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Medical Professional Liability and the
Relations Between Doctors and Their
Patients
ARNOLD RELMAN, M.D.
in my judgment, the problem of med-
ical malpractice liability has four root causes. I believe they are all
important, and I mention them in no special order.
CAUSES OF THE PROBLEM
Malpractice
The first ofthese root causes is malpractice itself. However uncomfort-
able it makes us feel, we physicians must recognize that there are
incompetent and impaired physicians who ought not to be practicing
medicine and who are prone to errors that may do serious harm to
patients. They probably constitute a tiny faction of the profession, but
nobody knows exactly how many there are. In any case, they often
manage to escape detection and disciplining by peer review state licens-
ing bodies, at least for a long time, and they probably account for a large
share of malpractice actions. A variant of this problem is the otherwise
competent physician who is doing something for which he or she has not
been adequately trained and who therefore performs ineptly.
Although there are no data on this point, ~ would guess that the great
majority of physician defendants in malpractice actions would be judged
by their peers to be generally competent and unimpaired, and qualified
to provide the service that preceded the plaintiff's injury. Furthermore, I
suspect that qualified and unbiased experts with access to all of the
97
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98 MEDICAL PROFESSIONAL LIABILITY: VOLUME II
relevant facts would find only a small fraction of cases in which the care
provided by the physician had been inept. Unfortunately, there is no
reliable evidence on this score, but ~ think it is safe to say that malprac-
tice is by no means the only cause and probably not even the major cause
of malpractice actions.
The Tort System
A second explanation for the rising tide of malpractice actions is to be
found in the perverse incentives inherent in the present tort system.
The contingency fee arrangement encourages patients to take legal
action. It also gives lawyers a powerful reason to seek out plaintiffs and
to ask juries for large settlements. The outcome of the adversarial
courtroom drama, played before a lay jury, is often influenced more by
emotion, legal histrionics, and the testimony of hired-gun "expert" wit-
nesses than by the weight of scientific evidence and the opinion of
unbiased authorities. Huge awards for "pain and suffering" are common
and tend to drive up costs.
The most perverse aspect of the whole system is its failure to provide
for compensation without proving malpractice. Maloccurrence, which
justifies compensation, does not necessarily mean that malpractice has
occurred. At present, however, compensation for iatrogenic injuries de-
pends on convincing a jury that there has been malpractice by the
physician (or the hospital). The system, in other words, forces all pa-
tients seeking compensation for an injury to convince a jury that some
person or institution is at fault, even though frequently there is reason-
able doubt about such fault.
The fact that most malpractice cases are decided in favor of the
defendant suggests that legal action is very often initiated without
sufficient evidence to support the claim. Nevertheless, this circum-
stance does not mean that the plaintiff has not suffered injury at the
hands of the medical care system nor that the plaintiffis undeserving of
compensation. The basic problem here is that there is no way for the
plaintiff to get that compensation without taking legal action against
the health care provider. This basic distortion of logic must ultimately
be corrected if we are ever to solve the malpractice problem.
Social Attitudes
The epidemic of malpractice litigation is due also to a general change
in social attitudes. We live in an increasingly litigious society in which
there is a growing tendency to assign personal responsibility for almost
every misfortune and to use the legal system to gain compensation from
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RELATIONS BE'1 WHEN DOCTORS AND PATIENTS 99
those believed to be at fault. Liability actions are increasing in many
sectors, not just in medicine, and liability insurance costs for many
private businesses and public institutions are rising rapidly. The growth
of a more militant consumerism adds to the pressure for litigation, as
does a growing public skepticism about the medical profession. Physi-
cians in general no longer have the unquestioned public trust and
esteem they enjoyed a generation ago. The image of the doctor as omnis-
cient and beneficent has been tarnished by a spate of stories in the media
about incompetent, venal, and unethical physicians and by a growing
suspicion of all authority.
Commercialization of Medicine
The commercialization of medicine, which has become increasingly
apparent during the past 10 or 15 years, contributes to this erosion of
public trust. The growing tendency of hospitals and other health care
institutions to act like businesses—and of many physicians to act like
businessmen—has changed the attitudes of patients. When the Samar-
itan ethic was more in evidence and patients believed that their doctors
were more interested in their welfare than in economic gain, liability
actions were unlikely, even when things went very wrong. But when
medical care becomes primarily a commercial transaction and patients
are treated as customers, the climate changes.
