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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICI PATION 205

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The 1920s . . Jacob Lawrence The Migrants Arrive and Cast Their Ballets (1974) Serigraph The Corcoran Gallery of Art, Gift of Lorillard Company

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U ntil very recently, blacks have usu- ally had to seek basic citizenship rights from outside the nation's electoral institutions. Thus, the frequent designation of political participation as vot- ing, campaigning, and lobbying of elected and other public officials (see Verba and Nie, 1973:2-3) has not generally applied to black politics. For blacks, the struggle for basic citizenship rights-protection of person and property, equal treatment in the courts, the right to vote and hold public office, and equal treatment when seeking education and employment-has frequently involved litigation and protest. Through litigation and protest, black political participation has been pri- marily a collective process throughout much of the period covered by this report. Therefore, we define political participation as activity directed toward the attainment, maintenance, or enhancement of collective aspirations re- garding the rights of citizenship. We analyze and discuss the political status of black Americans in three categories: civil, democratic, and allocational. Civil status refers to how well the government respects and enforces the liberty of the person; the freedoms of speech, assembly, religion, petition, and the press; the rights of property and contract; and the right of citizens to equitable justice by due process of law. Democratic status concerns the extent to which citizens participate in the governmental process through voting, selecting public officials, and holding public office. Allocational status denotes the degree to which citi- zens share in the provision of income, goods and services-including any 207

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY public entitlements to an acceptable standard of social and economic secu- rity-and in educational and occupational opportunities.) FROM RIGHTS TO RESOURCES The transition from black Americans' concerns with civil and democratic status to their concerns with avocational status can be viewed as a move from the politics of rights to the politics of resources (Hamilton, 1986) . For most of this century, black politics was a politics of rights. The objectives sought fell into two broad categories: the freedom to participate in the polity through the electoral process and the freedom to participate in the broader society through equal access to its institutions. In law, these objectives had been formally acknowledged by 1968: desegregation in public education was ordered by the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954; equal access was extended to public accommodations by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and to the housing market by the Fair Housing Act of 1968; and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 guaranteed the franchise to southern blacks for the first time in this century. As a consequence, there was a broadening of black political objectives in the mid-1960s, a shift from the politics of rights to the politics of resources, a stronger emphasis on blacks' material status. The shift in emphasis did not mean that the civil and democratic status of black Americans had been fully resolved, as controversy continues over the nature and enforcement of those rights. Nor did it mean that blacks had previously been unconcerned about social and economic goals. Because of the poverty of the black community, the desire for an alternative distribution of resources has always figured prominently in black politics. What changed in the 1960s was the relative weighting of the two agendas (see Smith, 1982:39) . By the politics of resources, we refer to the pursuit of resources through political, and often, collective, means. As the politics of rights was concerned with securing improvements in civil and democratic status, the politics of resources is concerned with securing improvements in material well-being or allocational status. The politics of resources aims to increase government responsibility for the allocation of social and economic goods and services to benefit the disadvantaged. It is a strategy to direct political activity toward allocational decisions. There are two distinct but interrelated controversies inherent in a politics of resources. One is ideological and the other operational. First, to what extent should the allocation of economic resources be a function of political decision making? Second, given the realities of private management in the American economy, to what extent can the allocation of resources be a function of political decision making? In this chapter we consider the empir 1. Our use of these categories of political status is for organizational purposes only; for a conceptualization, see Marshall (1964:Ch. 4) or Parsons (1965). 208

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION ical aspects of the second question. How have blacks attempted to achieve more equal allocational status through a politics of resources? We consider several aspects of this question. We discuss how blacks mobilized to secure the civil and democratic status of citizenship, the prerequisite to participation in the competition for political voice ("The Struggle for Civil Rights". We then examine voting and the election and appointment of black public officials ("Democratic Statuses. The last major section discusses the organi- zation and mobilization of the black community for collective action and the making of public policy ("Avocational Statuses. But before we begin this examination of the politics of rights and the politics of resources, the next section ("Core Political Values") examines the ways in which the diverse sectors of the black community make sense of the political world and how those ideas are related to concrete programs for action. CORE POLITICAL VALUES Most Americans are not ideologues in the sense of possessing highly constrained belief systems that structure their political attitudes (Converse, 1972; Kinder, 1983~. People do not make political evaluations on the basis of ideological reasoning, but on the basis of competing criteria, which in- clude self-interest, group identification, and government performance. As people observe events, "policies and actions are simply judged right or wrong because of their implications for deeply held values" (Feldman, 1988~. Thus, most people evaluate political issues and leaders while being "innocent of ideology" (Sears and Kinder, 1985) . In our usage, core political values are the basic criteria that underlie peo- ple's preferences for political action; they define what people expect from politics. They are "abstractions drawn from the flux of the individual's immediate experience," which are emotionally charged, and which "provide the criteria by which goals are chosen" (Williams, 1970:440~. Hanes Walton (1985:29) observed: "Many social scientists study black political ideologies to see why people adhere to them rather than to see how they affect and shape black political action." As Walton implies, the second question is at least as important as the first. In this section, we pursue that question, to explore why black Americans generate the specific political claims they do and how the beliefs of diverse groups within the black community are expressed in the forms of public opinion. BLACK PRAGMATISM The conventional framework for thinking about political values in Ameri- can society does not adequately capture the spectrum of black political values. According to Gilliam (1986), the American left-right spectrum is articulated with reference to a constellation of issues concerning the role of the government in regulating the economy, the power of corporations and 209

