A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (1989)

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2 BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 55

Kenneth Hayes Miller Bargain Hunters (1940) Oil on canvas National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Gift of the Sara Roby Foundation

Black white relations in the United States have historically involved black subordination and exclusion from the major social institutions of society. In this chapter, we assess change over time in blacks' participation in American institutions and in black-white relations. Thus, we address the questions of how much "desegregation'' and "integration" have occurred in the United States since World War II. Throughout the discussion, desegregation refers only to the absence of seg- regation-the complete numerical exclusion of a group, in this case, blacks. Integration refers to the nature of intergroup relations, to the quality of group treatment or interaction that exists. Complete integration exists in a multiracial institution if: (1) there is sig- nificant numerical representation for each group; (2) each group is distrib- uted throughout the institutional structure; and (3) each group enjoys equal- ity, authority, and power within the institution. These conditions will not develop, according to Williams (1947) and Allport (1954), unless equal status of the races is achieved, common superordinate goals exist for all, and the process has authoritative sanction and support. In the 1980s, nearly all institutions in the United States are desegregated; few, if any, are completely integrated in this sense of the term. The first section notes conditions affecting the lives of blacks during the 10-year period before and during World War II. That period marked the end of an era in American race relations and is a good baseline against which subsequent social conditions can be appraised. However, as noted in Chapter 1, comparisons of social positions in the 1940s with those of the 1980s invariably lead to assessments of large improvement. Intermediate time points 57

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY are therefore considered to assess whether change has been sporadic or continuous. Our descriptions of black participation in areas such as housing, schools, the military, and sports also pay attention to social developments during the past 20 years, thus using the 1960s as a secondary baseline period. This strategy of comparison is used throughout the report. This chapter focuses on black participation in three major areas: social institutions, the military, public schools, and public accommodations and workplaces; residential neighborhoods; and social life, religious organiza- tions, sports, and arts and entertainment. Black participation varies consid- erably across these areas. General policies toward desegregation were insti- tuted earliest, and perhaps most successfully, in the military, where governmental authority is greatest. The desegregation of public schools was also the focus of considerable governmental authority, with less clear-cut results. The role of governmental authority and equality of treatment and black participation in housing and other sectors of social life vary greatly. In organized sports and arts and entertainment, in the absence of much govern- mental pressure, levels of black participation and equal treatment have been higher than those in most other areas of social life. In contrast, black partic- ipation in predominantly white residential neighborhoods has shown little change since 1960 despite some governmental pressure. Evidently, under- standing patterns of black participation involves complicated issues of gov- ernmental authority, attitudes toward black-white relations, and other social conditions. These issues are discussed in detail in Chapter 3. THE BASELINE PERIOD: 1935-1945 SOCIAL RELATIONS UNDER JIM CROW The basic demographic character of the black population during the 1930s was rural and southern. Segregation was the rule in public accommodations, health care, housing, schooling, work, the legal system, and interpersonal relations. This segregation was not "separate but equal"; virtually all facilities and services for blacks were fewer in number, much lower in quality, or more inaccessible than those for whites (Bell, 1986b:1, 5; Johnson, 1943~. For example, in public education, states operating under legislated segregated school systems spent far more on the education of white pupils than on that for black pupils. In the southern states for which data are available, per-pupil expenditures for whites averaged more than 3 times those for blacks (see Table 2-1~. In Mississippi, the rate of expenditure for whites was 7 times greater than that for blacks. Another example was health care, which was negligible for most rural black people, and in urban areas all-white hospitals and hospitals with less-than-equal, segregated black wings were common. Differential access to health care for blacks was reflected in great disparities in black and white mortality and morbidity rates (see Chapter 8~. In many parts of the South, km Crow laws segregated blacks in public 58

State Value of School Property per Negro Pupil $ 29 $47.59 40 36.87 69.76 55.56 77.11 Expense per Pupil White Negro BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY TABLE 2-1 Per-Pupil Expenditures and Value of School Property in Selected _ ~= ~ Percent that $ per White Pupil Exceeds $ per Black Pup] $14.63 225.3% 13.73 168.5 26.95 158.8 16.95 227.8 20.49 276.3 Alabama Arkansas Florida Georgia . , . . . _oulslana Maryland Mississippi North Carolina South Carolina Texas Virginia Average Note: Data are based on average daily attendance. Source: Unpublished data Tom U.S. Department of Education. 45 186 14 54 44 80 77 52.01 4~6.02 57.33 72.72 $58.69 7.36 606.6 28.30 62.6 15.42 271.8 28.49 155.2 $18.82 211.8% . . . . . . transportation by restnct~ng waiting room, restroom, and transportation vehicle areas. Marriage between blacks and whites was illegal in all the southern states and in some other states as well. In the Deep South espe- cially, blacks were expected to "know their place" by exhibiting deferential behavior in all relations with whites. Infringements of the norms of segrega-  tion or any open resistance to white domination were often met by violence. By official estimates, 46 black people were lynched in the South during the 1930s. Lynching did not always involve just hanging but sometimes included burning, mutilation, other forms of torture, and physical degradation (McAdam, 1982~. Such atrocities seldom resulted in the arrest of those involved. Local authorities often colluded in lynchings or stood by while they occurred. Segregation was more than simple black-white separation. With its poten- tial violence and basic inequality, segregation was a potent system of white control over the black population. While most black people did not have to confront lynch mobs, the potential for such violence loomed before them, and they could not depend on the legal system for protection (Franklin, 1969;Raper, 1933~. Segregation of whites and blacks was widely supported by whites through- out the nation. Data reported by Horowitz (1944) and surveys by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) during the 1940s provide key information on preferences for segregation and the extent of racist beliefs. Although there were North-South differences, the data reported by Horo- witz (1944) show that most white Americans in 1939 thought blacks were 59

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY less intelligent than whites (69 percent), and unambiguously endorsed seg- regated restaurants, neighborhoods, and schools (99, 97, and 98 percent of southerners and 62, 82, and 58 percent of northerners, respectively). In 1944, the NORC found 80 and 47 percent of southerners and northerners, respectively, condoned labor market discrimination, agreeing with the state- ment that whites "should have the first chance at any kind of job," and thought that black-white inequality was essentially fair and mainly the fault of the shortcomings of blacks themselves. These beliefs were overwhelmingly accepted in the South, where it is fair to say that Jim Crow and the ideology of white supremacy were clearly dominant (Bobo, 1987~. Black-white segregation was pervasive throughout the United States, not just in the legally segregated South. Exclusion of black people was common in government, business, community associations, and in most unions. Moreover, the media generally promulgated the subordinate position of black people through widespread racist caricatures (see Norford, 1976:877- 878~. The images and understandings of black Americans held by whites were distinctly shaped by existing prejudices, and the gulf between these two groups was immense. Yet North-South differences and pressures toward change during World War II suggested both that the future would bring change in black-white relations and that many people, especially in the South, would resist. . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ . _ MIGRATION AN D URBAN IZATION Students of black-white relations in the United States have observed that World War II was a major catalyst to change. The war led to increased black migration to urban and northern areas, provided greater economic opportu- nities for blacks, brought many blacks and whites into close social contact for the first time, broadened the social and political horizons of many blacks, and led increasingly to the views that racist ideology and practice were evils inconsistent with basic democratic principles. During World War II and for 25 years afterward, the nation's economy grew at a rapid rate. Facing labor shortages, many industries, especially , . . . . . . . , _ c, durable goods manufacture, drew from a sector of the American economy that had a large labor surplus: agriculture, particularly the labor-intensive farms of the South. As a result, some of the northeastern and midwestern states and California gained large black populations between 1940 and 1970. During each of the three decades beginning in 1940, there was a net outmigration from the South of about 1.5 million blacks (see Figure 2-1~. This was about 15 percent of the South's black population at the middle of each decade. Thus, while 77 percent of blacks lived in the South in 1940 this figure had decreased to 53 percent by 1970. Many aspects of this migration have been clearly documented: migrants were younger and more extensively educated than those who remained, although their attainments were below those of comparably aged northern- born blacks; migration to the North frequently took place in steps, from a 60

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY FIGURE 2-1 Regional distribution of black population, 1939-1979. 1939 1979 Source: Data Tom decennial censuses. 1959 Northeast n Midwest _.. . South C:1 West rural farm area to a southern city, and then a second move to a northern city. Blacks most frequently went to large cities, such as Chicago, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and New York, as those cities were easily accessible by the rail lines linking the South and North. Later, there was movement into other northern areas, but many cities in the North-Minneapolis, Akron, and the manufacturing centers of upstate New York-attracted few black migrants and still have small black populations (see reviews in Farley, 1987; Letwin, 1986~. Blacks who moved to the North were relatively successful. In the 1960s, many commentators speculated-quite incorrectly, it is now known-that 61

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY TABLE 2-2 Black Percentage of Population of the 20 Largest U.S. Cities, 1940-1980 City a 1940 1960 1980 New York 6 14 25 Chicago 8 23 40 Philadelphia 13 26 38 Detroit 9 29 63 Los Angeles 4 14 17 Cleveland 10 29 4~4 Baltimore 19 35 55 St. Louis 13 29 45 Boston 3 9 22 Pittsburgh 9 17 24 Washington, D.C. 28 54 70 San Francisco < 1 10 13 Milwaukee 2 9 23 Buffalo 3 13 27 New Orleans 30 37 55 Minneapolis 1 2 8 Cincinnati 12 21 34 Newark 21 34 58 Kansas City 5 17 27 Indianapolis 3 21 22 aCiiies are listed by rank in tot pop~anon in 1940. the problems of declining northern cities were caused by the arrival of a poorly educated rural black population. They suggested that the southern blacks were culturally and intellectually unsuited for the complex life of the modern city. Given these deficiencies, it was argued that migrants withdrew from the search for regular employment and either depended on welfare or became criminals. A variety of studies since then have shown the error of many of these assertions. Compared with northern-born blacks, those born in the South who moved North were not extensively educated, but they worked longer hours, were less likely to be unemployed, and were somewhat more effective than northern-born blacks in translating their educational attainments into earnings. In addition, southern-born blacks were less likely to use welfare than those born in the North (Farley, 1987; Letwin, 1986~. One of the most dramatic consequences of the post-1940 migration was the change in the racial composition of the nation's cities. The 20 largest cities in 1940 are listed in Table 2-2 along with the percentage of their populations that were black in 1940, 1960, and 1980. In 1940, the popu- lations of just two of these cities, Washington and New Orleans, were one- quarter or more black; only five major northern cities had a black population equal to or exceeding the national average of 10 percent. In 1960, as a result of black migration, along with the suburbanization of whites, eight of those large cities were at least one-quarter black. This trend persisted in the follow- ing decades, and by 1980 five cities had black majorities and another seven 62

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY were more than one-quarter black. Only one city-Minneapolis-had a black population smaller than the national average of 11.7 percent. Black urbanization in turn had several consequences. As black voters be- came more influential in local and national affairs, articulate spokesmen for civil rights, such as Congressmen William L. Dawson of Chicago, Adam Clayton Powell of Harlem (New York), and Charles C. Digits of Detroit, were elected in the 1940s and 1950s. The development of a somewhat larger black middle class resulted in personnel and financial support for the civil rights struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. RISI NG BLACK PROTEST Many black Americans recognized the opportunity for change made pos- sible by World War II. Painfully aware of the disparity between democratic ideals and practice in the United States, blacks organized to use the interna- tional crisis to further their demands for equality at home. As the Pittsb?~r,gh Courier, a black-owned newspaper, stated (Dalfiume, 1968:96-97~: "What an opportunity the crisis has been . . . to persuade, embarrass, compel and shame our government and our nation . . . into a more enlightened attitude toward a tenth of its people. " In the face of almost universal discrimination against blacks in the armed forces and defense industries, organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) increased their protest activ- ities. A. Philip Randolph, a veteran black activist and founder of a major black union, the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, consolidated the protest sentiment and focused it on the seat of government. Arguing that only the power of the organized masses could effect change, he suggested that 10,000 blacks march on Washington, D.C., on July 1, 1941, under the banner: "We loyal Negro-American citizens demand the right to work and fight for our country." In response to Randolph's call, President Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802, which forbade discrimination in defense indus- tries and established the President's Committee on Fair Employment Prac- tices to monitor the private sector. With this victory in hand, Randolph cancelled the proposed march (Franklin, 1966:78~. Some important increases in black participation occurred in war industries, especially in shipbuilding and steel. In general, these increases came as pres- sures from the wartime economy and from civil rights groups grew more intense, forcing industry to hire more black workers (Weaver, 1946~. There were also major increases during the war in black participation in the military forces and civilian government service. These increases in the number of black workers were accompanied by opposition and conflict from manage- ment and white workers. Evidence that black protest during the war was likely to continue came from the worldwide surveys of American soldiers conducted by the War Department from 1941 to 1946 (Stouffer et al., 1949, Vol. I:Ch. 10~. These studies showed that black soldiers defined their circumstances in racial terms, 63

