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lo
CHILDREN AND FAMILIES
509
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/
William H. Johnson
P~.~round Scene (ca. 1939-1942)
Pen and ink with pencil on paper
National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution,
Gift of the Harmon Foundation
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The major changes in American society
during the past five decades have been accompanied by significant alterations
in the family lives of men, women, and, most importantly, children. Trends
in fertility, marital status, and in patterns of child rearing have had important
effects on both social and economic life. In this chapter, our primary objec-
tives are to describe those trends, discuss various explanations for them, and
to consider the implications of them for the current well-being of children
and the status of future generations of adults.
CHANGING FAMILY PATTERNS
OVE RVI EW
Since 1960 the trends in marital status, fertility, marital stability, and child
rearing for both blacks and whites have been similar. Those trends include:
lower marriage rates and a delayed age at first marriage;
higher divorce rates;
lower birth rates;
earlier and increased sexual activity among adolescents;
a higher proportion of births to unmarried mothers;
higher percentages of children living in female-headed families;
· a higher proportion of women working outside the home; and
· a higher percentage of children living in poverty.
The changes, however, have been much more pronounced for blacks than
511
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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
for whites. The result is increasingly different marital and family experiences
for the two groups. Indeed, in terms of major statistical indicators of marital
status, there were far larger differences in the profiles of black and white
Americans in 1980 than there were in 1890 (Walker, 1986:25~. While we
examine these diverging trends and their possible causes, we stress that both
populations have experienced similar changes.
A summary of a few important trends in marriage and family patterns for
black and white families highlights changes in black-white differences over
the past 40 years (see Glick, 1981~.
· While blacks have traditionally married at younger ages than whites,
whites now marry at much younger ages than blacks. In 1986, 39 percent
of white women aged 20-24 were married, compared with 17 percent of
black women.
· On average, black women spend 16 of their expected 73 years of life
with a husband; white women spend 34 of an expected 77 years of life
married.
· It is estimated that 86 percent of black children and 42 percent of white
children will spend some time in a mother-only or other single-parent house-
hold (Bumpass, 1984:Table 2~.
· The rate at which unmarried black women bear children has declined in
recent years; this rate has continued to increase among white women.
These divergencies, in the context of similar overall trends, suggest possible
differences in causal circumstances. And such differences exist. For example,
the growth in the number of white and black poor families headed by
women results from different behaviors: among whites, disrupted marriages;
among blacks a decrease in marriage rates. Other evidence is consistent with
_ c~ ~ _ _ ~
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . .
the hypothesis that white temale-headed households are likely to become
poor as a consequence of marital breakup, while black female-headed house-
holds are likely to be formed by women who were poor to begin with
(Gaffinkel and McLanahan, 1986~.
Historical and comparative studies suggest that nuclear families are most
stable when marriage partners have common and overlapping group nffilia-
tions and when the family unit is supported by social circles of other families
committed to norms and values of solidarity and permanence. For many
people, particularly the minority urban poor, these conditions have become
less common during the past few decades. For some groups, extended kin-
ship ties have weakened, and a husband-wife family often is not strongly
supported and constrained by the surrounding social structure. External
stresses, such as unemployment, may now have greater effects then formerly
on family formation and stability because marriage and family stability are
only weakly supported by political and social institutions. The deleterious
effects on black families are most apparent in the high percentages of black
children being raised under conditions of poverty and environmental depri-
vation.
512
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CH I LDREN AN D FAMI Ll ES
FERTI LITY TREN DS
During the decades after 1939, several changes encouraged lower rates of
childbearing among Americans. First, there was the urbanization of the
population and a very sharp rise in levels of educational attainment, both of
which are associated with family size. Second, there has been an increase in
the acceptability and use of contraception, in part because of major devel-
opments in technology such as oral contraceptives and more effective intra-
uterine devices. Third, there has been an increase in the rate of abortions.
Although it is difficult to measure trends over time, abortion is now fre-
quently used to terminate pregnancies. In the mid-1980s, there were about
64 abortions per 100 live black births and 30 abortions per 100 white births
in a 13-state reporting area (Powell-Griper, 1986:Table A). Fourth, the
federal government-as a component of the 1960s War on Poverty-assumed
responsibility for providing family planning services to many low-income
couples, which was a major change from earlier federal policies. By the mid-
1980s, state and federal governments were spending $340 million annually
to provide family planning services, an average of about $8 per year for every
woman aged 15-39 (Gold and Nestor, 1985:25-30~. Finally, there have
been changes in the social roles of women, most of them probably leading
to lower birthrates. These changes include a rise in the age at first marriage
as educational attainment has risen; a growing proportion of both black and
white women in the labor force; and an increasing proportion of divorce
among married women.