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY unions, the relations between federal and state governments, and the extent of civil rights and civil liberties. But in examining black core values, there are two different and distinct issues: the strategy, philosophy, and political meaning of the black experience, and the relationship of black priorities to the spectrum of political debate in the broader American polity. Black Americans have never been united behind a single political philoso- phy (see Cruse, 1967~. The labeling of blacks as "liberal" may help to illuminate the role of blacks in the coalition structure of American politics, but it is uninformative concerning the nature of political debate within the black community (Morris and Henry, 1978~. Blacks have perennially de- bated the desirability of integration as opposed to black separatism and the strategic and tactical utility of accommodation and coalition as opposed to black self-determination (e.g., Carmichael and Hamilton, 1967; Holden, 1973; Walters, 1988~. Another recurring debate concerns the relative impor- tance of race and class as determinants of the black condition (e.g., Pinkney, 1984; Wilson, 1978~. Which of these viewpoints to emphasize in a given strategic situation is critical to the articulation and pursuit of black political interests. Blacks, like whites, evince a tendency to reject inflexible labels as irrelevant to the exigencies of politics. In a study of black elected officials in New Jersey, Cole (1976:93) observed: The difficulty of left-right labeling is compounded when it is applied to blacks. For blacks have been the have-nots of the system. Abstract ideolo- gies for "all mankind" mean less to them than filling voids created by oppression. Above all else, black political values concern the black community's per- petual struggle to succeed in a white-majority world. Thus, black core values are supple in their application: as the saying goes, blacks have no permanent friends and no permanent enemies, only permanent interests-a political tradition with regard to white allies that held sway as long ago as the Reconstruction era (see laynes, 1986:266~. W. E. B. DuBois once framed this issue with the admonition, "We face a condition, not a theory." Or, as Vernon Jordan, former executive director of the National Urban League, greeted Ronald Reagan's victory in 1980: If the Reagan Administration protects black social and civil rights gains, and if it fulfills its promises to wipe out unemployment, it can add blacks to its Pm~r~in~ rm~litimn Clark r,er~nle urn nor we.~1 to anv given r,olitical -^~^-~D^~ _~^~^_~^A~ ^~ ~--t~ -} D- --- 17- philosophy. Our needs are not bounded by liberal dogma. We are prag- matic. We want results, and if conservative means will move us closer to equality we will gladly use those conservative means. As Hamilton (1981:250) notes, this language "is intended, one would assume, as a statement of how to function in the existing political environ- ment-not a statement about what that environment ideally ought to be." This political flexibility can be seen in other realms as well. For example, 210

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION TABLE 5-1 Attitudes Toward Capitalism, by Race (percent agreeing) Blacks Whites Statement (N= 150) (N= 1,172) - The economy can run only if businessmen make good profits. 65 72 Generally speaking, business profits are distnbuted fairly in the United States. 29 36 In the United States, traditional divisions between own crs and workers still remain. A personas social standing depends upon whether he/she belongs to the upper or lower class. 72 70 Source: Data from 1984 General Social Survey. many blacks view the choice between "black power" and "integration" in instrumental or tactical, rather than philosophical, terms. For many black Americans, the desirability of a given mode of political activity (voting, lobbying, or protest) is often seen as being contingent on circumstance, rather than being considered intrinsically worthwhile. Or as Hamilton (1982:xix) noted: "People participate where, when, and how they think it matters. " In line with this preference for pragmatic goals and results rather than ideology, blacks use different criteria when evaluating political leaders. The authors of the most comprehensive survey of citizen evaluations of legislators report (Cain et al., 1987:420~: Blacks ranked the roles of representatives very differently from the rest of the groups. They regarded policy as the least important activity and consid- ered protecting the interests of the district and helping people as, respec- tively, second and third most important. As a group, blacks placed a higher priority on helping people than did any other group. To some extent this racial difference arises from educational and class differences, but even when such factors are taken into account, racial differences in representative pri . . . Orltles remam. Similarly, when presented with a liberal-to-conservative scale and asked "Where would you place yourself on this scale, or haven't you thought much about this?," blacks are considerably more likely than whites to reject either ideological label, choosing instead to deny that they classify themselves in such terms. Controlling for education diminishes the gap a little, but a gap of over 10 percentage points remains. However, blacks and whites hold similar views about basic tenets of our free enterprise system. As Table 5-1 shows, they substantially agree on the importance of profits as the motive force of capitalism. Just 7 percentage points separate blacks and whites on how fairly profits are allocated in the economy. And several questions about the rewards of "hard work" yield no racial differences (Kendrick, 1988 : Tables 9-10~. Blacks are somewhat less willing to agree that "most people who don't get 211