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY rejected discrimination and segregation, and emphasized equal rights. White soldiers, in contrast, did not think that blacks were dissatisfied and said that blacks were being treated fairly. Stouffer and colleagues (1949:507) con- cluded: "This underlying theme of Negro protest against and white compla- cency toward the racial status quo [could], in broad and somewhat oversim- plified fashion, be perceived in almost every aspect of Negro-white relationships. " The studies also showed large North-South differences among black sol- diers, with northern black men more likely to reject racial separation and to express willingness to enter combat (Stouffer et al., 1949:526-530~. The authors of The American Soldier summarized their interpretation of the broader implications of the research findings in words that foreshadowed much of the national debates in subsequent decades (Stouffer et al., 1949:599~: The problem, then, was one of justice within our existing institutional Eamework. Defenders of segregation and of other aspects of a system based upon racial categorization were in the difficult position of having no defense on the level of accepted principle against the claims of the Negroes.... That no more generally satisfactory solution to these conflicts emerged within the Army only reflects the inability of a single segment like the Army to accomplish what the larger society has yet to achieve. The war years saw an increase in black community activism, which formed a base for major changes in black-white relations in the 1950s and 1960s. Indeed, the issues of concern to blacks during the war years prefigured those that would become central to the civil rights movement and to the general issue of equal opportunity. Conflicts over public accommodations, occupa- tional mobility, housing, and media images were important both in the civilian and military domains. For many blacks, all of these were crucial issues. Whether it was outright violence or restrictive regulations aimed against black use of an officers club or black seating on a train, segregation and discrimination were viewed as barriers that black activism could and should change. BLACK PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL I NSTITUTIONS SI NCE 1945 As the civil rights movement grew and black community organizations accelerated their campaigns, an increasing number of judicial, presidential, and congressional decisions, orders, and legislation aimed at dismantling barriers to black participation appeared. The first 20 years after World War II were an era of challenge to discriminatory barriers to black participation. We note a few important dates: 1948 President Truman in Executive Order 9981 directs the Armed Forces to institute equal opportunity and treatment among the races. 64

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 1954 The Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Ed?~ca~on of Topeka rules against segregation of blacks and whites in public schools. 1955 President Eisenhower in E'cecutz~e Order 1059 establishes the Presi- dent's Committee on Government Employment Policy to fight dis- crimination in employment (replacing the Fair Employment Prac- tices Committee established by President Truman in 1948~. 1955 The 1955 Interstate Commerce Commission issues an order banning segregation of passengers on trains and buses used in interstate travel. 1957 The 1957 Civil Rights Act creates a six-member presidential commis- sion to investigate allegations of the denial of citizen's voting rights. 1960 The 1960 Civil Rights Act strengthens the investigatory powers of the 1957 civil rights commission. 1961 President Kennedy establishes the Committee on Equal Employ- ment Opportunity aimed against discrimination in employment. 1961 The Justice Department moves against discrimination in airport fa- cilities under the provisions of the Federal Airport Act and against discrimination in bus terminals under the Interstate Commerce Commission Act. 1962 President Kennedy in E'cec?~ve Order 11063 bars discrimination in federally assisted housing. 1964 The Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimination in public accommo- dations and employment. 1965 The Voting Rights Act suspends literacy tests and sends federal examiners into many localities to protect rights of black voters. 1968 Fair housing legislation outlaws discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. Few of these laws led to immediate implementation of their stated objec- tives. When practical gains did occur, they came after great efforts by many people to see that laws were enforced (Chapter 5~. There was intense con- gressional resistance to proposed changes, and many proposed laws were not enacted: anti-poll tax and anti-lynching legislation were defeated in Congress in 1949; a transportation bill prohibiting segregation or discrimination in interstate transportation was not cleared by the House Rules Committee in 1954; civil rights legislation in 1956 was held up by the Judiciary Commit- tee. And the 1960 Civil Rights Act was substantively altered to suit southern . . . congresslona . opposition. There were widespread attempts to intimidate black people who attempted to vote and engage in other political and social activities. Between 1955 and 1970, dozens of blacks and some white supporters were killed; private homes, places of business, and churches were bombed and fired on. 2'Iuch of the violence, and especially the bombings and attacks on demonstrators, was planned and often supported-or at least judiciously ignored-by local white authorities. The Ku Klux Klan, White Citizens' Councils, and other local organizations attempted to intimidate black people in order to halt the struggle for civil rights. 65

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY But the movement continued. As it did so, the entry of one or a few blacks into areas of previous exclusion became symbolic of possible future progress. The period of 1940-1965 produced a plethora of firsts: black generals, black athletes, black actors in mainstream Fins, and so on. These pioneer blacks were experiments and symbols of what might change in black- white relations. For example, in 1945 Woody Strode and Kenny Washington joined the Los Angeles Runs and became the first blacks to play in the National Football League (NFL). In 1947 Jackie Robinson became the first black during the modern era to play in what black people had always called baseball's "white leagues." In 1949 Congressman William L. Dawson be- came the first black to head a congressional committee (the House Commit- tee on Government Operations). In the same year Wesley Brown became the first black to graduate from the U.S. Naval Academy. In 1950 Gwen- dolyn Brooks was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for poetry, and the acquisition of Chuck Cooper made the Boston Celtics the first team in the National Basketball Association (NBA) to sign a black player. (See list of firsts herein.) As black participation increased, the significance of a few black people in a social domain diminished, but there were increasing questions about how many more black people would enter and what positions they would hold. With this shift of emphasis, if further change did not follow soon, appoint- ment of the first black or the first few blacks in an institution became increasingly seen as tokens instead of signs of real change. THE MILITARY Blacks have fought in every war in the nation's history, often acquitting themselves with great distinction and valor. Yet second-class status and inferior treatment of black personnel was official military policy, and this discrimination continued during World War II. With a few small and highly ''expenmental'' exceptions, blacks and whites served in segregated units, and most black soldiers were kept in the United States, usually in the South (Moskos and Butler, 1987:2~. One notable exception to this pattern of segregation took place during the final months of World War II against the German Army. Needing all the troops it could get into the field, the army sent black platoons, all of whom were volunteers, to fight alongside whites (Davis, 1966:645-647~. Army research subsequently found that whites who fought with blacks displayed reduced levels of prejudice (Stouffer et al., 1949, Vol. I: 586-595~. There was one major exception to the pattern of segregation, the nation- alized Merchant Marine. Black merchant marines served in a full variety of occupations during the war. Four Merchant Marine ships had black captains and officers in command of black and white crews. Fourteen ships were named after famous black people, including Frederick Douglass and Harriet Tubman; four ships were named after a black seaman who had died in active service (Franklin, 1976:588~. Discrimination in the military involved more than separation and unequal ,. . . . . . . . . . 66

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY assignments. Attacks on black soldiers by military and civilian police and by white civilians and soldiers were common, especially in the South. In gen- eral, the norms and cultural codes of the wider society were reflected in the military (MacGregor, 1981:45~. The military leadership tended to take a "local-culture" approach to its black-white relations: for example, some bases in the North were more or less desegregated, while all bases in the South were segregated. The Army consciously analyzed base locations in terms of anticipated white resistance (Childs, 1987~. Therefore, Chanute Field in Illinois was partially desegregated while the Tuskegee Army air base in Alabama was segregated, and black airmen and pilots were at times con- fined to the base in order to avoid difficulties with local whites. These policies of segregation and differential treatment of black military personnel led to many nonviolent and violent confrontations between blacks and whites, both at home and in European and Asian theaters of war (Childs, 1987~. The policies and the incidents repeatedly demonstrated the second-class status of black Americans. "In places, Negro service men do not have as many civil rights as prisoners of war. In at least one Army camp down South, for a time there was one drinking fountain for white guards and German prisoners, and a segregated fountain for Negro soldiers" (Hous- ton, 1944~. Dese,gre,gat?on of the Awned Forces Desegregation began in a very limited way during World War II, met with much resistance in the late 1940s, and quickened thereafter. Faced with the Korean War, black community action, political pressure, and genuine desire on the part of some for desegregation, the military moved from 1948 on toward desegregation. Formal segregation was essentially dismantled by the end of the 1950s, before any extensive desegregation in civilian institutions. By 1965, the last vestiges of separation had been laid to rest. The changes arose from a convergence of several major conditions. The large pool of increasingly better educated blacks was a military resource that could not be ignored. Segregation increasingly was seen by military officials as an ineffective use of personnel, and the argument for efficient use of resources was extensively used to support policies of desegregation (Mac- Gregor, 1981~. Pressures from black organizations and shifts in the political climate also played major roles in bringing about military desegregation. As noted above, these pressures and shifts led to various official steps, such as the issuance by President Truman of E'cecutz~e Order 9981 (July 16, 1948) calling for equality of treatment and opportunity in the armed forces. After the subsequent appointment by Truman of the President's Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services (the Fahy Committee), the Army began to desegregate training and to assign some blacks to formerly all-white units (Davis, 1966:652-656~; the Air Force took similar actions (Stillman, 1976: 899~. The accelerating importance of civil rights issues was crucial to military 67

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Selected Black Firsts in American Society: 1945-1982 1945 1945 1947 1949 1949 1950 1950 1950 1950 Colonel B. O. Davis, Jr., becomes the first black to command an Army Air Corps base in the United States. Kenny Washington and Woody Strode of the Los Angeles Barns become the first blacks to play in the National Football League (NFL). Jackie Robinson breaks the racial barrier in modern major league baseball when he joins the Brooklyn Dodgers. Wesley Brown becomes the first black to graduate from the U.S. Naval Academy. U.S. Congressman William L. Dawson becomes chair of the House Committee on Government Operations. Althea Gibson becomes the first black to play in the National Tennis Tournament at Forest Hills, Long Island. Gwendolyn Brooks is awarded the Pulitzer Prize for poetry. Chuck Cooper becomes the first black drafted and signed to play in the National Basketball Association (NBA). However, because of a quirk in the schedule, Earl Lloyd becomes the first black to play in the NBA by 1 day. Ralph J. Bunche is the first black American to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. 1954 B. O. Davis, Jr., becomes the first black general in the Air Force. 1959 1961 1963 1964 1965 1966 1966 Althea Gibson becomes the first black golfer to play on the Woman's Professional Golf Association tour. Charlie Sifford becomes the first black golfer to play on the Men's Professional Golf Association tour. Arthur Ashe becomes the first black named to the American Davis Cup team. Sidney Poitier becomes the first black to win an Oscar for best actor in a leading role (for 1963~. David H. Black~vell becomes the first black elected to the Na- tional Academy of Sciences. Edward W. Brooke (R.-Mass.) elected first black U.S. Senator  in the twentieth century. Robert C. Weaver is appointed the first black member of a president's cabinet, as secretary of the U.S. Department of Hous- ing and Urban Development. _, 68

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 1966 1967 1967 1968 1969 1970 1970 1971 1971 1972 1972 1972 1975 1977 1982 Andrew F. grimmer becomes the first black member of the Federal Reserve Board. Richard G. Hatcher, Gary, Indiana, and Carl B. Stokes, Cleve- land, Ohio, become first elected black mayors of major U.S. . . Ales. Thurgood Marshall is appointed the first black justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Henry Lewis becomes first black to head a symphony orchestra in the United States (New Jersey Symphony). Clifton R. Wharton, Ir., becomes first black president of a major, predominantly white university (Michigan State Univer- sity). John M. Burgess becomes a bishop and the first black to head an Episcopal diocese in the United States (Boston). Joseph L. Searles becomes first black member of the New York Stock Exchange. Dance Theatre of Harlem, the first all-black classical ballet com- pany in the United States, makes its debut at the Guggenheim Museum of Art in New York City. Samuel L. Gravely, Ir., becomes the first black admiral in the U.S. Navy. Major General Frederick E. Davidson becomes the first black commander of an Army division. Benjamin Hooks is appointed the first black member of the Federal Communications Commission. Barbara Jordan (D.-Texas) and Andrew Young (D.-Georgia) are the first blacks elected to the House of Representatives from the South in the twentieth century.  Daniel James, Jr., becomes the first black four-star general in the Air Force. Clifford Alexander, Jr., becomes the first black secretary of the Army. Marcus Alexis becomes the first black chair of the Interstate Commerce Commission. 1982 Thomas Bradley becomes the first black nominated to run for governor of a state by a major party (Democratic party). Roscoe Robinson, Jr., becomes the first four-star general in the Army. 69

