure, such that a colleague once characterized him by saying that in his Bloomfieldianism there was always a Sapir struggling to get out. That remark is insightful and essentially true, but without our over-psychologizing (which he would have abhorred), it was clearly more complex than that. To some of us who knew and worked with him, what appeared to be at work was an intersecting play of a first-rate intelligence, a lively intuition, and a conscious commitment to rigor and precision, not infrequently challenged by an honest inability to exclude interesting observations or ideas, even when they did not support the analysis he was pursuing. This could lead to a
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kind of internal tension that one could sense in much of his work, and even at times in personal interactions with him; one of its effects was that his work was often more interesting and sometimes more prophetic than that of many colleagues.
One may charge Hockett with being subject to change of mind but never with being intellectually dishonest, unoriginal, or uninteresting. This carried over into his classes. When attending his lectures, one always got the feeling that there was a first-class mind directly engaging some problem as new and compelling. He would not infrequently pursue some line of investigation, and then reject, sometimes abruptly, the analysis that he had been developing as proving inadequate or not properly accounting for the facts. This could be disconcerting to those students who wanted to fill their notebooks with accepted truth, but to others it was exciting as the model of how a scientific investigator proceeds and of the difficulty of arriving at whatever truth there existed to be found.
In 1993 he captured the fundamental approach that had remained constant throughout his long career. Fittingly, it was included in a paper on Algonquian, and invoked Bloomfield:
Time and again, what at first appears to be a knotty problem of linguistic analysis smooths [sic] out if, approaching a language with patience and reverence, we relax and let it show us how it works—instead of trying to force matters into some conceptual frame of reference we have imported, perhaps without realizing it, from elsewhere, This is how Bloomfield dealt with the languages he studied” (1993, p. 4).
Hockett always had a sense of the science of linguistics as an ever-developing and social enterprise with a historical trajectory that demanded an attitude and behavior that he held up as a model for himself as well as others. In his
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presidential address to the Linguistic Society of America (1965, p. 204) he said:
The scholar earns immortality only of the sort that he bestows on those that have gone before him. As we extend the power and flexibility of our new tools, let us always temper passion with humor; let us never favor, nor disfavor, the new simply because of its novelty; let us dedicate our talents to building our heritage, not to tearing it down, praising our predecessors for their wisdom and ignoring their folly—replacing a nail here or a plank there when we must, but always with humility rather than Schadenfreude when a bright old idea must give way to a bright new one.
For those of us who were fortunate enough to have learned from him, there can be no better model and remembrance.
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REFERENCES
Agard, F. B., G. B. Kelley, A. Makkai, and V. Makkai, eds. 1983. Essays in Honor of Charles F. Hockett. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Bloomfield, L. 1933. Language. New York: Holt.
Chevillet, F. 1996. An interview with C. F. Hockett. Études Anglaises 49(2):180-191.
Chomsky, N. 1957. Syntactic Structures. The Hague: Mouton.
Chomsky, N. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Special Technical Report No. 11 of the Research Laboratory of Electronics. Cambridge, MA.: MIT.
Fox, M. 2000. Charles Hockett, 84, a linguist with an anthropological view: One who did not buy Chomsky’s revolution. New York Times, Nov. 13, p. B7.
Householder, F. W. 1952. Review of Zellig S. Harris, Methods in Structural Linguistics. Int. J. Am. Linguist. 18(4):260-268.
Joos, M., ed. 1957. Readings in Linguistics. Washington, DC: American Council of Learned Societies, pp. 217-228.
Lees, R. B. 1957. Review of Syntactic Structures by Noam Chomsky. Language 33:3.
Mehta, V. 1971. John is easy to please. In John Is Easy to Please: Encounters with the Written and the Spoken Word. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, pp. 173-240.
Napoli, D. J., and E. N. Rando, eds. 1979. The Linguistic Muse. Carbondale, IL: Linguistic Research.
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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
1939 Potowatomi syntax. Language 15:235-248.
1944 With C. Fang. Spoken Chinese: Basic Course. Military edition published (without authors’ names) as a War Department Education Manual. Civilian Edition. New York: Holt.