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY TABLE 5-2 Attitudes Toward Equality, by Race and Income (percent agreeing) Income Less Than $15,000 Statement Blacks Whites Income More Than $15,000 Blacks Whites Our society should do whatever is nec- cssary to make sure that everyone has an equal opportunity to succeed. One of the big problems in this country is that we don't give everyone an equal chance. If people were treated more equally in this country we would have many fewer pow ~ ~ 95 91 97 88 83 57 81 45 87 66 87 53 Source: Data from 1986 National Election Study, reported in Kendrick (1988:Table 11). ahead should not blame the system." The difference is markedly larger on other assessments of American society; see Table 5-2. Irrespective of income, more than 80 percent of blacks agree that all Americans do not have "an equal chance." This opinion is held by 57 percent of whites making under $15,000 a year and by 45 percent of more affluent whites; but higher income has no effect on blacks' skepticism about how well the country lives up to its ideals of equal opportunity. This pattern recurs in almost every compari- son of black-white differences in political attitudes: if anything, middle-class blacks are more liberal and critical than less affluent blacks. The distinctiveness of black political views is particularly notable on the question of government responsibility to aid the disadvantaged. Blacks are considerably more supportive than whites of the position that the govern- ment should Guarantee a basic level of support to all citizens and protect ~ Do 1 1 people trom the consequences ot sickness, poverty, unemployment, and ova age. As Table 5-3 shows, controlling for income actually enhances black- white differences on this subject (see also Gilliam, 1986; Gurin et al., 1988.) Blacks are also more willing to turn to the government for help with a pressing problem of any sort (Wolfinger, 1988:113~. More detailed and explicit responses on the role of government can be found in Table 5-4, which contrasts black and white views on spending for a variety of purposes. When asked about the adequacy of government spend- ing on almost every specific category (e.g., health, environment, drug con- trol, education, and crime control), majorities of both whites and blacks say that "too little" money is being spent. However, blacks invariably are more likely to favor increased spending on social services: the differences are 20 percentage points on "improving cities" and 41 percentage points on "wel- fare, but only 4 percentage points on crime control." It appears that the political views of blacks also differ significantly from those of other racial minorities, although the data on this subject are frag- mentary. A survey in California found that blacks were the most supportive 212

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION TABLE 5-3 Attitudes Toward Government Responsibility for Citizens' Welfare, by Race and Income (percent agreeing) Income Less Than $15,000 Income More Than $15,000 Statement Blacks Whites Blacks Whites The government must sce to it that everyone has a job and that prices are stable, even if the rights of businessmen have to be restricted. It is the responsibility of the government to meet everyone's needs, even in case of sickness, poverty, unemployment, and old age. Personal income should not be determined solely by one's work. Rather, everybody should get what he/she needs to provide a decent life for his/her family. The government in Washington ought to reduce the income differences between the rich and the poor, perhaps by raising taxes on wealthy ~ . . . . ramt les r by glvmg income assistance to the poor. a 64 56 67 33 80 61 79 50 64 45 30 22 69 54 62 39 a Responses to this item are pooled data from General Social Surveys in 1978, 1980, 1983, and 1984. Source: Data from 1984 General Social Survey, reported in Kendrick (1988:Table 12). TABLE 5 - Attitudes Toward Government Spending, by Race (percent agreeing) Difference: Black Black White Minus Item (N = 510) (N = 1,323) White Increase government spending on Education 78 55 23 Improving cities 67 47 20 Health 75 57 18 Environment 67 52 15 Crime control 79 75 4 Drug control 71 60 11 Welfare 58 17 41 Improving race relations 88 23 65 Decrease government spending on Defense 46 30 16 Space exploration 76 38 38 Source: Data from 1982 General Social Survey, reported in Seltzer and Smith (1985:Tables 1, 4). 213

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY of government social spending of all major racial and ethnic groups. Latinos ranked second, and Asian-Americans' views resembled those of whites (Cain and Kiewiet, 1986~. Here we see the roots of the politics of resources. Many blacks are convinced that much of the progress in American society has come about, for them and others, because of the progressive role played by federal government policy. In tandem with black core values stressing fairness and equity in the allocation of society's goods and resources, this operational conclusion has given rise to the issues that now dominate the political agenda of blacks. It also explains the "liberalism" of black priorities when viewed through the prism of mainstream political categories (see, e.g., Nie et al., 1976:23-24, 253-255). Black-white differences in values concerning redistribution are also reflected in the attitudinal differences between black and white elected officials. For example, 70 percent of black officials, compared with 26 percent of white officials, agreed with the statement: "True democracy is limited in the United States because of the special privileges enjoyed by business and in- dustry." And 76 percent of black officials, compared with 30 percent of white officials, agreed: "It is the responsibility of the entire society, through its government, to guarantee everyone adequate housing, income, and lei- sure" (Conyers and Wallace, 1976:31~. A closely related attribute of black core political values is the emphasis on the polity as an arena for the pursuit of group equity, rather than a frame- work to assure the freedom of the individual. Blacks are well known for their use of collective actions such as boycotts, which are explicitly designed to advance collective goals for allocational status, and investing those claims with a moral significance. The black assertion of a moral claim to group entitlements is based on the view that discrimination and the economic structure produce an unfair and unequal distribution of resources. In con- trast, the prevailing view of the white majority is that government is a means of nurturing the liberty needed for individual advancement, and whites see the prevailing economic distribution as the result of fair competition (Dan- zig, 1964; Huber and Form, 1973; Lane, 1986~. Blacks have often articulated a vision of maintaining a distinct black iden- tity in the midst of American society (see Chapter 4~. In Tesse lackson's 1984 and 1988 presidential campaign speeches, the "rainbow" imagery was a rhetorical celebration of the group diversity in American society. In this respect, the "rainbow" is the very antithesis of the "melting pot" often seen as the American ideal. Blacks tend to be more responsive than whites or Asian-Americans to the distinctive cultural aspirations of Latinos on the issues of bilingual education and bilingual ballots (Cain and Kiewiet, 1986~. Well-educated blacks tend to be the most supportive of group solidarity in political action. Upper status blacks are also the most likely to possess the motivation and organizational ties to participate actively in electoral politics, as well as in other modes of political activity (Gurin et al., 1988~. Thus, most members of the black middle class pursue group as well as individual goals when they attain positions of leadership. The sense of a "common 214