A COMMON DESTI NY: BLACKS AN D AMERICAN SOCI ETY desegregation. Linked to these developments were changing white attitudes that were increasingly favorable to some movement toward desegregation (see Chapter 3~. President Truman's order to the military to institute equal treatment was issued in response to pressures from black leaders and civil rights organizations. In particular, A. Philip Randolph had threatened to organize a massive black civil disobedience campaign against the draft if segregation continued in the military. In the context of the increasingly intense Cold War and the 1948 election, the threat of major domestic upheaval played an important role in President Truman's action (Brisbane, 1976:562~. By 1953 the logistical and tactical difficulties of fielding all-black units in the Korean War zone (Bogart, 1969; Stillman, 1976:900-901), combined with willingness on the part of some members of the military establishment to push for desegregation and with external pressures from the black com- munity, led to a desegregation of the armed forces in the Far East. Segrega- tion continued briefly to be the norm in much of the European command areas and in the United States, but the Korean War proved to be a watershed (MacGregor, 1981:430-434~. From that point on, albeit with varied degrees of speed and scope, desegregation proceeded in the military. Overall, blacks in 1955 were about 9 percent of enlisted men and 2 percent of officers (Moskos and Butler, 1987~; 10 years later, in 1965, blacks were 10 percent of enlisted personnel and still 2 percent of officers. In addition, black enlisted men were disproportionately in lower grades and nontechnical jobs. Nevertheless, there was greater participation by blacks in the armed forces and a measure of increasing equality of opportunity (Moskos and Butler, 1987~. As bases became more desegregated, the issue of segregation in surround- ing civilian communities became salient. Well into the early 1960s, military desegregation reforms were widely viewed by top military officials as applying only on-base. However, pressures from black organizations and sympathetic white political figures led to some chances in local situations. In 1953 r - ~ - ~ ~ ~ ~ 1 r 1 1 1 President Eisenhower ordered that any Schools recelvmg teueral lungs WOUlC1 have to be desegregated. The order did not extend to dependents of federal employees in local public schools, but the U.S. Department of Defense did begin a campaign against segregated schools on federal property. By Novem- ber 1955, hundreds of on-base classrooms had been desegregated. However, many schools not on federal property, but heavily used by military person- nel, remained segregated as military officials invoked the rationale of con- formity to local custom (Childs, 1987~. By the beginning of the Kennedy administration in 1961, the main focus in the military had shifted to issues of public accommodations, schools, and housing for military personnel, on- and off-base. Desegregation also led to increasing concern with equitable placement of black personnel in various job positions and ranks. It was the very success of general desegregation of all-black and all-white units that laid the groundwork for a second tier of issues about black-white stratification within the military. 70

BLACK PARTICI RATION I N AMERICAN SOCI ETY The military by 1965 was in front of the private sector in many of the changes it had made. Indeed, in its desegregation of on-base facilities, includ- ing schools, the military prefigured later changes being fought for on the civilian front. In this sense, the older image of the military as a reflection of the wider society's norms had been transformed into the reality of the military as a leading institution in changes in the nation's social patterns. In 1945, Col. B. O. Davis, Ir., had become the first black to command a military base-of the Army Air Corps-in the United States; 9 years later, Davis became the first black general in the Air Force; and 11 years later he became the first black lieutenant general. These 20 years cover the time of massive change in the U.S. military. The presence of some black officers in mixed units commanding white troops could hardly have been envisioned, let alone accepted, by most officers and men during World War II. In 1977, the secretary of the Army was black (Clifford Alexander, Jr.), and in 1987 full general Bernard P. Randolph became commander of the U.S. Air Force Systems Command. Against the historical background, the changes in the officer corps are striking. Against the criterion of equality, blacks are still underrepresented in the officer corps and, within the corps, in the assign- ments most likely to lead to the highest ranks. Nevertheless, promotion of blacks to flag rank is no longer rare or even a cause for comment in the black community (Moskos, 1985:21~. The Modern Military Recent rates of military service differ considerably from earlier decades. For the cohort of males born between 1957 and 1962 and who passed the physical and aptitude tests, a much larger proportion of black males (42 percent) than white males (18 percent) served in the military (Moskos and Butler, 1987:12, Table 19~. At the same time, data from a 1973 national survey, "Occupational Changes in a Generation," show that among men aged 25-65, blacks were less likely than whites, on average, to have served in the military forces in each of four periods: World War II, the Korean War, 1955-1965, and the Vietnam War. Although blacks were more likely to be drafted, they were less likely to meet the requirements for service (Fligstein, 1980:303-304~. Fligstein's study concluded that neither blacks nor men from low socioeconomic origins served more frequently than others (although college attendance made an individual less likely to serve). The Army represents a special case. No other branch of the services com- pares with it. For example, as of 1982, the black percentage of commissioned officers in the Army was more than 3 times the percentage in the Navy and more than 2 times' that in the Marine Corps (see Table 2-3~. These two branches of the military service have continually had low rates of black participation in their officer corps. In 1986, 30 percent of the Army was black; the percentages for the other services were Marines, 20; Air Force, 17; and Navy, 14. Among female enlisters in the Army in 1986, 32 percent were black. In the military officer corps, the proportion of blacks has risen 71

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY TABLE 2-3 Black Officers in U.S. Armed Services, by Rank (as percentage of officers), June 1982 Rank Marine Air All Army Navy Corps Force Services Commissioned o~ccrs 8.6 2.8 3.8 5.0 5.6 General 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Lt. General 4.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.7 Maj. General 5.3 1.2 0.0 1.6 2.8 Brig. General 7.8 1.6 2.9 4.7 5.0 Colonel 4.6 0.8 0.3 1.9 2.4 Lt. Colonel 4.8 0.7 0.7 2.4 2.7 Major 4.8 1.8 1.9 2.3 2.9 Captain 9.3 3.7 5.0 5.5 6.4 1st Lieutenant 15.0 3.7 5.1 8.3 9.0 2nd Lieutenant 9.7 3.6 4.4 7.2 6.7 Warrant officers 6.1 5.1 7.3 - 6.0 All officers 8.2 2.9 4.1 5.0 5.6 Source: Moskos and Butler (1987). from less than 1 percent in 1949 to 6.5 percent in 1986. In the Army the increase has been larger: in 1986, 10 percent of all officers and 7 percent of the generals were black (Moskos and Butler, 1987:Tables 2-4~. Maior trends in black participation in the Army from 1962 to 1986 are ~- shown in Table 2-4. Several features of~ the data warrant comment. t~rst, black participation in both enlisted grades and officer ranks has increased, with the greatest increases in the lowest levels. Second, although blacks are still underrepresented relative to their total numbers in the higher enlisted grades, there have been large increases in the proportions of senior noncom- missioned officers (sergeant major, master sergeant, and sergeant 1st class). The U.S. Army has become one of the few sectors of American life in which large numbers of blacks are in positions of authority over whites. In military occupations, blacks are concentrated in support roles, slightly underrepresented in combat arms, and greatly underrepresented in technical fields. This places many of them in the position of being "bereft of skills and competencies which are readily transferable to the civilian marketplace" (Schexnider, 1983:249, 253~. Average black combat casualties have not been disproportionate to the black military population; over the period 1945-1985, the percentage of total black personnel assigned to combat arms varied greatly, from 12 in 1945 to a peak of 33 in 1962, followed by relative stability at about 2()-:Z5 percent thereafter, except for a short period during the Vietnam War. Dis- proportionately high casualties in 1965-1966 among blacks serving in Viet- nam aroused dissent in the civilian sector. The Pentagon's sensitivity to this criticism resulted in a U.S. Department of Defense order to reduce the proportion of blacks on the front lines during the later period of the war, ~_ 72

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY and the casualty rates for blacks decreased (Schexnider, 1983:249~. Over the entire course of the war in Vietnam, casualties among blacks were propor- tionate to the percentage of blacks in the Army in Vietnam as well as in the total Army (Moskos and Butler, 1987:12~. Black and white rates of attrition, promotion, and retention in the military exhibit some anomalies. These anomalies reflect a complicated pattern of differences in relative opportunities between civilian and military life, as well as possible differential treatment in both areas. Blacks are more likely than whites to complete their first 3-year term of enlistment (with education held constant). Overall, 37 percent of whites as compared with 26 percent of blacks fail to complete their initial enlistment. In general, blacks and whites differ only very slie;htlv in rates of honorable discharges' and black reenlist 1 J ~11 __F ~- ment rates average about 1.5 times those of whites. ~, . . . . \ · . · Military personnel who have low scores on standardized tests generally account for a disproportionate amount of first-term attrition and are overre- presented in disciplinary infractions, absenteeism, and unauthorized absence (Sabrosky, 1980:6031. Black enlisters, especially in the Army, have higher educational levels than whites, and black enlisters have higher aptitude scores than the general black population. Among white males and females, the lower the score on the Armed Forces Qualification Test (AFQT), the higher the attrition. But among black females there is no relationship, and among TABLE 2-4 Black Participation in the U.S. Army (as percentage of officers and enlisted personnel), 1962-1986 Rank Officers General Colonel Lt. Colonel 1962 1972 1980 1986 0.7 0.1 1.6 0.9 5.1 2.5 5.1 5.2 3.7 4.3 2.9 2.3 2.5 3.2 3.9 2.9 7.0 5.5 14.0 7.8 19.6 12.7 23.9 15.7 16.6 13.0 13.5 10.8 15.9 13.3 17.9 11.4 18.3 12.3 17.0 Major Captain 1st Lieutenant 2nd Licutenant Total Enlisted Sergeant Major Master Sergeant  Sergeant 1st Class Staff Sergeant Sergeant Specialist 4 Private 1st Class Private Recruit Total 5.4 4.5 4.9 4.4 7.5 10.2 10.4 7.2 7.0 5.0 4.4 6.8 12.7 14.4 11.4 10.4 20.5 30.9 25.3 24.4 24.7 25.5 23.9 35.7 31.2 36.0 37.2 29.9 39.0 23.6 37.0 22.2 27.0 22.8 32.5 29.6 Source: Moskos and Butler (1987:27). 73

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY black males the relationship is reversed: the higher the AFQT score, the higher the attrition. Consistent with this striking finding, blacks with high AFQT scores are promoted much more slowly than high-scoring whites and much more slowly than low-scoring blacks (Moskos and Butler, 1987:Tables 21, 23~. The puzzling pattern would be understandable if high-scoring blacks are perceived by superior officers as insufficiently deferential or con- formist in the military hierarchy, but no systematic data are available on this point. It is possible that blacks with higher aptitude scores are less willing to accept what they perceive as institutional discrimination, while blacks with lower scores who see less opportunity in the civilian sector may be more willing to tolerate such conditions (Moskos and Butler, 1987:17-18~. Although blacks are promoted more slowly than whites with similar AFQT scores, enlisted blacks are less likely to be dissatisfied with military services: when recent veterans compare military and civilian life, blacks are more likely than whites to evaluate service life favorably. Yet blacks more often than whites believe that they receive worse treatment in the Army and believe that race influences the likelihood of fair treatment. Military forces are rarely "representative" of their societies; this is true across societies and historically within the United States (Enloe, 1980~. Under a volunteer system, unless quotas are used, it is not possible to ensure a representative mix of socioeconomic or ethnic and racial backgrounds. Relatively poor employment opportunities in civilian life inevitably result in relatively high military enlistments from economically disadvantaged popu- lations. Without a system of national conscription, blacks will continue to constitute a relatively large proportion of enlisted military personnel. In 1964, just before the Vietnam War, 12 percent of enlisted Army per- sonnel were black; in 1972, the last year of the draft, 18 percent were black; and by 1979, 33 percent. The increase began before the inauguration of a volunteer system; it reflected blacks' rising educational levels, their high unemployment in the civilian economy, and the relative lack of discrimina- tion in the Army. The increasing proportion of black enlisters also reflects the low rate of participation of the much larger white population. In abso- lute numbers, the period 196~1977 saw a decrease in new enlistments of whites, from 228 , 000 to 1 5 3 , 000 (Butler, 1 980: 595~ . Considerable concern has been noted in the scholarly literature over the possibility that the relatively low rates of white enlistment and retention would result in "resegregation" of the military forces. Clearly, however, a high overall proportion of black personnel does not necessarily entail either segregated occupations or segregated units. If concerted efforts and policies are pursued to ensure that assignments are nondiscriminatory and sufficient numbers of well-qualified persons are recruited, blacks and whites can be spread across the full range of ranks, occupational specialties, branches of service, and types of units. 74

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY PUBLIC SCHOOLS In Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka (May 17, 1954), the Supreme Court held that segregation of public schools violated the constitutional rights of black children. With that decision and the implementing decree of May 1955 instructing lower courts to order a prompt and reasonable begin- ning of desegregation to be accomplished "with all deliberate speed," the Court removed the state-enforced basis for exclusion and separation in the schools. As the effects of the decision took place, the processes of civic inclusion of racial minorities extended into a major institution and weakened the racial caste-class system of stratification. The Supreme Court's 1954 and 1955 Brown rulings upheld the principle of school integration, but initially few districts dismantled their dual systems. The early processes of desegregation were extremely slow, as southern legis- latures, officials, and school districts engaged in protracted resistance and evasion. Private groups such as the White Citizens' Councils engaged in widespread threats and intimidation of people favoring desegregation. Many school administrators openly resisted the law and, in some southern districts, public schools were closed rather than desegregated (Kruger, 1976:451-464; Walters, 1984:Part 2~. In 1954, the proportion of black pupils attending schools with whites in 11 southern states was less than one-tenth of 1 percent; 10 years later it had only increased to about 2 percent. Legal change, persuasion, and national public opinion had not produced any significant level of desegregation. The decade of resistance did not even end with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, but only when, on the basis of that act, the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) linked federal aid for local edu- cation to compliance with federal desegregation requirements. Finally, with strong federal financial sanctions and some important court orders, large- scale desegregation did occur-in the South. The proportion of black pupils in desegregated schools in the South rose from 2 percent in 1964 to 15 percent in 1966, to 18 percent in 1968, and reached 46 percent in 1973. The proportions in the North and West, where the financial sanctions were not invoked, were constant at 28-29 percent (Williams, 1977:17~. By 1972 a series of authoritative Supreme Court decisions had spurred a substantial reduction in school segregation. In 1967, the Supreme Court declared that freedom-of-choice plans were not acceptable remedies if they left blacks and whites in separate schools (Green v. New I(ent Co., 391 U.S. 430 [19681~; in 1969, the Court overturned the principle that school deseg- regation should proceed with "all deliberate speed" and ordered the imme- diate desegregation of southern schools (Alexander v. Holmes, 1969~; and in 1971, the Court called for the use of busing and proportionate pupil assign- ments (Simon v. Charlotte-Meckler~b?~r,g, 1971~. After a 1973 ruling found that de facto segregation outside the South was as unconstitutional as de lure segregation in the South (I(eyes v. Denver School District No. 1, 1973>, federal courts in the North and West issued similar 75