As customers, patients are more inclined to demand total satisfaction
and to seek legal redress when the results of their medical care are
disappointing. Litigation, after all, is a frequent resort when relations
between the parties in a commercial transaction become troubled. It
ought to be only rarely used in a properly functioning doctor-patient
relationship because patients who see their physicians as trusted coun-
selors rather than as vendors of services demand only that they be
competent and caring. Patients who trust their doctors and believe they
are doing their best are more philosophical about disappointing out-
comes.
EFFECTS OF THE MALPRACTICE CRISIS ON DOCTOR-
PATIENT RELATIONS
These general considerations bring me to a consideration of the main
topic of this discussion: how relations between doctors and patients
affect, and are affected by, the malpractice crisis. There is no doubt that
among the major causes of this crisis are the attitudes doctors and
patients have toward each other and the way doctors and patients
interact. Equally certain is that concern about malpractice litigation
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100 MEDICAL PROFESSIONAL LIABILITY: VOLUME II
has powerful effects, both good and bad, on the practice behavior of many
physicians. In focusing on these aspects of the subject I do not wish to
minimize the importance of the others mentioned above. No satisfactory
solution of the malpractice dilemma is likely to be achieved without
attention to all of the causes I have outlined, but I have been asked to
limit my comments to this part of the problem. In a symposium as wide-
ranging as this one, the subject of doctor-patient relations obviously
needs close attention.
As an internist, I am not qualified to discuss the special problems of
obstetrical practice. Most of my comments will be of a general nature,
and to the extent that they are valid, they apply to obstetrical care as
well as to other areas of medical practice. ~ must also point out that,
because the literature has almost no factual evidence bearing on this
subject, I am reduced simply to expressing my opinions, which are based
on reasonably extensive clinical experience. Although ~ believe my
views will be supported by most experienced physicians, they neverthe-
less must be acknowledged to be opinions.
With those caveats, let me begin by considering how the attitudes of
patients and doctors and the practice style of doctors affect the likelihood
of a malpractice action.
Changes ~ Attitudes
The first thing that must be said is that a patient is much less likely to
sue a physician if they know each other well, if the patient trusts the
physician, and if the physician tells the patient whatever he or she
would like to know, explaining as much as possible and honestly facing
up to any failures in diagnosis or treatment.
When most physicians were primary care givers, personal contact
between doctor and patient was maximized. The decline in the domi-
nance of primary care practice and the increasing prevalence of special-
ists have reduced the patient's personal contact with the doctor. Many
specialists are virtual strangers to their patients.
Specialization also means the introduction of many new technical
procedures, which not only gives rise to greater expectations by patients
but also increases the risks of incompetence and expands the possibility
of malpractice. Specialized technology makes it possible to do more for
patients, but it also tends to estrange doctors and patients. It is hardly
surprising that, when anything goes wrong, specialists are more likely
to be sued than primary care physicians. It is for this reason that the
malpractice premium rates for specialists, who perform technical pro-
cedures, are higher than for general physicians, who primarily offer
counsel and relatively simple office procedures.
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RELATIONS BEATEN DOCTORS ID PATIENTS 101
Changes in Practice Organization
The rise of group practice might affect malpractice risk in different
directions. On the one hand, physicians in groups are more likely to be
under close, continuous peer review and less likely than those in solo
practice to be impaired or incompetent. This factor would suggest that
bad outcomes leading to malpractice actions might be less common. On
the other hand, physicians in group practice are more likely to share
responsibility for their patients and therefore to be less closely bonded to
them. For example, in large group obstetrical practices whose physi-
cians rotate being on call, it is common for a woman to be assisted with
her delivery by an obstetrician who has not provided most of her prena-
tal care. This factor might suggest a greater likelihood of patient dissat-
isfaction. ~ do not know the net effect of group practice on liability. Do
physicians in group practice experience the same rate of malpractice
actions as their colleagues in solo or partnership practice? ~ have been
told that the costs of liability coverage in some groups are about one-
third less than those of solo practitioners in the same community, but
do not know of any published information on this point. It would be
interesting to have such data.
At this juncture I need to say something about "informed consent."
Informed consent is a popular concept these Abut more a concept
than reality because it is rarely possible to inform a patient fully about
all the possible consequences of a proposed procedure. Furthermore, the
urgency of the medical circumstances often gives the patient (or his or
her surrogate) little choice but to sign a consent form. In addition,
although informed consent documents are routinely used for surgical
and invasive diagnostic procedures, it is impractical to use them for all
of the vast array of diagnostic and nonsurgical therapeutic procedures
employed in the everyday practice of ambulatory and inpatient medi-
cine. In any case informed consent does not immunize physicians
against legal action by patients who claim to have been injured by the
inrnmn~t.~nt. nr~.t.i~.~ of medicine. although it probably lessens the risk.