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION TABLE 5-5 Social Values, by Race (in percent) Black White Value (N = 510) (N = 1,323) Women's rights Approve women in politics 65 75 Approve married women working 70 76 Men better suited for politics 60 63 Approve abortion on demand 28 41 Approve Equal Rights Amendment 82 71 Vote for women president 89 86 Morality and religion Approve sex education 87 85 Approve easier divorce law 47 20 Support Supreme Court on school prayer 21 41 Crime Courts too soft on crime 16 2 Oppose death penalty 53 18 Approve gun control 79 72 Source: Data from 1982 General Social Survey, reported in Seltzer and Smith (1985:Tables 2, 3, and 4~. fate," or identification with the shared experience of black Americans, is an important predictor of policy preferences. In addition to support for pro- black positions on race-related issues, such as affirmative action and South Africa, it is also associated with a desire for increased spending on education, jobs, and social welfare, and a desire to cut spending on defense. This support is consistent among all blacks, regardless of socioeconomic status or other demographic factors (Gurin et al., 1988~. Probably because of the rural southern heritage of so many blacks, a vein of social conservatism is manifested on certain kinds of issues among blacks. For example, blacks are less likely than whites to approve abortion on demand (by 28 to 41 percent). Blacks are also less likely than whites to approve of, married women working (by 70 to 76 percent), women in politics (by 65 to 75 percent)-although they are as willing to vote for a woman President (by 89 to 86 percent), or the Supreme Court's restrictions on school prayer (by 21 to 41 percent); see Table 5 5.2 A California study on racial minorities found blacks more favorable to school prayer and less favorable to banning handguns than whites, Asian- Americans, or Latinos; blacks were the least likely to favor the death penalty for murder (Cain and Kiewiet, 1986:31~. However, views on such "social" issues do not appear to determine black political preferences; rather, views on spending for the disadvantaged appear to count more heavily in most blacks' voting decisions (Cavanagh, 1985~. 2. These data are not broken down by education or income; we do not know if the black- white differences would remain if socioeconomic status differences were controlled. 215

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY members of the Congressional Black Caucus voted in favor of the bill by a margin of 12 to 6. SUMMARY Black Americans did not seek their civil rights merely to enjoy equality on the basis of abstract principles of civic inclusion (see Barker, 1983~. They sought those rights because they believed that direct access to political insti- tutions and decision making through voting and increased elective represen- tation would lead to greater equality between blacks and whites. In terms of civil status this belief has been generally realized. There has been great improvement in blacks' civil status since 1940. Arbi- trary harassment and intimidation of blacks by legal authorities, "hate" groups, and unorganized private citizens are much less prevalent than prior to World War II, and incidents today are usually publicized and investigated, rather than ignored. Equal access to public accommodations is generally accepted as a formal right throughout the country, in stark contrast to the legislated segregation that was nearly universal in the South until the 1960s. Enforcement of black contractual rights to rent and purchase housing re- mains ineffectual. The democratic status of blacks has also seen dramatic change since 1940. Black voter participation in the South has risen from the negligible levels of the prewar period to a contemporary level that exceeds that of whites of similar socioeconomic status. As a result, the number of black elected offi- cials in the United States rose from a few dozen in 1940 to more than 6,800 in 1988. The number of black public administrators and judges has shown comparable increases. Nevertheless, blacks comprise only 1.5 percent of America's elected officials. Changes in black allocational status, although complex, have not led to equality with whites at levels commensurate to that achieved in civil status. Many of the changes stem from the evolution of the economy and the educational system (see Chapters 6 and 7), but political determinants have been important as well. The extensive development of equal opportunity law has improved the status of blacks (as well as that of women and other minorities) in education, employment, and business enterprises. Although blacks are disproportionately in the lower income brackets, they have also benefited from the extension of job training, health care, Social Security, and other cash and in-kind benefit programs provided by the public sector. In Chapters 6-10 we discuss changes in blacks' allocational status in several specific areas. In each of those chapters it is clear that black political partici- pation has been an important factor in the post-1940 determination of blacks' status. Equal access to schools, jobs, and medical facilities have fre- quently come to blacks only through political pressure on courts and legis 258