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY desegregation orders; however, the pace of litigation and of desegregation has been much slower outside the South. Trends in School Dese,gre,gatum Since the late 1960s, the Office for Civil Rights (then in HEW, now in the U.S. Department of Education) has gathered data about the race of students and faculty at individual schools in a sample of school districts. There are difficulties in measuring segregation because the survey refers to entire schools, not classrooms or programs within schools, and because the sample is one of school districts rather than students. Nevertheless, these data provide a picture of racial change and allow us to pinpoint the timing of desegregation. Figure 2-2a shows the percentage of black students who attended public schools in which 90 percent or more of the students were minorities, that is, blacks, Hispanics, Asians, or Native Americans. Since the history of both school segregation and litigation varies by area, data are shown for five groups of states. In 1968 approximately 4 of every 5 black students in the South went to schools whose enrolLnents were at least 90 percent minority. Four years later, this had fallen to 1 black student in 4-largely because of the encompassing federal court orders. There were declines in extreme school segregation (as measured in this manner) in the border states, the Midwest, and the West, although much smaller than those occurring in the South. For more than a decade, public schools in the South have been less segregated than those in the North or West. Nevertheless, racial concentra- tion is very evident. Black children in 1980 made up about one-fifth of the nation's public elementary and secondary enrollment, but almost two-thirds of them went to schools in which more than one-half the students were minorities (see Figure 2-2b). The major achievements in school desegregation occurred between 1966 and 1973. Court decisions and demographic trends since that time have limited or halted the further desegregation of schools. In the South, many school districts are organized on a countywide basis that includes both a central city and much of its suburban ring. Hence, within-district desegre- gation orders effectively mixed black and white students. However, in the North and in several major southern locations (including Atlanta), the cen- tral city and suburban schools are in separate districts. Consequently, migra- tion to the suburbs has drastically reduced white enrollment in the public schools of the nation's largest cities. By 1980, whites made up only 4 percent of the public school enrollment in Washington, 8 percent in Atlanta, 9 percent in Newark and 12 percent in Detroit (Orfield, 1983~. Residential segregation was high in the 29 metropolitan areas that con- tained one-half of the country's black population in 1980 (see Table 2-5~. The central city school districts of just two of these areas had a majority white enrollment in 1980: the countywide districts that included Jackson- ville and Greensboro. Major reductions in school segregation would require 76

BLACK PARTICI PATION I N AMERICAN SOCI ETY FIGURE 2-2 Black students attending public schools in which (a) 90 percent or (b) 50 percent or more of the students were minorities (blacks, Hispanics, Asian-Americans, and Native Amencans), 1968-1980. 90 80 70 ZL,2 50 IIJ 40 30 20 _ o 1 (a) Ninety Percent or More Mlnoritles \ 60 \_~ Midwest West U.S. Total '. South - _ . , - , Northeast -_ Border 1968 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 90 70 60 Z 50 IIJ CI: LL] CL 40 30 20 1968 1970 1972 YEAR Source: Orfield (1983). Reprinted with permission. 77 (b) Fifty Percent or More Mlnoritles . _ Northeast  South U.S. Total Midwest 1974 1 976 1978 1 980

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY the pooling of central city and suburban students, but Supreme Court decisions disallowing metropolitan desegregation plans in Detroit and Rich- mond have made this unlikely (Millikiri v. Bradley, 1974~. E]jCects of School Dese,gre,yat~on School desegregation has had varied effects. The Brown decision stated that psychological damage was done to black children by segregated schooling and held that the "separate but equal" doctrine was unconstitutional be- cause segregated schooling was inherently unequal. Thus, tight connections were assumed to exist between segregation and the quality of education received. Many social scientists argued that under certain conditions school desegregation would raise the self-esteem and educational aspirations of black children, increase their academic achievement, and improve black-white re- lations (Cook, 1979:420~. The discussion in this section is primarily devoted to questions surrounding the last types of issues: Does desegregation produce better black-white relations? Questions concerning the effect of desegregated school environments on pupils' self-esteem, educational aspirations, and academic achievement are considered in Chapter 7. Our analysis of relevant studies leads to the conclusion that when several key conditions are met, intergroup attitudes and relations improve after schools are desegregated. Furthermore, desegregation is most likely to reduce racial isolation as well as to improve academic and social outcomes for blacks when it is part of a comprehensive and rapid program of change in the schools; conversely, partial and slow implementation may worsen educa- tional outcomes and black-white relations. We note also that school deseg- regation does not substantially affect the academic performance of white students, while it modestly improves black performance, in particular, read- ing (see Chapter 7~. These findings are interrelated in important ways. Two features-the timing and scale of the desegregation process-influence the potential gains of minority children. Minimal conflict and disruption occur when all schools in a community are desegregated simultaneously and when faculty and other staff as well as the pupils are racially mixed. Black pupils who begin to attend schools with whites in the first or second grade differ systematically from their randomly selected age-mates who at- tend segregated schools. An extensive longitudinal study in Hartford, Con- necticut (begun in 1966), found that students who had the interracial expe- rience, in comparison with those who remained in segregated schools, have higher test scores and high school graduation rates, are more likely to attend predominantly white colleges, and are more likely to graduate from college. Also, as adults, they were less likely to be involved in police incidents, less likely to perceive discrimination, more likely to live in nonsegregated residen- tial areas, and more likely to have frequent social contacts with whites (Crain et al., 1986~. Patchen's (1982) study of Indianapolis high schools found extremely com- plex effects of opportunities for black-white contacts. Friendliness was great 80

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY est when pupils experienced friendly interracial contacts prior to high school, when seating arrangements encouraged interaction, when there was oppor- tunity for joint participation in extracurricular activities, and in general when the proportion of black schoolmates in classes increased. But there was a curvilinear relationship between friendliness and the proportion of the other race: as the proportion of black students increased to a large minority, avoidance and unfriendly contact increased; but when blacks were a major- ity, attitudes of both whites and blacks were more positive, and negative interracial interaction was less. These results suggest that positive relations are most likely when neither blacks nor whites feel threatened by anticipated dominance of a hostile majority or large minority. A relevant finding is that it is the black pupils with relatively high academic aspirations and achieve- ments who are most likely to have friendly relationships with white pupils (Patcher, 1982:335~. When intensive efforts have arranged cooperative learning groups, some studies show marked increases in friendly interracial relationships (Schofield, 1986:36-40; Slavin, 1978, 1980~. Because of uncontrolled contextual fac- tors, there are some divergent findings, but several studies have reported that when black and white students work together in small groups on cooperative tasks, helping behavior occurs and the sense of threat can dimin- ish, while performance on subsequent achievement tests improves (Longshore and Prager, 1985:80; Schofield, 1986; Slavin, 1978, 1980~. Thus, interde- pendence in task performance in classroom learning groups appears to be consistently associated with cross-racial friendships and to support norms of equal-status interaction (see references cited in Longshore and Prager, 1985~. Unfortunately, however, the conditions required for positive outcomes in race relations infrequently exist. In general, studies carried out in the 1960s and 1970s show only limited integration within desegregated schools, both in classroom behavior and in extracurricular activities (Hawley, 1981; Patchen, 1982; Rist, 1979~. Rese~gre,gat~n Within Desegregated Schools A primary distinction exists between formal desegregation and actual inte- gration of schools. Desegregation refers to the removal of both legal and social practices that separate white and black pupils and to the physical presence of both in the same schools. There are many degrees of desegrega- tion. Black and white students may attend the same schools but be separated in classrooms, or they may be fillly included in all school activities. Integra- tion is a farther step. As Williams (1977:95) notes: Mere proximity is not integration; integration occurs only if there then develops joint participation and mutual acceptance in all activities normally associated with school attendance, from classroom to extracurricular activi- ties.... Between sheer mechanical desegregation and the most highly developed integration are many intermediate gradations. 81

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY The actual processes of desegregation vary so greatly from one community to another and across time that "desegregation" cannot be regarded as a unitary event or process. In some cities, desegregation has been limited to freedom-of-choice plans involving very small numbers of pupils. In others, racial balance has been sought by redistricting, school pairings, busing, and magnet schools. Great variations exist also in staff desegregation, teacher training, curricula, parental involvement, testing and pupil assignment poli- cies, and many other conditions likely to affect outcomes (see Chapter 7~. Cohen's (1975) review of the literature on desegregation and intergroup relations showed that only one-fifth of the studies done between 1968 and 1974 reported whether there was actual interracial contact in the schools studied. It is clear, however, that resegregation-separation of pupils by race or ethnicity within a desegregated school-frequently occurs. Sometimes it is quite extreme. For example, interviews with students in a previously all- white southern high school that was desegregated as the result of a court order found the students saying that "all the segregation in the city was put in one building." The resegregation was so pronounced that the authors of the study spoke of "two schools within a school" (Schofield, 1986:10~. The most common sources of resegregation are ability grouping and track- ing of students into separate academic programs, compensatory educational services and special education, and discipline practices. To the extent that race is correlated with the criteria used to sort students, ability grouping or tracking results in racial imbalance of classes. Similarly, categorical aid pro- grams that separate disadvantaged students for compensatory services may lead to resegregation. Discipline practices can lead to racial imbalances in classrooms if there is discrimination or inept management of cultural differ- ences in the enforcement of school rules. Interviews of professionals in 10 school districts undergoing court-ordered desegregation led the investigators to conclude that resegregation had oc- curred within most desegregated schools. Tracking is generally noted as the major cause, and its use increases as the proportion of black students in the school rises. The greatest amount of resegregation occurs in schools that are racially balanced (Epstein, 1980; Eyler et al., 1983:130-131~. Blacks in desegregated schools are overrepresented on virtually every meas- ure of disciplinary or remedial action (e.g., suspension rates, remedial clas- ses), and they are underrepresented on positive educational outcomes (e.g., assignment to enrichment classes, attending college or vocational schools). These observations have led many researchers to use the term second-gener . . . . . atlon c 1scnmmatlon. Although many studies have documented great black-white disparities, there is little hard evidence that ability grouping and differential punishment of black students are generally adopted in desegregated schools in order to resegregate students (Eyler et al., 1983~. However, there are indications that decisions about tracking and ability grouping are influenced by racial consid- erations. For example, analysis of data from 94 elementary schools concludes 82

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY that ability grouping is used most frequently by teachers in southern schools and by those with negative attitudes toward integrated education. Also, Gerard and Miller (1975) found that low measures of teacher prejudice are associated with the use of teaching techniques that encourage interracial contact (see Schofield, 1986: 10-11~. In this connection, black participation at decision-making levels has been shown to have an impact on the treatment of black students in desegregated schools. The fact that the prevalence of disciplinary actions varies widely across districts and among schools within districts suggests that administra- tive actions by personnel in specific schools, rather than district policy, may explain some of the variation. Thus, it is not surprising that the presence of black teachers appears to reduce the prevalence of disciplinary actions and that the presence of black school board members predicts the presence of black teachers (Meter, 1984; Meier and England, 1984~. In general, finding black-white disparities on either positive (enrichment classes) or negative (disciplinary actions) measures cannot be taken as prima facie evidence of discrimination without first considering alternative expla- nations. Only a few studies discuss the possibility that factors other than discrimination may contribute to the disparities. An obvious possibility is that if economically or culturally deprived students are more likely to have academic or behavioral difficulties, and if blacks are overrepresented in this deprived group, then they would be overrepresented on measures of reme- dial help and disciplinary action. The reliability of the data is also open to question: for example, disciplinary measures are sometimes unreported or labeled as something else. Many of the studies rely on data from the Office of Civil Rights, and there may be selective reporting to what is viewed as a policing agency (A. Taeuber, 1987~. Additional research is needed to clarify these issues. Blacks, Whites, and School Dese~re,gat~n Several analyses have found that desegregation leads to white flight from neighborhoods and schools affected by the desegregation. Such flight is especially likely to occur in school districts in the South, districts with a high degree of residential segregation, and those with a high percentage of black students (Armor, 1980; Coleman et al., 1975; Farley et al., 1980~. How- ever, one of the most sophisticated studies found that substantial white flight generally occurs only in the first year in which significant desegregation occurs and that the percentage of white students assigned to black-majority schools is the critical determinant of the degree of white flight (Rossell, 1978:193-194~. White flight from a desegregated school is minimized when (1) black pupils are bused and white pupils are not; (2) the proportion of blacks in the school does not exceed one-third; (3) white's retain authority and control over decision making and operation of the school system; and 83