Fertility rates have not declined monotonically throughout the years since
1939, however. At the end of the Great Depression, birthrates were low and
the population grew slowly during the war and immediate postwar years.
Birthrates then rose, reaching a high level in the late 1950s, and have fallen
sharply since then. These patterns can be illustrated by examining changes in
the total fertility rate-an estimate of the number of children a woman will
bear in her lifetime if she experiences the birthrates of a given calendar year
and survives to age 45. Total fertility rates for blacks and whites are shown
in Figure 10-1.
In 1939, white women averaged just over 2 births in their lifetimes and
black women just under 3. At the peak of the baby boom, white women
were bearing about 3.5 children in their lifetimes and black women, 4.5. By
1984, the fertility rate for white women was about 1.7 children; for black
women, 2.1. In the decades following 1960, both the black and white
populations shifted from high fertility and rapid population growth to low
fertility and near zero or negative population growth. The childbearing rates
of black women remain above those of whites, although there is evidence of
convergence. In 1960, black women averaged about one more child in their
lifetime than white women; in 1984, the difference was less than one-half a
child. According to the fertility and mortality rates of the early 1980s, the
black population-in the absence of international migration-will grow by
513
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4
a:
3
_
LL
. -
o
A COMMON DESTI NY: BLACKS AN D AMERICAN SOCI ETY
FIGURE 10-1 Total fertility rates of black and white
women, 1940-1984.
Black
OWhite
_
1940 1 950
1960 1970 1980 1984
YEAR
about 3 percent from one generation to the next, while the white population
will decline by about 17 percent.
Despite numerous studies, it is still not fully understood why fertility rates
rose to post-Civil War peaks in the late 1950s and then fell to extremely low
levels (Easterlin, 1962, 1980; Westoff, 1978~. Among whites, the change to
much earlier marriage during and after World War II and economic prosper-
ity helped to account for the shift from the 2-child family of the Depression
era to the 3.5-child family of the Eisenhower period. Among blacks, there is
agreement that the spread of diseases played a significant role in reducing
fertility throughout the period from the 1870s to the 1930s (McFalls and
Harvey, 1984; Wright and Pirie, 1984). The impoverished conditions of
blacks and their limited access to health care meant that fertility problems
were common. Approximately 30 percent of the married black women who
reached menopause in the 1940s had borne no children, a rate that cannot
entirely be explained by voluntary childlessness (Farley, 1987~. Increases in
514
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CHILDREN AND FAMILIES
living standards, the drug treatment of tuberculosis, and the government's
fight against venereal disease during World War II minimized fertility prob-
lems for blacks, leading to increases in fertility and dramatic declines in
childlessness.
After the 1950s, married American couples increasingly used contracep-
tion, and presumably abortion, to prevent unwanted births. In this era,
planned births became the norm among married couples of both races. The
development of better birth control techniques, federal and state support for
family planning clinics, and the Supreme Court's Roe decision (1973) legal-
izing abortion help to explain the declines in fertility.
Additional information about these fertility trends is presented in Figure
10-2, which shows birthrates at different ages for 1939, 1959, and 1984.
The dramatic rise in fertility at all ages, except the oldest, is clearly seen
when the 1939 and 1959 curves are compared. This period was followed by
a "birth dearth" so pronounced that the 1984 birthrates for both races and
for most ages were at or near their all-time lows.
Childbearing by married women represents the clearest case of the disap-
pearance of black-white fertility differences. Figure 10-3 shows marital fertil-
ity, which is how many children a woman would bear if she married at age
20, remained married through age 45, and had children at the rates observed
in the years between 1950 and 1985. At the end of the baby boom in 1960,
a black woman would have borne 1.5 more children than a white woman-
5.6 births for a black woman compared with 4.1 for a white woman. By
1980, this racial difference had virtually disappeared. Among married
women-indeed, among all women aged 25 and over-there was no longer a
black-white difference in fertility rates.