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICI RATION latures. Yet it is also clear that increased civil and democratic status has not led to equal allocational status. REFERENCES Bain, Richard C., and Judith H. Parris 1973 Convention Decisions and Voting Records. 2d ed. Washington, D.C.: Brookings . . . Institution. Banfield, Edward C., and James Q. Wilson 1963 City Politics. New York: Vintage Books. Barker, Lucius J. 1983 Black Americans and the politics of inclusion. PS 16(Summer3:500-507. Bates, Timothy 1986 Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Bell, Derrick A., Jr. 1980 Race, Racism, and American Law. 2ded. Boston: Little, Brown. 1986a The Gyroscopic Effect in American Racial Reform: The Law and Race from 1940 to 1986. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 1986b Memorandum to the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Birnbaum, Jeffrey H., and Alan S. Murray 1987 Showdown atG?~cci Girth: Lawmakers, Lobbyists, and the Unlikely Triumph of Tax Reform. New York: Random House. Bloom, Jack M. 1987 Class, Race, and the Civil Rights Movement. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Bracey, John H., Jr. 1971 Black nationalism since Garvey. Pp. 259-279 in Nathan I. Huggins, Martin Kilson, and Daniel M. Fox, eds., I(ey Issues in the Afro-American Experience. Vol. 2. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. grimmer, Andrew J. 1985 Black directors in the corporate boardroom. Black Enterprise (December3 :41. Brisbane, Robert H. 1970 The Black Vail arc: Origins of the Negro SocialRevolution, 1900-1960. Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press. Browning, Rufus P., Dale Rogers Marshall, and David H. Tabb 1984 Protest Is Not Enough: The Sole of Blacks and Hispanics for Equality in Urban Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Burstein, Paul 1985 Discrimination, Jolts, and Politics: The Sole for Equal Employment Opportunity in the United States Since the New Deal. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Burtless, Gary 1986 Public spending for the poor: trends, prospects, and economic limits. Ch. 2 in Sheldon H. Danziger and Daniel H. Weinberg, eds., Fighting Poverty: What Works and What Doesn't. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Cain, Bruce E., John A. Ferejohn, and Morris P. Fiorina 1987 The Personal Vote: Constituency Serge and Electoral Irldependen~e. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 259

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Cain, Bruce E., and D. Roderick Kiewiet 1986 Minorities in California. Pasadena: California Institute of Technology. Campbell, Angus 1966 The meaning of the election. In Milton C. Cummings, ea., The National Elections of 1964. Washingon, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Campbell, Angus, Philip E. Converse, Warren E. Miller, and Donald E. Stokes 1960 The American Doter. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Carmichael, Stokely, and Charles V. Hamilton 1967 Black Peer: The Politics of Liberation in America. New York: Vintage Books. Carson, Clayborne 1986 Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Cavanagh, Thomas E. 1984 The Impact of the Black Electorate. Washingon, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. 1985 Inside Black America: The Message of the Black Vote in the 1984 Elections. Washingon, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. Cavanagh, Thomas E., ed. 1987 Manuscript prepared for the Panel on Political Participation, Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washingon, D.C. Clark, Terry Nichols, and Lorna Crowley Ferguson 1983 City Money: Political processes, Fiscal Strain, and Retrenchment. New York: Columbia University Press. Colby, David C. 1982 A test of the relative efficacy of political tactics. American Journal of Political Science 2644) "November] :741-753. 1984 The Voting Rights Act and Black Registration in Mississippi. Paper delivered at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago. Cole, Leonard A. 1976 Blocks in Power: A Comparative Study of Black and White Elected Officials. Princeton N.J.: Princeton University Press. Converse, Philip E. ,~ 1972 Change in the American electorate. Ch. 8 in Angus Campbell and Philip E. Converse, eds., The Human Meaning of Social Change. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Conyers, James E., and Walter L. Wallace 1976 Black Elected Officials: A Study of Black Americans Holding Garernmental Office. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Crockett, George W., Jr., Russell R. DeBow, and Larry C. Berkson, eds. 1980 National Roster of Black Judicial Officers: 1980. Chicago: American Judicature Society. Cruse, Harold 1967 The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual. New York: William Morrow. Curvin, Robert 1975 The Persistent Minority: The Black Political Experience in Newark. Ph.D. disser- tation, Department of Political Science, Princeton University. Danigelis, Nicholas L. 1978 Black political participation in the United States: some recent evidence. American Sociological Reviler 43~0ctober):756-771. Danzig, David 1964 The meaning of Negro strategy. Commentary 37(Februar,v) :41-46. 260

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Davidson, Chandler, and George Korbel 1981 At-large elections and minority-group representation: a re-examination of histori- cal and contemporary evidence. Journal of Politics 43(November):982-1005. Days, Drew S., III 1984 Turning back the clock: the Reagan administration and civil n~ht.s Harnard Czuil Ri~hts-Civil Liberties Law Ream 19(Summer):309-347. Draper, Theodore 1970 The Rediscovery of Black Naturalism. New York: Viking Press. Ebony - -D- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - _ . _ 1965 States boast record number of Negro lawmakers. 20(April):191-197. 1966 The Ne,gro Handbook. Chicago: Johnson Publishing Company. Edds, Margaret 1987 Free at Last: What Really Happened When Civil Rights Came to Southern Politics. Bethesda, Md.: Adler & Adler. Eisinger, Peter K. 1982 Black employment in municipal jobs: the impact of black political power. Amens can Political Science Renew 76June):380-392. 1984 Black mayors and the politics of racial economic advancement. In Harlan Hahn and Charles Levine, eds., Readings in Urban Politics: Past, Resent and Future New York: Longmans. Ellwood, David T., and Lawrence H. Summers 1986 Poverty in America: is welfare the answer or the problem' Ch. 4 in Sheldon H. Danziger and Daniel H. Weinberg, eds., Fighting Poverty: What Works and What Doesn't. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Engelberg, Stephen 1985 Rangel and his relationships. The New York Times, June 30. Engstrom, Richard L., and Michael D. McDonald 1981 The election of blacks to city councils: clarifying the impact of electoral arrange- ments on the seats/population relationship. American Political Science Review 75 (June): 344-354 Feldman, Stanley 1988 Structure and consistency in public opinion: the role of core beliefs and values. American Journal of Political Science 32:416-440. Fleming, Harold C. 1965 The federal executive and civil rights: 1961-1965. Dacdalus 94(Fall):921-948. Foster, Vera Chandler, and Robert D. Reid 1947 The Negro in politics. Pp. 258-291 in Jessie Parkhurst Guzman, ea., Ne,gro ~earloook: A Renew of Events Affecting Ne,gro Life' 1941-1946. Tuskegee, Ala.: Tuskegee Institute. Frank, Dana 1982 No Work, No Rent: Eviction Protests in the 1930s. Unpublished paper, Yale University. Freeman, Alan 1978 Legitimizing racial discrimination through antidiscrimination law: a critical re- view of Supreme Court doctrine. Minnesota Law Reriew 62~6~: 1049-1 120. Frye, Hardy T. 1980 Black Parties and Political Power: A (~se Study. Boston: G. K. Hall. Garrow, David J. 1978 Protest at Selma: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Doting Brights Act of 1965. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Genovese, Eugene 1974 Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Skydives Made. New York: Pantheon Books. 261