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY (4) government-mandated reductions in the number of predominantly black schools are not very large. Perhaps because of these dynamics in the implementation of desegregation plans, black support for desegregation of schools declined from 78 percent in 1964 to 55 percent in 1978. Many blacks now complain that black children have had to bear the burden of being bused into hostile environ- ments outside their own neighborhoods, where they may be subjected to discrimination at the hands of predominantly white faculty (Hochschild, 1985: 11-12~. Such eminent black educators as Benjamin Mays and Kenneth Clark have argued that blacks must focus on the quality of the education that black children receive rather than placing an overriding emphasis on desegregation (Bell, 1986a). . . ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ the last 4() years have seen a ~ramanc cnange In wane arr~uucs rowing school desegregation (see Chapter 3~. Perhaps the most important recent findings are that majorities of white and black parents of children who are bused find busing partly or entirely satisfactory and that, in national polls of students, a majority see busing as improving race relations and black achieve- ment (Hochschild, 1985:14; see Chapter 3~. Thus, to the extent that schools have actually been desegregated, parents and students who have experienced the change give the process their approval. PUBLIC ACCOMMODATIONS AND WORK ENVIRONMENTS The 1964 Civil Rights Act prohibited discrimination in public accommo- dations related to federal government activities and interstate commerce. Covered were restaurants, cafeterias, lunchrooms, lunch counters, soda fountains, concert halls, theaters, gasoline stations, motion picture houses, sports arenas, stadiums, hotels, motels, and lodging houses (except for those with five or less occupants). Private clubs were specifically exempted. By the mid-1970s, many Americans believed that through lawsuits, con- sent decrees, permanent injunctions, and voluntary compliance, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 had led to a broad-scale elimination of discrimination against blacks in public accommodations. However, systematic evidence, then as now, was scanty. The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights said in 1975 that the perception of success was due to "conventional wisdom" rather than a "careful survey of actual practices." As the Commission noted (1977:94): Much of the evidence in the field of public accommodations is to be found through such judicial review. These cases appear to point out a small and declining feature of public accommodations, and "it is known from observation" by many civil rights officials and black citizens generally that there is a high level of compliance with the law in the cities and urban areas of the South, especially among national business chains. Most complaints of discrimination in public accommodations now appear to originate in rural areas and smaller establishments, although exceptions persist. Documentation remains negligible, however, and many factors con 84

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY tinue to influence the development of official complaints, the only adequate source of information. By all available accounts, then, the removal of legal support for segregation, and the enforcement of the law where needed, has accomplished the extensive desegregation of public accommodations throughout the Nation. Workplaces Black-white separation in places of employment was commonplace a few decades ago. It was achieved through the exclusion of blacks from employ- ment within white firms. For example, NAACP Executive Secretary Walter White, writing in 1948, noted how difficult it was for a black person to obtain employment as a reporter, editor, or craftsman on a major newspaper or magazine (cited in Wolsely, 1971~. This situation persisted throughout the next two decades (Stroman, 1986:23~. The first black reporter on a major television network was Mal Goode, hired in 1962 by ABC. In 1965 the number of black people on the news staffs of the major networks was nine. There were no black officials, managers, or technicians employed by the networks at that time (Childs, 1987J. The 1968 Kerner Commission report criticized the mass media's failure to employ black reporters and editors and the exclusion of black professionals from the news gathering and editorial process (National Advisory Commis- sion on Civil Disorders, 1968:Ch. 15:362-389~. Edward Trayes's (1969) study of the previous two decades of black employment on white newspapers in the nation's 20 largest cities found that of 4,095 news executives, desk- men, reporters, and photographers, 108 (2.6 percent) were black. This percentage was itself an increase from zero in 1940, but it indicated the slowness of change. In the 1970s, the extent of separation within workplaces was much less than in schools, colleges, or residential areas. Using a standardized measure of segregation (s), the indices were 19 for employment settings, 42 for 4-year he ~ . . . corteges, 56 tor elementary and secondary students, and 56 for residential parts within metropolitan areas (Becker, 1980:765, using national data re- ported by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission). Work separation varies greatly across major occupational categories, being least among professionals (s=14) and greatest among laborers (s=40) and service workers (s=38~. Overall, because occupational segregation is relatively low and black workers are a small fraction of all workers, nearly all blacks work with some whites in the same occupational category. Thus, in a statistical sense, it is the white population that is isolated: that is, a smaller proportion of whites have any opportunity for interracial contact (Becker, 1980:767~. Labor Unions and Equal Employment In a study conducted during World War II, Northrup (1944:2-5) found that 14 major national unions, including those as important as the machin 85

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY ists and railroad brotherhoods, explicitly prohibited black membership through their constitutions or rituals. Another eight unions, mostly in the building trades, usually refused admittance to blacks by "tacit consent," and nine others limited black participation to segregated "auxiliary" unions that were affiliated with all-white "parent" unions. Black auxiliary unions generally did not control their own affairs or have influence on their parent unions, and their members did not have seniority rights equivalent to the rights of members in the affiliated "white" locals (Weaver, 1946:218~. Black auxiliaries also did not usually receive a propor- tionate share of total employment (Northrup, 1944:6), and it was a common practice for the parent union to reserve the more desirable job categories in an industry for whites. Major access to unions for blacks began with the organizing campaigns of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the 1930s. Unlike the craft unions of the American Federation of Labor (AFL), which obtained bargaining power through restricting access to jobs requiring a high skill level, the industrial unions could only succeed if they enlisted all of the workers in an industry (because employers could circumvent unionization by hiring the excluded workers). Thus, enrolling blacks and convincing them that they would be treated fairly was essential to organizing mass production industries such as automobiles and steel. As the nation geared up for war in the 1940s, the need for manpower collided with the long-standing patterns of discrimination in the defense industries. There were numerous instances where white workers went on strike rather than accept desegregation of their work sites or upgrading of black employees. In just one 3-month period in 1943, the Bureau of Labor Statistics estimated that 101,955 person-days of war production were lost due to these so-called hate strikes (Foner, 1981:265~. In some cases it was necessary for the Army to intervene to force strikers back to work. Despite some important victories, such as the desegregation of the Philadelphia transit workers, movement toward desegregation in many defense-related industries was grudging at best. Intensive pressure from black community organizations, especially the . . threatened march on Washington in 1941, contributed to the issuance of Executive Order 8802 by President Roosevelt. This order forbade discrimina- tion in defense industries and created a Fair Employment Practices Commis- sion (FEPC) to evaluate discrimination in industry. The development, limi- tations, and fate of the FEPC were indicative both of the influence that black organizations could bring to bear on the federal government and of the limitations of that influence. The FEPC lacked prosecutorial authority; it relied on moral persuasion and, as a last resort, presidential intervention to effect change. The FEPC asserted that even under these restrictions some progress was made. After hearings in 1941-1942 in which 31 firms were investigated, the percentage of minority workers rose from 1.5 to 5.1, or a total of 23,759 (Laney, 1986:13) . Gains that were viewed as modest by many black organizations were op 86

BLACK PARTICI RATION I N AMERICAN SOCI ETY posed by forces in the Congress. In 1942, authority for the FEPC was switched from the executive to the legislative branch of government. In 1943, a larger FEPC with greater enforcement powers was created. In 1945, the FEPC lost the power to issue directives or cease-and-desist orders to those firms and unions it found to be discriminating. The FEPC became an important early model for governmental antidiscrim- ination practices and agencies (Laney, 1986~. Analysis of data from 1940 to 1978 has shown in detail how numerous incremental changes in public policies eventually led Congress to the passage of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The beginnings of antidiscrimination policies are shown to date from the New Deal period. Although the civil rights movement and dra- matic media coverage helped to produce congressional action, the 1964 act had been preceded by a long process of increasing support for public policies aimed at producing equal employment opportunity (Burstein, 1985~. State legislation had provided precedents and models, and the principle of equal opportunity had gained substantial support in all regions of the nation before Congress finally enacted Title VII. During the postwar years, the abolition of the FEPC and internal problems of the CIO impeded the unionization of black labor. During the early Cold War years, a concern with eliminating communist influence from the CIO diminished the influence of the left wing of the union movement, which had been most supportive of black interests in the industrial unions. The desire to unionize in the South also led the CIO to downplay its commit- ment to racial equality in order to avoid antagonizing white workers. Finally, the merger with the AFL (which was effected in 1955) implied some tacit acceptance of the more discriminatory practices long prevalent in the craft unions. By the late 1960s, most of the cruder forms of segregation had disappeared from the labor movement. But black-white inequality still persisted in other guises. There were constant complaints that blacks were denied equal access to apprenticeship programs, the most important pathway to desirable jobs . , ,~ . . .. .. In the craft unions: a nationwide compliance survey of government contrac- tors in 1964 found that only 1.3 percent of the apprentices were black (Marshall and Briggs, 1967:29~. Black participation in union governance was still minimal. As a conse- quence, standard arbitration procedures had little or no effect in ending discriminatory hiring and promotion, because "the union and the emolover. ___L ~1_ _ __1 ~1 1 ·. . it. ---r ~~J ~~~ who together select the arbitrator, are often precisely the parties who have participated in the discrimination" (Foner, 1981:397~. The tradition of honoring seniority also made it difficult to improve black promotion oppor- tunities, because it effectively froze into place the discrimination that had previously existed (Gould, 1977~. In a number of industries, governing procedures, such as the practice of allowing pensioners to vote in union elections, enabled white leaders to remain in power even after blacks had become a substantial percentage of the union's working members. In re- sponse, blacks began to push for their advancement within unions by form 87

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY ing a number of black caucuses, such as the national ad hoc committee of black steelworkers in 1963 (Foner, 1981:Ch. 25~. In 1987, 22.6 percent of employed blacks were members of a union, compared with 16.3 percent of employed whites. Blacks were 14.4 percent of all employed union members, although they were 10.0 percent of all employed workers (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1989:225~. Some individual unions like the auto workers are one-fourth or more black. Blacks have now risen to positions of influence in a number of unions: Examples include William Lucy, international secretary-treasurer of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees, and Marc Stepp, vice president of the United Auto Workers. At the same time, blacks remain underrepre- sented in the unionized sector of the construction trades. Ironically, black success in union management has occurred as the union- ized sector of the labor market has been shrinking. In 1983, 27.2 and 19.3 percent of employed blacks and whites, respectively, were members of un- ions, 5 and 3 percentage points higher than in 1987. This shrinking mem- bership has been occurring for many years. For example, in 1978, union workers were 23.6 percent of all nonagricultural employees; in 1968, they were 28.4 percent (Bureau of the Census, 1970, 1988~. RESIDENTIAL SEGREGATION As blacks migrated to cities, they were excluded from white neighbor- hoods. Initial discrimination in the early twentieth century involved munic- ipal ordinances that specified where blacks and whites could live, but these did not survive court tests as they were held to infringe on the rights of property owners (Bell, 1986a:64-65; Johnson, 1943:173~. Later, restrictive covenants were written into the deeds of urban land parcels to keep Asian- Americans, Afro-Americans, and Jews out of the neighborhoods developed during the post-World War I building boom. These were originally ap- proved by the Supreme Court but were ruled unenforceable in the 1940s (Bell, 1986a:64-65; Vose, 1959~. By 1940 cities in all regions had unwritten, but clearly understood, rules designating which neighborhoods were open or closed to blacks. Adherence to these understandings and rules produced a thorough segregation of public schools, parks, municipal facilities, churches, and shopping areas. The rules were enforced through both legal and extralegal practices, which included violence, real estate marketing that explicitly prohibited the sale of homes in white areas to blacks, federal housing policies that mandated segregation, municipal zoning ordinances, school board policies that designated separate attendance zones for white and black children, and the activities of thousands of neighborhood organizations that sought to keep certain minorities out of their areas (Conot, 1974:300-303; Helper, 1969; Hirsch, 1983; Kusmer, 1976:176; Shogan and Craig, 1964:20-21; Vose, 1959:50-55~. The migration of blacks during World War II led to a great increase in the 88