^~ Brew—--or --, ~ ~~ ,-
Changes in Physician Behavior
So far, ~ have been describing how the attitudes of doctors and patients
and the organization of medical practice can affect the likelihood of
malpractice actions. I would now like to consider how the growing threat
of litigation can, in turn, influence the behavior of doctors. Those who
believe that the threat of litigation is necessary to keep physicians
aware of their professional responsibilities and that it may have salu-
tary effects on medical practice have some reason on their side. Many
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102 MEDICAL PROFESSIONAL LIABILITY: VOLUME II
physicians have undoubtedly become more cautious and more concerned
to see that nothing is overlooked in their care of patients. In obstetrical
practice, more attention is probably being paid to all of the dovetails of
prenatal care. Counseling, explanation, and informed consent are em-
phasized more, and obstetricians probably take greater pains to discuss
all of the options for prenatal diagnosis. In general, physicians who
worry about the threat of litigation are more likely to document every-
thing they do very carefully and to seek consultation more readily when
they are in doubt about a diagnosis or treatment. All of this is to the
good.
Yet the increasingly litigious climate has many negative effects as
well. If physicians have become more cautious, they have also become
more suspicious and defensive toward their patients. Patients are likely
to be seen as potential courtroom adversaries, thus straining the tradi-
tional bonds of beneficent concern and good will. If doctors are now more
motivated to ensure careful, detailed workups of their patients, they are
also often intimidated by the threat of litigation and as a result are more
likely to do too much. One often sees physicians ordering tests and
consultations simply to protect themselves against possible subsequent
legal action, even when the tests are redundant and unnecessary. This
practice, of course, increases the cost and risk of medical care. In obstet-
rics, the growing and probably excessive—use of fetal monitoring and
cesarean sections undoubtedly stems in part from this fear of the legal
action that might result should the pregnancy yield anything less than a
perfect baby.
Much has been said about the national cost of this kind of "defensive
medicine," as it occurs in all types of practice. Some observers consider
this trend to be a major factor in the overall inflation of medical costs,
but there are no reliable data on this point. Certainly, the cost must be
considerable, particularly if the secondary consequences ofthe excessive
diagnostic studies, such as the additinna1 t~.~t.in~ ~~n~r~.PH by fain"
positive results and the morbidity of the procedures, are included.
Defensive medicine can also lead physicians to withdraw their ser-
vices. In some of the high-risk surgical specialties, such as orthopedics,
neurosurgery, and obstetrics, physicians have been retiring early or
changing their practices to avoid seeing patients with clinical problems
that carry a high likelihood of malpractice litigation. In some areas of
the country this stance has led to shortages of tertiary care specialists
and obstetricians. Exorbitant liability insurance premiums in high-risk
specialties and fear of involvement in malpractice suits are undoubtedly
discouraging many physicians from entering or staying in these spe-
cialties, but the exact extent of the problem and the role of other factors
have not been clarified.
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RELATIONS BETWEEN DOCTORS AND PATIENTS 103
Even the increased attention given to informing patients more fully
about alternatives and consequences which helps to avoid misunder-
standings and false expectations—has its negative side. Some physi-
cians, particularly those with relatively little experience, are so eager to
avoid responsibility that they abdicate their role as trustee and counsel-
Tor. They lay out all the possibilities and choices and leave the decisions
to the patient. Some patients clearly want to be in that position, and for
them such behavior is fine; but most patients, after a modest amount of
explanation from their physician, want him or her to take the lead in
recommending a course of action. They need reassurance. They want to
feel that their doctor is shouldering most of the responsibility and the
worry and will stand by them, no matter what happens. On far too many
occasions ~ have seen physicians act simply as technicians, providing the
medical services patients seek but not the counsel and support they also
need.
~ believe this abdication of professional responsibility reflects many
currents in our culture, but surely one of its major causes is the growing
wariness many physicians fee] as they think about the possibility of
malpractice action in the event of any untoward outcome of their work.
SUMMARY
I have emphasized that an important source of the malpractice prob-
lem is the changed relationship between doctor and patient, which
results from the rise of specialization, the commercialization of medical
practice, and the erosion of the physician's public image. At the same
time, a growing awareness ofthe malpractice threat is changing the way
physicians treat patients—in ways both salutary and deleterious but on
balance probably damaging to the practice of medicine. The malpractice
problem is complex, deep-seated, and pervasive. It is not likely to be
solved by anything less than a fundamentally new approach to the
compensation of iatrogenic injuries and a determined effort by the
medical profession to deal with the root causes of public dissatisfaction.