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Gilliam, Frank 1986 Black America: divided by class? Public Opinion (February/March):53-57. Gilliam, Reginald E., Jr. 1975 Black Political Development: An Advocacy Analysis. Port Washington, N.Y.: Ken- nikat Press. Glaser, James M. 1987 The Paradox of Black Participation and Other Observations on Black Activism, 1952-1984. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Ameri- cans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Gordon, Daniel 1970 Immigrants and municipal voting turnout: implications for the changing ethnic impact on urban politics. American Sociological Reriew 35(August):665-681. Green, Mark J. 1975 The Other Carernment: The Unseen Power of Washington Lawyers. New York: Gross- man. Grubbs, Donald H. 1971 C'y from the Cotton: The Southern Tenant Farmers' Union and the New Deal. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Gruber, Judith 1979 Political Strength and Policy Responsiveness: The Results of Electing Blacks to City Councils. Unpublished manuscript. Department of Political Science, Uni- versity of California, Berkeley. Gurin, Patricia, Shirley Hatchett, and James S. Jackson 1988 Hope and Independence: Blacks' Sale in Two Party Politics. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Guzman, Jessie Parkhurst 1947 Negro Yearbook. Tuskegee, Ala.: Tuskegee Institute. 1952 Negro Yearbook. New York: William H. Wise. Hagen, Michael G. 1988a Blacks and Liberalism. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 1988b Racial Differences in Voter Registration and Turnout. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Wash- ington, D.C. 1989 The Salience of Racial and Social Welfare Issues. Unpublished paper, State Data Program, University of California at Berkeley. Hamilton, Charles V. 1976 Public policy and some political consequences. Ch. 8 in Marguerite Ross Barnett and James A. HeEner, ads., Public Policy for the Black Community. New York: Alfred Publishing. 1977 -- Voter registration drives and turnout: a report on the Harlem electorate. Political Science Quarterly 92(Spring):43~6. 1981 On black leadership. Pp. 239-265 in James D. Williams, eds., The State of Black America, 1981. Washington, D.C.: National Urban League. 1982 Foreword. In Michael B. Preston, Lenneal J. Henderson, Jr., and Paul Puryear, eds., The New Black Politics: The Search for Political Power. New York: Longman. 1986 Social policy and the welfare of black Americans: from rights to resources. PoliticalScience~rterly 101~2~:239-255. Hamilton, Charles V., and Dona C. Hamilton 1986 Social policies, civil rights, and poverty. Ch. 12 in Sheldon H. Danziger and Daniel H. Weinberg, eds., Fighting Poverty: What Works and What Doesn't. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 262

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Hammond, John L. 1977 Race and electoral mobilization: white southerners, 1952-1968. Public Opinion Quarterly 41 (Spring): 13-27. Hanks, Lawrence J. 1986 Black Voter Mobilization Since 1960. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Harris, William 1982 The Harder We Ran. New York: Oxford University Press. Heclo, Hugh D. 1987 The political foundations of antipoverty policy. Ch. 13 in Sheldon H. Danziger and Daniel H. Weinberg, eds., F,ightin,g Paverty: What Works and What Doesn't. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Heilig, Peggy, and Robert J. Mundt 1983 Changes in representational equity: the effect of adopting districts. Social Science Quarterly 64(June):393-397. Henry, M. L., Jr., et al. 1985 The Success of Women and Minorities in Achievin~g]~dicial Ounce: The Selection Process. New York: Fund for Modern Cities. Hero, Alfred O. 1969 American Negroes and United States foreign policy, 1937-1967. Journal of Con- f:lictResol?~tion 13(June):220-251. Holden, Matthew, Jr. 1973 The Politics of the Black 'Nation.' New York: Chandler. Huber, Joan, and William H. Form 1973 Income and Ideology. New York: Free Press. Jackson, Henry F. 1987 The Role of Black Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy: Search for New Power. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Jaynes, Gerald David 1986 Branches Without Roots: Genesis of the Black Working Class in the American South, 1862-1882. New York: Oxford University Press. Joint Center for Political Studies 1984a Blacks and the 1984 Democratic National Convention: A Guide. Washington. D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. v 1984b Blacks and the 1984 Ret blican National Convention: A Guide. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. 1985 Black Elected C~icials: A National Roster. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. 1986 Elected and Appointed Black) - es in the United States. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. Jones, Clinton B. 1976 The impact of local election systems on black political representation. Urban Affairs Quarterly ll(March):345-356. Jones, Mack H. 1976 Black officeholding and political development in the rural South. Ream of Black Political Economy 6(Summer):375-407. 1978 Black political empowerment in Atlanta: myth and reality. Annals 439 (September): 90-1 1 7. Karnig, Albert K. 1976 Black representation on city councils: the impact of district elections and socioeconomic factors. UrbanA~airsQ~arterlyl2(December):223-242. 263