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY demand for urban housing, but the established patterns of residential segre- gation were not removed. The post-World War II construction boom, which was encouraged by federal housing policies and governmental funds for expressways, produced millions of apartments and homes at the fringes of central cities or in their suburban rings. The outmigration of whites allowed blacks to occupy better quality housing in the cities, but it did not reduce racial segregation. By the late 1960s, the Kerner Commission on urban civil disorders described a city-suburban polarization that was rooted in racial and economic differences (National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, 1968:236-250~. In the 1970s there was a rapid growth of the suburban black population as large numbers of blacks left central cities. However, much of the suburban black population was in areas adjacent to concentrations of urban blacks, creating many minighettos within these suburbs (Clay, 1979; Long and De Are, 1981~. METROPOLITAN AREAS In 1980, 29 metropolitan areas had black populations of 150,000 or more. These ranged from New York, where 1.9 million blacks made up 21 percent of the population, to Milwaukee, where 151,000 blacks comprised 11 per- cent of the metropolitan population. Just over one-half of the total black population of the country lived within these 29 metropolitan areas. Table 2-5 (above) presents information about residential segregation and isolation in these metropolitan areas. Indices of black-white segregation are shown in the center of the table. These measures compare the distribution of blacks and whites across census tracts. They have a maximum value of 100 if every census tract is exclusively white or exclusively black; if blacks and whites were randomly distributed, the index would equal O (Taeuber and Taeuber, 1965; White, 1986; Zoloth, 1976~. Black-white residential segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas was very extensive at every time. In Chicago, for example, the index was 91 in both 1960 and 1970 and 88 in 1980; in Philadelphia, the index was 78 in both 1970 and 1980. In the Washington, D.C., metropolitan area, however, it fell from 81 in 1970 to 71 in 1980. In 1980, variation in black-white residential segregation across the country was small, although several south- ern locations-Norfolk, Richmond, Jacksonville, and Greensboro-were less segregated than places in the North. Among the 29 metropolitan areas, residential segregation did not decline in the 1960s, but it did decrease somewhat in the 1970s, by an average of four points per location. Decreases in the South exceeded those in the Midwest or Northeast. This change suggests that the suburbanization of blacks and open housing laws reduced segregation, but the change was modest. The unique position of blacks can be clearly seen when black-white segre- gation is compared with that of other minority groups. The Asian-American and Hispanic populations have two characteristics that are relevant for this comparison: they have each grown more rapidly than the black population, 89

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY and for the most part, they moved into metropolitan areas two to four decades after blacks. Because of their recent arrival, as well as their limited economic resources and their minority status, one would expect Asian- Americans and Hispanics (both black and white) to be segregated from (non- Hispanic) whites. Asian-Americans and Hispanics were indeed segregated, but much less than blacks. While the black-white residential segregation measure in 1980 averaged 77 in the 29 metropolitan areas with the largest black populations (see Table 2-5), the measure for Asian-Americans (com- pared with whites) and Hispanics (compared with non-Hispanic whites) averaged about 50 (Farley and Allen, 1987; Langberg and Farley, 1985~. If black-white residential segregation continued to decline at the rate observed in the 1970s, it would take five or six decades for blacks to reach the levels of residential segregation now observed among Hispanics and Asian-Ameri cans. N EIGH BORHOODS Using information about the racial composition of census tracts, one can measure racial isolation: the average percentage of blacks who live in a typically white census tract and the average percentage of whites who live in a typically black census tract. This measure of racial isolation is one of potential interracial contact; it does not assess the frequency with which blacks and whites actually meet (Lieberson, 1980:253-257~. The data show that, regardless of the proportion of blacks in a metropolitan area, whites lived in neighborhoods that were almost exclusively white. For blacks, the data show greater variation from one metropolitan area to another in the racial composition of the census tract of the typical black. Measures of racial isolation for the largest U.S. metropolitan areas are shown in the right-hand columns of Table 2-5. Whites typically live in census tracts that have few black residents. In 15 of the 29 metropolitan areas, whites were in neighborhoods that were 90 percent or more white. In the Chicago area in 1980, whites lived in census tracts that were 90 percent white and 4 percent black (the remaining 6 percent were Asian-Americans or Hispanics). Chicago blacks lived in neigh- borhoods that were 84 percent black and 15 percent white. The only places where blacks are 10 percent of the population of mainly white census tracts were several southern metropolitan areas. Blacks in Chicago, Detroit, and Cleveland lived in census tracts that were at least 80 percent black, but in the San Francisco area, on Long Island, and in Boston and Pittsburgh, blacks were about 50 percent of the population in their census tracts. A study of changes for 1970-1980 in 60 metropolitan areas showed some decrease in black segregation in the South and West but little change in large urban areas in the Northeast and North-Central states. Segregation was much higher for blacks than for Hispanics and Asian-Americans (Massey and Denton, 1987~. This racial isolation measure implies that when whites en- gage in neighborhood activities, they probably come into contact with very 90

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY few blacks, since public schools, parks, municipal services, shops, and churches are designed to serve specific geographic areas. The residential isolation of whites ensures that they will seldom meet blacks as they go about their local activities, even if blacks make up one-fifth or one-quarter of the metropolitan population. In many neighborhoods, it must be quite unusual for a white to meet a black, except in the traditional occupational slots occupied by blacks. In locations such as Detroit and Chicago where there are large black populations living in predominantly black areas, the geographic polarization of the races is almost complete. The parks, schools, city services, and churches for black neighborhoods attract few, if any, white patrons. The situation in San Francisco and on Long Island may be different, since blacks typically live in areas that have substantial white populations. These geographic differences affect the opportunity structure for blacks, meaning that soloing the prob- lems of poverty in Detroit or Chicago may not be the same as in Pittsburgh or Boston. BLACK PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL Ll FE Sl N C E 1945 CH URCHES AN D RELIGIOUS Ll FE Historically, predominantly white churches in the United States paid little attention to problems of discrimination or black-white relations in general. When they did, the interest was often in defense of slavery or, later, to assert the righteousness of segregation. Important exceptions to this have been the abolitionist movement of the mid-nineteenth century and the civil rights movement of the 1960s and early 1970s (Davis, 1975; Hammond, 1974:175; Simpson and Yinger, 1985:315-317~. Acquiescence to existing black-white relations reigned in most predomi- nantlywhite American churches through the 1930s. At that time, the num- ber of church-sponsored resolutions "decrying" racial injustice increased, but they tended to be quite general, with little attention to the effects of discrimination and segregation. In the post-World War II period, national denominational and interdenominational organizations began denouncing segregation more strongly; subsequently, there was "almost unanimous ap- proval of the 1954 Supreme Court decision calling for the desegregation of schools" at top organizational levels (Yinger, 1986:33~. Many church organizations and individual church men and women be- came socially active. Some Protestant churches, many of which had left the inner city when white neighborhoods became black or Hispanic, set up new programs to aid community life and church activities in several cities. In addition, "thousands of Catholic, Jewish and Protestant ministers took part in the freedom ndes, sit-ins, and protest marches of the civil rights move- ment in the 1960s" (Yinger, 1986:33-34~. 91

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY In the late 1950s, Catholic and mainline Protestant churches increased their involvement in the civil rights movement. One announced goal was to increase the number of black ministers and other church officials in predom- inantly white churches. For example, in 1956, the United Presbyterian Church of North America voted for "complete integration of all churches, agencies, and institutions" (Mays, 1957:51-52~. In 1962, the Episcopal House of Bishops issued a statement declaring "the church must affirm that any form of segregation or separation solely on the basis of race is contrary to the Divine will" (Sumner, 1983:34~. The national governing bodies of many churches issued similar statements during this period (Yinger, 1986:24~. To what extent has this stated resolve to include black Americans in the functioning of the nation's predominantly white religious institutions suc- ceeded~ Predominantly black and predominantly white churches are still by far the norm in American society. Although segregation has been lessened consid- erably since 1940 and since the 1960s, it still persists within the religious world. In addition, while black-white coattendance at church and, to a lesser degree, coleadership have increased, separation of black and white worship continues for a number of reasons, many partly being the effects of past discrimination. It reflects differences in culture, in accustomed ways of wor- shipping, and denominational loyalty. Importantly, residential segregation as well as class and educational differences between blacks and whites strongly reinforce the continuance of church separation (Yinger, 1986:36-37) . In the remainder of this section we elaborate on this conclusion. . The number of black ministers, priests, bishops, and other religious leaders In predominantly white denominations has increased in the post-1960s era, but the available data do not distinguish between blacks serving predomi- nantly black churches within predominantly white denominations and those serving racially mixed congregations. The latter almost certainly constitute a minority within a small group. Yinger (1986:25-26) reports some illustrative figures: in the early 1980s, the Lutheran Church in America had 57 black ministers (of 6,748), of whom 3 served predominantly white congregations; the American Lutheran Church had 1 black bishop and 23 black ministers (of 7,550), and none served a white church. Of 3 million Episcopal Church members, 90,000 were black; in 1984 there were 10 black bishops in the United States, and black laymen served as delegates to the annual general convention. Increases in the number of black Catholics has outfaced in- creases in the number of black clergy: for example, while there is 1 priest for every 914 Catholics in the United States, there is 1 black priest for every 4,313 black Catholics. The small number of black Catholic bishops has been increasing during the past 10 years. C. Eric Lincoln (1984:189) has compared the United Methodist Church, which has 7 black bishops, with other mainline Protestant and Catholic churches. . . . since 1964 has been routinely electing Blacks as bishops and assigning them with little regard to the racial composition of their jurisdictions. No 92

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY other denomination has gone so far in depth and determination as the Methodist, but a few others have taken steps which would be encouraging were it not for their obvious symbolic intent.... To endorse carefully selected Blacks for unusual appointments, or even to elect a few Blacks to high national once is one thing; it is quite another thing to bring about inclusiveness at the level of the local church. What percentage of individuals attend church with members of the other race' Loescher (1948) reported in a study of 18,000 churches in six denom- inations that about 6 percent of black Protestants belonged to predominantly white denominations; and of these, not more than 8,000 attended mixed local congregations. This was less than one-tenth of 1 percent of black Protestants. In 1956, the Disciples of Christ reported that of 7,000 congre- gations, 464 (6.6 percent) were racially mixed to some degree (Lee, 1957, as cited in Yinger, 1986:21-22~. La Farge (1956:22) reported that about one- third of black Roman Catholics attended mixed churches. Most of these studies referred to "interracial" rather than to black-white mixing, so one cannot determine the degree of black participation in pre- dominantly white churches precisely. Only one study of Congregational- Christian churches in standard metropolitan areas in the mid-1950s did designate separate racial groups (Long, 1958~. The study found that almost 70 percent of the churches were all white, 12 percent were white mixed, but with no blacks ("Negroes"), 12 percent were white mixed with blacks, 3 percent were all black, and 2 percent were black mixed (with 1 percent "Oriental," "Spanish," or mixed). The data from these studies suggest, although they do not conclusively document, that a slow increase in mixed black and white congregations began after World War II and that such congregations accounted for about 10 percent of all congregations by the mid-1950s. More recent data are available from only a few church research organizations. Of 36,430 Southern Baptist churches that furnished data to the national convention, 4,338 (11.9 percent) indicated that they had 1 or more black members. Of 5,784 congregations in the Lutheran Church in America, 1,529 (26 percent) had at least 1 black member. In the American Lutheran Church, 707 of the 4,548 predominantly white congregations (15.5 percent) had blacks who attended services. The General Social Survey (GSS) included questions on black-white church attendance in 1978, 1980, 1983, and 1984. Excluding the "no church" respondents, Table 2-6 shows the results for the question about the church "you most often attend." Since nearly 4 of 10 whites report having attended church with blacks, blacks, who compose only one-ninth of the respondents (one-sixth of those in mixed congregations), could not be concentrated in a few mixed churches. These numbers should be interpreted carefully. Clearly, it is not credible that 40 percent of whites who attend church do so regularly with any significant numbers of blacks. Rather, we assume that the GSS data represent a measure of the percentages of white and black churchgoers who have at some time attended mixed services at their regular church. 93

A COMMON DESTI NY: BLACKS AN D AMERICAN SOCI ETY TABLE 2-6 People Saying They Attend Church with People of the Other Race Whites Blacks Year Percent Number Percent Number 1978 34.0 1,107 36.7 147 1980 41.0 1,103 50.0 128 1983 35.2 1,186 39.5 147 1984 42.9 1,053 57.3 157 Sources: Yinger (1986:16); see also Hadaway et al. (1984). The extent of mixed congregations is greatly influenced by residential patterns. The GSS data show that among those surveyed who attend church, blacks and whites living in mixed neighborhoods are more likely to attend mixed church services than those who live in all-white or all-black areas. Among the same group, one-half of those who live in a mixed neighborhood have attended mixed churches; the number is slightly more than one-quarter for those who live in racially separate neighborhoods. Unfortunately, it is not possible to infer from the available data the proportions of blacks and whites attending individual churches or the precise relationship between residential desegregation and black-white coattendance in churches. Many of the important questions could only be answered with panel data and case studies. Furthermore, a substantial but undetermined number of the respon- dents who report coattendance are in congregations that are "turning over" from white to black (see Davis and White, 1980~. For example, the Lutheran Church Missouri synod reported 163 chiefly black churches, 83 congrega- tions with 20 percent or more blacks that were "changing to Black," and approximately 200 additional congregations with a few black members. According to the GSS data, the proportion of Catholics who have attended mixed church services (whites, 50 percent; blacks, 92 percent) exceeds the proportion of Protestants who have done so (whites, 33 percent; blacks, 42 percent). Two reasons for this difference are that Catholic churches tend to be larger and to encompass larger areas, and Catholics are more likely to live in racially mixed neighborhoods. Also Catholics, like blacks, are more likely than white Protestants to live in central cities. Perhaps most importantly, independent black Protestant churches have played a more important role in black religious life than have independent black Catholic churches. Blacks are approximately 14 percent of American Protestants and 3 percent of American Catholics. Blacks are overwhelmingly Protestant: according to various surveys, 82-86 percent are Protestant, (5 percent are Catholic, 7-8 percent are without religious preferences, and 1-2 percent belong to other religious groups (Yinger, 1986:4~. How much cooperation and contact occurs between black and white churches and denominations? Black-white interactions at the denominational level depend to a great extent on the national origins and history of Protestant churches. Southern 94