1945 With C. Fang. Guide’s Manual for Spoken Chinese. Military edition published (without authors’ names) as a War Department Education Manual. Civilian Edition, New York: Holt.
With C. Fang, eds. Dictionary of Spoken Chinese. Military edition only published (without authors’ names) as War Department Technical Manual 30-933. Authorized revision prepared under the supervision of R. A. Miller by the staff of the Institute of Far Eastern Languages, Yale University. New Haven: Yale University Press 1966. (No credit given in this version to the editors or other workers on the original military edition).
1947 Peiping phonology. J. Am. Orient. Soc. 67:253-267.
Componential analysis of Sierra Populuca. Int. J. Am.Linguist. 13:258-267.
1948 Potawatomi. Int. J. Am. Linguist. 14:1-4.
Implications of Bloomfield’s Algonquian studies. Language 24:17-131.
1950 Peiping morphophonemics. Language 26:63-85.
1953 Review of C. L. Shannon and W. Weaver, The Mathematical Theory of Communication. Language 29:69-93.
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1954 Two models of grammatical description. Word 10:210-234.
1955 How to learn Martian. Astounding Science Fiction 55:97-106.
A Manual of Phonology. Indiana University Publications in Anthropology and Linguistics, Memoir 11. Baltimore: Waverley Press.
1958 Eastern Ojibwa Grammar, Texts and Word Lists. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
A Course in Modern Linguistics. New York: Macmillan.
1959 The stressed syllabics of Old English. Language 35:575-597.
Animal “languages” and human language. Hum. Biol. 31:32-39.
1960 Ethnolinguistic implications of [recent] studies in linguistics and psychiatry. Report of the Ninth Annual [1958] Georgetown Meeting on Linguistics and Language Study. Institute of Languages and Linguistics of Georgetown University Monograph Series no.11:175-193.
Grammar for the hearer. In The Structure of Language in Its Mathematical Aspects, ed. R. Jakobsen. American Mathematical Society Proceedings of Symposia in Applied Mathematics 12:220-236.
Logical considerations in the study of animal communication. In Animal Sounds and Communication, eds. W. E. Lanyon and W. N. Tavolga. Washington, DC: American Institute of Biological Sciences Symposium Series 7:392-432.
The origin of speech. Sci. Am. 203(3):88-89.
With R. E. Pittenger and J. J. Danehy. The First Five Minutes: A Sample of Microscopic Interview Analysis. Ithaca, NY: Paul Martineau.
1961 Linguistic elements and their relations. Language 37:29-53.
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1962 Bloomfield, Leonard. The Menomini Language. Ed. Charles F. Hockett. William Dwight Whitney Series of Yale University. New Haven: Yale University Press.
1964 With R. Ascher. The human revolution. Curr. Anthropol. 5:135-168.
1965 Sound change. Language 41:185-204.
1966 Language, mathematics and linguistics. In Current Trends in Linguistics, vol. 3, Theoretical Foundations, ed. T. A. Sebeok, pp. 155-304. The Hague: Mouton.
1967 Where the tongue slips, there slip I. In To Honor Roman Jakobsen, ed. Thomas A. Seboek, pp. 910-936. The Hague: Mouton.
Language, Mathematics and Linguistics (reprint with a new preface). Janua Linguarum, Series Minor 90. The Hague: Mouton.
1968 The State of the Art. The Hague: Mouton.
Rugged Nuggets (as Casimir Cauchemar). Cayuga Depths, NY: The Humanist Backlash Press.
1970 A Leonard Bloomfield Anthology. Bloomington, IN.: Indiana University Press.
1973 Man’s Place in Nature. New York: McGraw-Hill.
1977 The View from Language. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press.
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1980 Preserving the heritage. In First Person Singular: Papers from the Conference on an Oral Archive for the History of American Linguistics, eds. B. H. Davis and R. O’Cain, pp. 99-107. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
1987 Refurbishing Our Foundations. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
1993 The Rice Papers, First Installment, June 1993. Photocopy. Rice University.
1997 Approaches to syntax. Lingua 100:151-170.
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