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Karnig, Albert K., and Susan Welch 1980 Black Representation and Urban Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1982 Electoral structure and black representation on city councils. Social Science Quarterly 63 (March) :99-114. Keech, William R. 1968 The Impact of Negro Voting: The Role of the Vote in the Chest for Equality. Chicago: Rand McNally. Kendrick, Ann 1986 The Dynamics of Black Electoral Participation. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 1988 The Core Economic Beliefs of Blacks and Whites. Paper prepared for the Com- mittee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. . O., Jr. 1949 Southern Politics. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Kilson, Martin 1987 Report on Black Politics in Comparative Perspective-A Study in the Politics of Inclusion. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Kinder, Donald R. 1983 Diversity and complexity in American public opinion. In Ada W. Finifter, ea., Political Science: The State of the Discipline. Washington, D.C.: American Political Science Association. King, Martin Luther, Ir. 1964 Why We Can't Wait. New York: Mentor. Kleppner, Paul 1982 Who Voted? The Dynamics of Electoral Tat, 1870-1980. New York: Praeger. Kluger, Richard 1976 Simple]?~stice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Snuggle for Equality. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Korn/Ferry International 1987 I(orn/Fer~y International's Executive Profile: A Surrey of Grrporate Leaders in the Eight- ies. New York: Korn/Ferry International. Kruman, Marc W. 1975 Quotas for blacks: the Public Works Administration and the black construction worker. I^borHisto~y 16(Winter):37-51. Lane, Robert E. 1986 Market justice, political justice. American Political Science Renew 80(June):383- 402. Laney, Garrine P. 1986 The Evolution of Equal Employment Opportunity Programs, 1940-1985. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Latimer, Margaret K. 1979 Black political representation in southern cities: election systems and other causal variables. Urban Affairs Quarterly 15(September):65-86. Lawson, Steven F. 1976 Black Ballots: Motif kits in the South, 1944 1969. New York: Columbia Univer- sity Press. 264

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICI PAT10N Levitan, Sar A. 1969 The Great Society's Poor Law: A New Approach to Poverty. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press. Lipsky, Michael 1968 Protest as a political resource. American Political Science Row 62(December): 1 144- 1158. Marcus, Ruth 1986 For black lawyers, path to top is slow. Washington Post November 16:A1, A12- A13. Marshall, T. H. 1964 Class, Citizenship, and Social Development. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Marx, Gary T. 1967 Protest and Prentice: A Study of Belief in the Black Community. New York: Harper & Row. Matthews, Donald R., and James W. Prothro 1963 Political factors and Negro voter registration in the South. American Political Science Reriew 57(June):355-367. McAdam, Doug 1982 Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970. Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press. Meier, August, and Elliott Rudwick L J Cat )~ _ 1976 The origins of nonviolent direct action in Afro-American protest: a note on historical discontinuities. Ch. 14 in August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, eds., Along the Color Line: Explorations in the Black E'cterience. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Miller, Arthur, Patricia Gurin, Gerald Gurin, and Oksana Malanchuk 1981 Group consciousness and political participation. American Journal of Political Science 25:494-511. Morris, Aldon D. 1984 The Orifrins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Charge. New York: Free Press. Morris, Lorenzo, and Charles Henry 1978 The Chitlin' Controversy: Race Ad Public Policy in America. Lanham, Md.: Univer- sity Press of America. Morns, Milton D. 1972 Black Americans and the foreign policy process: the case of Africa. Western Political Science Quarterly 25 (September) :451-463. Moss, Philip I. 1986 Changing Public Sector Employment and the Occupational Advancement of Blacks, Women, and Hispanics. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Amencans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Murray, Florence, ed. 1947 Negro Handbook, 1946-1947. New York: Current Books. Nelson, William E., Jr. 1978 Black mayors as urban managers. Annals 439(September):53-67. 1982 Cleveland: the rise and fall of the new black politics. Ch. 8 in Michael B. Preston, Lenneal J. Henderson, Jr., and Paul Puryear, eds., The New Black Politics: The Search for Political Parer. New York: Longman. 1987 The Role of the Black Church in Politics. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Amencans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 265