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Baptists split from northern Baptists over the issue of slavery in 1845 (see Niebuhr, 1929), and that split is not completely repaired today. The pre- dominantly white Methodist churches divided North and South in 1844 and did not rejoin to become the United Methodist Church until 1939. In 1952, that organization began the process of phasing out its segregated central jurisdiction for black churches, but official disbanding did not occur until 1972 (Richardson, 1976:492; Yinger, 1986:28~. (Three major black Methodist denominations-The African Methodist Episcopal Church, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, and the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church-belong to the separate Methodist Union.) Opposition to the United Methodist national policy of desegregation con- tinued for a number of years at the state and local levels. There was a reduction in the use of Methodist literature, less support for black-white relations work, and the formation of a Methodist Layman's Union to resist desegregation (see Kelley, 1972; Wood and Zald, 1966~. According to Yinger (1986:28), "The Southern Baptist Convention, the largest of the Baptist churches, and predominantly white, has long been regarded as among the least inclined toward an integrated denomination." Some of its leading ministers denounced desegregation sharply during the 1950s and 1960s. Three large black Baptist denominations (National Baptist Convention U.S.A., Inc., National Baptist Convention of America, and Progressive Baptist Convention, Inc.), with a total of 9 million members, are not members of a Baptist denominational union. Some predominantly white denominations are deeply split over the issue of having blacks as members of the Southern Baptist Convention. Recently, however, there has been some movement toward bringing black and white churches together; 941 black Baptist churches are dually aligned with the National Baptist Convention and the Southern Baptist Convention; and 12 percent of Southern Baptist churches report 1 or more black members. Black church organizations are generally in favor of interracial cooperation. However, as Yinger (1986:29) notes, many blacks also emphasize the need for continuing differences in cultural and social approaches-emphasizing the need for "denominational pluralism" and black autonomy in determining styles of worship. These attitudes illustrate blacks' desire for both self-iden- tity and interracial interaction (see also Chapter 4~. ORGAN IZED SPORTS Prior to 1945, organized sports in America were racially segregated by custom and in some places by law. The interwar period (1918-1940) was especially segregated. No blacks competed in major league baseball, basket- ball, and after 1933, in football. Blacks could not playin white-controlled tournaments in golf, tennis, or bowling. Many states and municipalities, primarily in the South, had laws prohibiting racially mixed athletic events, and high school and college teams in the North rarely included blacks. Prior 95

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY to 1945, exclusion of blacks from sporting events with white participants generated parallel organizations such as black leagues, traveling exhibitions, and college teams (Eitzen, 1986: 1~.i Since World War II, blacks have progressed significantly in participating in organized sports. The watershed years in professional sports-when the pro- portion of blacks in the sport approximated their proportion in the national population-coincided with the midpoint of the civil rights movement: for baseball, 1957; for basketball, 1958; and for football, 1960. The late 1950s and early 1960s were the years of many firsts in sports, but they continued through the 1980s. In 1985, 52 percent of the players in the National Football League were black, about 22 percent of major league baseball players were black, and approximately 80 percent of the players in the National Basketball Association were black. In collegiate basketball, 24 per- cent of female players and 49 percent of males were black (Eitzen, 1986: 6-8~. Despite the dramatic shift from no participation by blacks in major team sports prior to 1945 to the proportions listed above, blacks are underrepre- sented in positions of authority and control throughout organized sports. In collegiate ranks, the member institutions of the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) do not have black staff in numbers commensurate to blacks' participation rates as athletes. Among over 300 Division I schools, there are 2 black athletic directors, 3 head football coaches, and 29 head basketball coaches (Edwards, 1987:15~. Sports officials and referees are also disproportionately white: in 1979, 5 of 27 (19 percent) NBA referees, 1 of 60 (1.67 percent) major league baseball umpires, and 8 of 100 (8 percent) NFL officials were black (Eitzen, 1986:37-38~. In 1984, none of 24 major league baseball managers was black, and none of 28 NFL and 14 U.S. Football League (USFL) head coaches was black; 32 of 258 (12 percent) assistant coaches in the NFL and 11 percent in major league baseball were black. Representation of managers and coaches in basketball is somewhat greater, but still significantly below the proportion of black players. In 1986, the NBA had 3 black head coaches and 2 general managers; 15 percent of assistant coaches were black (Eitzen, 1986:38-39~. At the collegiate and high school levels, there were also few black coaches at predominantly white schools: as of 1986, there were no head football coaches in major colleges and just a small number of head basketball coaches. Division I college baseball had 1 black coach; furthermore, black assistant coaches are "basically seen as recruiters of black kids" (Edwards, 1987; Eitzen, 1986~. The situation is similar for women: Alexander (1978), Coak- ley (1986:166), and Murphy (1980) reported that black women held fewer ~ rid ~ . ~ 1 _ _ 1_ _ _ than 5 percent ot college coaching positions tor women~s reams and less Nan 1. Black participation has varied throughout the history of professional sports. For example, blacks participated in professional baseball during the nineteenth century, but were driven out during the intense Jim Crow era of black-white relations of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see Ashe, 1988). 96

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 2 percent of college athletic directorships. The majority of the positions they held were in predominantly black schools. Eitzen (1986:40-41) reports that few blacks are in executive positions in the organizations that govern sports.2 There were no blacks with administra- tive authority in the NFL commissioner's office; among NFL teams, 5 blacks held executive positions (none was a general manager); on baseball teams, 32 of 913 (3.5 percent) front-office positions were held by blacks-26 of them were secretarial positions; and there was 1 black athletic director at a Division I NCAA school (Edwards, 1984b). Professional basketball is the leader in hiring blacks in authority positions: in the NBA in 1982, 3 of 124 (2.4 percent) of the persons listed as executives (presidents, vice presidents, board chairmen, and general managers) were black, and 12 of 399 (3 percent) lower level administrative and staff positions were held by blacks (Lapchick, 1984:240-241~. The differential positions of blacks in American sports is explained by a number of causes. For example, the dearth of black coaches and managers could be the result of two forms of discrimination. Overt discrimination occurs when owners ignore competent blacks because of their prejudices or because they fear the negative reaction of fans to blacks in leadership posi- tions. The second form of discrimination is more subtle: blacks may not be considered for coaching positions because they did not, during their playing days, play at positions requiring leadership and decision making. Scully (1974) has shown that in baseball, 68 percent of all the managers from 1871 to 1968 were former infielders. Because of the disproportionate numbers of blacks in the outfield, blacks often do not have the infield experience that traditionally has been a route to the position of manager. The situation is similar in football. Massengale and Farrington (1977) re- ported that 65 percent of head coaches at major universities played at the central positions of quarterback, offensive center, guard, or linebacker during their playing days. Blacks rarely play at these positions. The same pattern has been found for basketball, where two-thirds of professional and college head coaches played at guard. Once again, since black athletes in the past were underrepresented as guards, they are less likely than whites to be selected as coaches when vacancies occur (Chu and Segrave, 1980j. This pattern would suggest discrimination if blacks are "stacked" into nonleadership playing positions because of stereotypes about the compara- tive abilities of whites and blacks. Some studies indicate this pattern does exist. For example, Brower (1972) compared the requirements for the central and noncentral positions in football and found that the former require leadership, thinking ability, highly refined techniques, stability under pres- sure, and responsibility for the outcome of the game. Noncentral positions, on the other hand. require athletes with speed, aggressiveness, "good 2. Bill White, a former all-star first baseman, was named president of basciball's National League in February 1989. White thus became one of the highest ranking individuals in profes- sional sports and the first black person to head a moor sports league. 97

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY hands," and "instinct." These characteristics fit stereotypes of whites and blacks. Differential rewards to black and white athletes in professional sports may also occur (as it does for retired military personnel) because of discriminatory reward structures in the larger society. Within the major sports, blacks appear to face no discrimination in pay. For example, the mean salaries of black outfielders, infielders, and pitchers exceed those of whites. Moreover, studies of salaries in professional baseball, basketball, and football report that once in the sport, blacks and whites are rewarded equally for athletic performance (Mogll11, 1981~. However, considering the total incomes of athletes (salary, endorsements, and off-season earnings), blacks do not have the same oppor- tunities as whites when their playing careers are over. This outcome is reflected in radio and television sportscasting: in the early 1980s, of the 55 sportscasters for NBA teams only 5 (9 percent) were black (Lapchick, 1984:241~. There is indirect evidence of unequal opportunity for equal ability. On the basis of average performance, entrance requirements to the major leagues are more rigorous for blacks. Rosenblatt (1967) reported that during 1953- 1957, the mean batting average for blacks in the major leagues was 20.6 points above the mean for whites; in the 1958-1961 period, the difference was 20.1 points; during 1962-1965, 21.2 points. He concluded (Rosen- blatt, 1967:53~: Discriminatory hiring practices are still in effect In the major leagues. The superior Negro is not subject to cliscnminai~on because he is more likely to help win games chart fair to poor players. Discrimination is aimed, whether by design or not, against the substar Negro ball player. The findings clearly indicate that the undistinguished Negro player is less likely to play regularly in the major leagues than the equally undistinguished white players. Rosenblatt's analysis was later extended to include the years 1966-1970 and 1971-1975. The discrepancy persisted: for those 5-year periods, blacks bat- ted an average of 20.8 points and 21 points higher than whites, respectively (Eitzen and Yetman, 1977; Yetman and Eitzen, 1972; see also Pascal and Rapping, 1970, and Scully, 1974~. The same pattern was found in profes- sional football (Eitzen, 1986~. Blacks outperformed whites in all positions in which they played. Lapchick (1984) confirmed this "unequal opportunity for equal ability" hypothesis for professional basketball. At the college level, blacks who receive scholarships have higher athletic skills than most white recipients (Evans, 1979; Tolbert, 1975; Yetman and Eitzen, 1972~. Blacks are also more likely to be recruited from junior col- leges, which means that universities make a smaller investment in them and are relatively assured of getting athletes with proven athletic and academic abilities (Edwards, 1979; Tolbert, 1975~. Compared with white players, blacks are also less likely to play in reserve roles (Eitzen, 1986:44~. 98

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY ARTS AN D ENTERTAI NMENT In the arts and entertainment, as in all other major areas of life, inclusion and recognition of blacks has been a continuing struggle. The large body of historical materials and contemporary evidence and analysis covering the place of blacks in these areas cannot be adequately reviewed in a necessarily brief account. However, some specific examples of change and continuity in several fields are discussed (see also Chapter 4~. We have drawn three main conclusions from our study. First, to an extent not always fully appreciated by the general public, the black presence and active contributions have deeply influenced nearly all fields of art-music, dance, theater, painting, literature-and entertainment, whether on stage or in films, radio, or televi- sion. Second, black writers, artists, and performers have experienced a his- tory of exclusion and discrimination. Historically, many artistic and cultural creations of blacks have been appropriated by white performers who bene- fited from the general public's unwillingness to accept black artists. Since the 1960s, acceptance and approbation have become increasingly widespread for black contributions to popular arts in the mass media. Third, exclusion and discrimination of black artists, although much less endemic than in the 1940s and 1950s, are still present and important. From pre-Civil War times to the present, many white Americans have appreciated and enjoyed black cultural styles in arts and entertainment. The history of minstrel performances documents a recurring pattern in which blacks have originated cultural forms that were then taken over by whites. Beginning with the minstrel performances before the Civil War, white per- formers (in burnt-cork blackface) and white entrepreneurs produced stereo- types and burlesqued versions of black humor, dance, and music. Thus, "white blackface minstrels" were able to introduce to white Americans black artistic material "before blacks themselves could appear on Jim Crow stages" (Hughes, 1976:687; see also Ely, 1985~. Later, genuine black minstrel troupes became famous in the American commercial theater. But for nearly all of that long history, blacks themselves had great difficulty in being ac- cepted as artists and entertainers. Exclusion of blacks from the "legitimate" dramatic stage in the nineteenth century produced the first of many famous black expatriates in the person of Ira Aldridge, acclaimed in Europe as one of the greatest Shakespearean actors of the time. Aldridge was never accepted as an actor in the United States, and he died in Poland in 1867. There is an Ira Aldridge chair at the Shake- speare Memorial Theatre at Stratford-on-Avon in England (Hughes, 1976:689~. Another example is that of Bert Williams, who received top billing in the Ziegfield Follies in 1910 and who later performed before the king of England; but his only appearance (in a 1914 movie) without burnt- cork makeup, used to make him appear much darker than he really was, provoked a riot by whites (Bayles, 1985:25; Hughes, 1976:689~. Depictions of black culture by whites appeared early (in the 1920s and 1930s) in works such as Eugene O'Neill's The Emperor~ones, Paul Green's In 99

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Abraham's Bosom, O'Neill 's All God's Chilled Got Wings, and Marc Conelly's The Green Pastures (immensely popular on Broadway for years). Probably the most widely known depiction of Afro-American life on the stage during this era was George Gershwin's folk opera, Porgy and Bess. Such productions were frequently criticized by blacks as white caricatures of black culture. The influence of Afro-American music has been pervasive and important, both nationally and internationally. From rural folk origins, spirituals, work songs, hymns, blues, and gospel music developed. Later came the distinctive contributions of ragtime and jazz, with their many and diverse variants and offshoots (see Whalum et al., 1976:791-826~. Blues was a precursor of jazz, and its lyrics represent a major expression of folk poetry (Pinkney, 1969: 143~. Jazz has become a popular music form throughout much of the modern world. Black musical performers have been prominent in both popular music and concert stage and opera. Roland Hayes, Paul Robeson, and Marian Anderson antedated the long roster of present-day operatic figures. When Marian Anderson, now recalled as one of the world's great contraltos, was denied the use of Constitution Hall in the nation's capital city in 1939, the impact of black exclusion and discrimination in the realm of art was internationally dramatized. (A group of citizens, including Eleanor Roosevelt, then arranged for her to sing at Lincoln Memorial; 75,000 persons attended.) When An- derson subsequently appeared in a small part at the Metropolitan Opera Association in 1955, the evens was treated as sensational news (Franklin, 1976:85~. In 1961 Leontyne Price sang the title role on opening night at the Met, and by the mid-1980s the contributions of such opera stars as Jessye Norman and Kathleen Battle were both acclaimed and taken for granted. Since World War II, the list of prominent pianists includes George Walker, Eugene Haynes, Natalie Hinderas, Robert Pritchard, and Andre Watts. Other widely acclaimed performers of the concert stage have included Carol Brice, Mattiwilda Dobbs, Dorothy Maynor, William Warfield, Lawrence Withers, Dean Dixon, and Adele Addison. Meanwhile, black musicians-in the traditions of blues, ragtime, jazz, and jazz derivations (from bebop to progressive jazz)-have become household names: King Oliver, Scott Joplin, Eubie Blake, Louis Armstrong, Jelly Roll Morton, Duke Ellington, Dizzy Gillespie, Charlie Parker, Count Basie, Miles Davis, John Coltra~ne, and many others. Worldwide audiences listen to music derived from black American sources. Popular dances originating in the black community, beginning with the cakewalk, included the Charleston, the lindy hop, the jitterbug, and the twist, to name only the best-known early innovations. The close connection between black music and dance is suggested by the fact that Kerry Mills- originator of two-step ragtime (1893) and composer of Meet Me in St. Lonis, Lonis (1904)-is credited with popularizing the cakewalk. Music of the concert stage and opera has drawn on themes of protest against discrimination to sound a message of resistance to oppression, as Pon,~l~r Lances orirrinntin~ in the black community 100

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY illustrated notably in Gunther Schuller's The Visitation, performed by the Hamburg State Opera in the 1967 Lincoln Center Festival. And themes from black music have been used by modern classical composers, including Igor Stravinsky and Anton Dvorak (George, 1966:747-749~. An unbroken line of black poets extends from Phyllis Wheatley in the mid-eighteenth century through Paul Lawrence Dunbar (died 1906), James Weldon Johnson, Claude McKay, Langston Hughes, Countee Cullen, Mar- garet Walker, Gwendolyne Brooks, Henry Hughes, Maya Angelou, and Imamu Baraka (earlier, LeRoi Tones) to the present. Audiences were quick to applaud popular versions of black life, but acceptance of serious drama by black authors came more slowly. Richard Wright's Native Son was produced on Broadway in 1947, and works by a few other black playwrights followed, including Langston Hughes's Simply Heavenly, Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun, and James Baldwin's Blues for Mister Charlie. August Wilson's play Fences won the 1987 Pulitzer Prize, and in 1988 it was being performed on Broadway simultaneously with hinge T?~rner's Come and Gone. Wilson's several plays illustrate the emergence in theater of serious drama about the inner experiences of black identity over the decades since the Civil War. His collaboration with Lloyd Richards, artistic director of the Yale Repertory Theater, has produced works that depict blacks' struggles to transcend experiences of uprootedness and oppression (Bernstein, 1988~. Although black prose writers produced notable works in earlier times, especially biographies and autobiographies, the first great efflorescence of creative writing appeared in the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s (Bon- temps, 1976:761-765; Huggins, 1971~. Soon the black American as writer ceased to be a novelty, and by 1938 Richard Wright began his important works with Uncle Tom's Children, followed by Native Son, a Book-of-the- Month Club selection in 1940. The next black author to be hailed as a major novelist was Ralph Ellison, whose Invisible Man appeared in 1952. He was followed by a long roster of major novelists and essayists, including Ann Perry, Chester Himes, Roi Ottley, Lloyd Brown, Saunders Redding, and lames Baldwin. By the 1960s there was a proliferation of works by propo- nents of social criticism and protest, including Malcolm X and Eldridge Cleaver; and black cultural nationalism once again found voice in the writ- ings of authors such as Imamu Baraka, Henry Dumas, and Ishmael Reed (see Neal, 1976: 772-784~. In the 1970s and 1980s, a substantial body of novels and other creative writings by black women attained both popularity and favorable critical attention, including Alice Walker's The Color People, which was made into a controversial Fin, and Toni Morrison's award- winning novel Belted. Nine black American authors have been awarded the Pulitzer Prize in literature or a National or American Book Award, and in the last two decades black authors have appeared on best-seller lists in small but increas- ing numbers. Sales of the magnitude needed to make national best-seller lists indicate a wide appeal across the general public-a phenomenon that rarely existed in earlier decades for black authors writing primarily about black 101

A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY materials, characters, and culture. A few black authors, such as Frank Yerby and Willard Motley, attained success in the 1940s and 1950s with novels that were written about whites for a mainly white audience. General popularity of black artists may best be exemplified in popular music. During the 1950s, many creative artists, such as Chuck Berry, Little Richard, and B. B. King, received rather limited commercial success relative to the influence of their music on other artists and popular culture in general. During the 1960s and 1970s, black performers increasingly gained popularity with white audiences as the "Motown sound" created by entre- preneur Berry Gordy produced widely popular performers such as the Su- premes. The list of "crossover" or mass appeal artists has grown considerably since the 1950s and 1960s when performers such as Nat King Cole, Johnny Mathis, Ray Charles, Dionne Warwick, the Fifth Dimension, and Sam Cooke were reaching national top-ten charts. The largest selling album in history is Michael lackson's Thriller, and two other black performers, Lionel Richie and Whitney Houston, have albums on the top-ten list for the 1980s. Perhaps exemplifying the emergence and increased acceptance of the black American performing artist in modern music was trumpeter Wynton Mar- salis's winning of Grammy awards as both the top jazz soloist (1983-1985) and the best solo classical performance with an orchestra (1983-1984~. Popular music thus represents the field where the black presence has per- haps been most influential and is now most recognized and rewarded. Other areas-Fin, literature, and the visual arts-have a number of successful black artists, but barriers to black participation and recognition have not been removed to the same extent as in music (Powell, 1986; Stroman, 1986~. In film and television, for instance, the first appearances of blacks were as song-and-dance performers, musicians, and servants. Only in the late 1950s did major performers-Sidney Poitier, Sammy Davis, Tr., Harry Belafonte, Nat King Cole-begin to appear. Bill Cosby became the first black television performer in a costarring role in a regular television series, I Spy in the 1960s. In the 1970s, the black presence on television was widespread, although the relatively low rate of employment and limited types of roles in the industry evoked many protests and legal actions (Norford, 1976: 881-887~. Systematic reviews of research support several generalizations about blacks and television (Poindexter and Stroman, 1981~. Blacks were initially greatly underrepresented in television portrayals, but the trend has been toward increased visibility. However, blacks are generally presented in minor roles and low status occupations; stereotyping and unfavorable characterizations continue to be presented. As consumers, blacks are more likely than whites to rely heavily on television for both information and entertainment, and blacks are more likely than whites, on average, to credit television portrayals with realism. Blacks have distinctive preferences for programs that feature black characters. Finally, there is an almost total lack of empirical study of the content and influence of television programs featuring black characters and themes. . 102

BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY CONCLUSION There are great differences in patterns of historical change and current rates of black participation in American society. Despite these differences, two major conclusions emerge. First, whether one considers arts and enter- tainment, religious institutions, public schools, or a number of other major institutions, black participation has increased significantly, whether the base- line is pre-World War II or the mid-1960s. Second, with the exception of the Army, where there is considerable integration, increased rates of black participation have not resulted in the elimination of racial separation in American life. Thus, while there has been increased access to housing for blacks in many areas of the nation, residential separation of whites and blacks in large met- ropolitan areas remains nearly as high in the 1980s as it was in the 1960s. This separation in housing underlies black-white patterns of separation in many other areas. For example, large-scale desegregation of public schools occurred in the South during the late 1960s and early 1970s and has been substantial in many small and medium-sized cities elsewhere; however, the pace of school desegregation has slowed, and black-white separation is still significant, especially outside the South. And because of the differential effects of educational tracking and differential social punishment rates, con- siderable separation of black and white students continues to exist even within desegregated schools. Within desegregated settings throughout American society, blacks do not share equal authority and representation throughout an organization or institution. In major institutions with considerable numerical representation of blacks at some levels (e.g., sports and entertainment fields), blacks are conspicuously absent Tom decision-making positions. Gaining insight into why black participation vanes so much across different spheres of social life requires analysis of the attitudes, values, and behavior of Americans that underlie the observed patterns. These dimensions of black-white relations are discussed in the next chapter. REFERENCES Alexander, A. 1978 Status of Minority Women in the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women. Master's thesis, Temple University. Allport, Gordon W. 1954 The Nature of Dice. Boston: Beacon Press, and Reading, Mass.: Addison- Wesley. Armor, David J. 1980 White flight and the future of school desegregation. Pp. 187-226 in Walter G. Stephan and Joe R. Feagin, eds., School Desegregation: Past, Resent, and Future. New York: Plenum. 103

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BLACK PARTICI RATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Hirsch, Arnold R. 1983 Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Hocusing in Chicago: 1940-1960. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hochschild, Jennifer 1985 Thirty~ears After Brown. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for PoliticalStudies. Horowitz, Eugene 1944 Racial attitudes. Pp. 141-147 in O. Klineberg, ea., Characteristics of the American Negro. New York: Harper & Row. Houston, Charles Hamilton 1944 The Negro soldier. The Nation (October 21~:496-497. Huggins, Nathan Irwin 1971 Harlem Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press. Hughes, Langston 1976 Black influences in the American theatre: part I. Pp. 684-704 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Blank American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice- Hall. Johnson, Charles S. 1943 Patterns of Negro Segregation. New York: Harper & Row. Kelley, Dean M. 1972 Why Conservative Churches Are Growing. New York: Harper & Row. Kluger, Richard 1976 Simple]?~stice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Sole for Equality. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Kusmer, Kenneth L. 1976 A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. La Farge, John 1956 The Catholic Viewpoint on Race Relations. New York: Harper & Row. Laney, Garrine P. 1986 The Evolution of Equal Employment Programs, 1940-1985. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Langberg, Mark, and Reynolds Farley 1985 Residential segregation of Asian-Americans in 1980. Sociology and Social Research 70(1):71-75. Lapchick, Richard 1984 Broken promises: Racism in American Sports. New York: St. Martin's Press. Letwin, Daniel 1986 Black Migration: 1940-1970. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Lieberson, Stanley L. 1980 A Piece of the Pie: Black and White Immigrants Since 1980. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lincoln, C. Eric 1984 ~e, Religion, and the Contin?~in,g American Dilemma. New York: Hill & Wang. Loescher, F. S. 1948 The protestant Church and the Negro. New York: Association Press. Long, Herman H. 1958 Fellowship for Whom? A Study of Racial Inclusiveness in Congregational Christian Churches. New York: Department of Race Relations, Board of Home Missions. Long, Larry, and Diane De Are 1981 Suburbanization of blacks. American Demographics 3~8) [September]: 16-21 ;44. 107

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Wood, James R., and Mayer N. Zald 1966 Aspects of racial integration in the Methodist Church: sources of resistance to educational policy. Social forces 45 (December) :255-265. Yetman, Norman R., and D. Stanley Eitzen 1972 Black Americans in sports: unequal opportunity for equal ability. C=l Jets Digest (August):20-34. Yinger, J. Milton 1986 Black Americans and Predominantly White Churches. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Wash- ington, D.C. Zoloth, B. 1976 Alternative measures of school segregation. Lund Economics 52(August):278-398. 111