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A COMMON DESTI NY: BLACKS AN D AMERICAN SOCI ETY Newburger, Harriet B. 1988 The Impact of Federal Housing Programs on Black Americans. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Nie, Norman H., Sidney Verba, and John R. Petrocik 1976 The Changing American Voter. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. O'Hare, William 1986 Racial composition of jurisdictions and the election of black candidates. Population Today 14(June):6-8. Parsons, Talcott 1965 Full citizenship for the Negro American? A sociological problem. Daedal?'s 94(Fall): 1009-1054. Peterson, Paul E. 1981 City Limits. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pettigrew, Thomas F. 1976 Black mayoral campaigns. Pp. 14-29 in Herrington J. Bryce, ea., Urban Gover- nance and Minorities. New York: Praeger. Pinderhughes, Dianne M. 1986 Political choices: a realignment in partisanship among black voters? Pp. 85-113 in The State of Black America, 1986. Washington, D.C.: National Urban League. Pinkney, Alphonso 1984 The Myth of Black J~o,gress. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Pomper, Gerald 1966 Ethnic voting in nonpartisan municipal elections. Public Opinion Quarterly 30 (Spring) :79-97. Preston, Michael B. 1976 Limitations of black urban power: the case of black mayors. Ch. 5 in Louis H. Masotti and Robert L. Lineberry, eds., The New Urban Politics. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger. 1984 The resurgence of black voting in Chicago. Ch. 3 in Melvin G. Holli and Paul M. Green, eds., The Making of the Mayor: Chicago, 1983. Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans. Price, Hugh D. 1957 The Negro and Southern Politics. New York: New York University Press. Reed, Adolph L., Jr. 1986 The Jesse Jackson Phenomenon: The Crisis of Purpose in Afro-A mencan Politics. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Reed, John Shelton, and Merle Black 1985 How southerners gave up Jim Crow. New Perspectives 17(Fall):15-19. Rich, Wilbur C. 1982 The impact of public authorities on urban politics: challenges for black politicians and interest groups. Ch. 9 in Michael B. Preston, Lenneal J. Henderson, Jr., and Paul Puryear, eds., The New Black Politics. New York: Longman. Rosenbaum, David E. 1985 House panel votes to keep tax plan that aids housing. The New Fork Times, October 27. Rustin, Bayard 1965 From protest to politics: the future of the civil rights movement. Commentary 39(February) :25-31. Sears, David O., and Donald R. Kinder 1985 Whites' opposition to busing: on conceptualizing and operationalizing group conflict. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 48(May):1141-1147. 266

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BLACK POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Seltzer, Richard, and Robert C. Smith 1985 Race and ideology: a research note measuring liberalism and conservatism in black America. Phylon 46 (June) :98-105. Shingles, Richard D. 1981 Black consciousness and political participation: the missing link. American Political Science Review 75 (March) :76-91. Smith, Robert C. 1982 Black Leadership: A Survey of Theory and Research. Institute for Urban Affairs and Research. Washington, D.C.: Howard University. Stanley, Harold M. 1987 Voter Mobilization and the Politics of Race: The South and Universal Suffrage. 1952 1984. New York: Praeger. ~ c/, Stekler, Paul Jeffrey 1982 Black Politics in the New South: An Investigation of Change at Various Levels. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Government, Harvard University. Stille, Alexander 1985 Little room at the top for blacks, Hispanics. National Law~o?~rnal (Dec. 23~. Tall, Delbert 1978 Minority representation on city councils: the impact of structure on blacks and Hispanics.SocialScienceQuarterly59(June):142-152. Thernstrom, Abigail M. 1987 Whose Votes Gaunt? Native Action and Minority Voting Bights. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Toles, Edward B. 1970 Report of black lawyers and judges in the United States, 1960-1970. Congressional Record (Sept. 2~: 30786-30788. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights 1961 Voting. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1968 Political Participation. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission 1984 A History of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 1965-1984. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. 1986 Minorities and Women in State and Local Government, 197~1984. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Sterna, Sidney, and Norman H. Nie 1973 Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality. New York: Harper & Row. Walters, Ronald W. 1988 Black Presidential Politics in America: A Strategic Approach. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press. Walton, Hanes, Jr. 1972 Black Political Parties. New York: Free Press. 1985 Invisible Politics: Black Political Behavior. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press. Weaver, Robert C. 1942 Federal aid, local control, and Negro participation. Journal of Negro Education 11 (January) :47-59. Weaver, Warren, Jr. 1964 Democrats report record total of 280 Negroes December 23. 267 In elective jobs. New York Times,

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Weiss, Nancy J. 1983 Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Able of FDR Princeton, N.J. Princeton University Press. Williams, Eddie N. 1987 The Republicans' image problem among blacks. Rocks (November/December): 3-5. Williams, Juan 1987 Eyes on the Juice. New York: Viking. Williams, Robin M., Jr. 1970 American Society. 3d ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Wilson, James Q. 1973 Political Organizations. New York: Basic Books. Wilson, William Julius 1978 The Declining Significance of Ace: Blacks and Chan,gin,g American Institutions. Chi- cago: University of Chicago Press. Wirt, Frederick M. 1970 Politics of Southern Equality: Law and Social Change in a Mississippi County. Chicago: Aldine. Wolfinger, Raymond E. 1973 The Politics of Pto,gress. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. 1988 Looking for Mr. Politicus. Pp. 109-122 in Ian Shapiro and Grant Reeher, eds., Paver, Inequality, and Democratic Politics. Boulder, Colo., and London: Westview Press. Wolfinger, Raymond E., and Steven J. Rosenstone 1980 Who Votes? New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Woods, Daryl D. 1987 The Chicago crusade. Ch. 2 in Thomas E. Cavanagh, ea., Strategies for Mobilizing Black Voters. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. Work, Monroe H. 1937 Ne,gro Yearbook: An Annual Encyclopedia of the Negro, 1937-1938. Tuskegee, Ala.: Negro Yearbook Publishing Co. Wright, Gavin 1986 OR Bath, New South: Resolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War. New York: Basic Books. 268