Childbearing among younger and unmarried women gives a different pic-
ture. The fertility rates of black teenagers have declined sharply in recent
years, but they remain more than double the rates of white teenagers. In
1960 there were 156 births per 1,000 black women aged 15-19; in 1985
there were 97, a decline of 59 births per 1,000 women. Among whites, the
comparable change was from 70 births per 1,000 teenage women in 1957 to
43 in 1985 (National Center for Health Statistics, 1987:Table 4; Public
Health Service, 1980:Table 1, cited in Farley, 1987~. In the mid-1980s,
black women by the age of 20 had borne an average of 510 children per
1,000 black women; white women had borne an average of 216 children. In
northern European countries, these rates are below 100 children per 1,000
20-year-old women (Hayes, 1987; Westoff et al., 1983~. It is generally
accepted that the differences in teenage fertility between the United States
and European countries is due to the wide availability of sex education and
access to health and contraceptive services in Europe (Hayes, 1987~.
One other major aspect of black-white differences in family formation has
become much more pronounced since the end of the baby boom: the
marital status of women who give birth (see Figure 10~. Between 1939
and 1959, about 18 percent of black infants and 2 percent of white infants
515
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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
FIGURE 10-2 Age-specific birthrates for (a) white and (b) black women, 1939,
1959, and 1984.
300
z 250
111
~ 200
to
to
to
150
at
I 1 00
m
50
300
z 250
o
~ 200
to
to
to
-
- 150
T
I_ 100
-
~n
50
o
516
10 15 20 25 30
AGE
1:
(a) White Women
l
/
/'
I \
\ 1 959
',1984 `~ \
~\'N
~1 ._ _
10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
AGE
(b) Black Women /\
~ \
/ ,'
-
/ .' N~ 1939
I '' ~ ~
_ jK
///
///
~ 1 1 1 1
\ 1 959
\
I, /1 984
~1
1 1-~ 1
35 40 45 50
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CHILDREN AND FAMILIES
FIGURE 10-3 Marital fertility for black and white women,
1960-1985.
6
_
4
cr
o
m
>
rL 3
at
111
C)
I
O 2
o
_,
_
Black
O White
1~.
-
_
,.,, :: :.: :.~::~:::s
_
1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985
YEAR
Note: Marital fertility is the: estimated number of children ever
born to women who marry at age 20, remain married to age
45, and briar children according to the marital fertility rates of
1960 to 1985.
Sources: Data from decennial censuses and Current Population
Surveys.
517
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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
FIGURE 104 Births to unmarried women, by race, 1940-1981.
60
I
48
m
ct 36
o
111
~ 24
of
lid 1 2
Black or Nonwhite ~
1940 1945 1950 1955 1960
YEAR
Note: Data for years prior to 1969 refer to whites and nonwhites.
Sources: National Center for Health Statistics (1978, 1983).
White
. ____ __
,'_
__-
_ ~
1965 1970 1975 1980
were born to unmarried women. These percentages subsequently changed
rapidly; by the mid-1980s, 6 black births in 10 and 1 white birth in 8 were
to unmarried women.
This change in the marital status of mothers is not due to increases in the
rate at which unmarried women bear children. Rather, it is the result of two
fundamental demographic changes. First, the age of women at marriage has
risen. As a consequence, women are exposed to the possibility of nonmarital
pregnancy for a much longer time and to marital childbearing for a shorter
time. In the 1960 census, 64 percent of the black women aged 20-24 had
married; in the 1986 population survey, 25 percent of the same age group
reported they had married. Among white women, the corresponding change
was from 72 percent married in 1960 to 45 percent in 1986 (Farley, 1987~.
Second, there has been a much greater decline in the fertility rates of
married women than in those of unmarried women, a change that produces
an increase in the percentage of total births to unmarried women. In sum,
the rapidly rising proportion of babies-both black and white-born to un-
married women has resulted from a major shift in the marital status of
mothers, not from a higher birthrate among unmarried women.
518
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CHILDREN AND FAMILIES
MARITAL STATUS AND LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF CHILDREN
According to the Census Bureau's definitions (in use since 1947), a family
consists of two or more people who live in the same household and are
related by blood, marriage, or adoption. Families are categorized into three
types: those that include a married couple are termed husband-wife families;
female-headed families typically include a mother and her children but might
also consist of sisters or other relatives who live together; male-headed fami-
lies are headed by a man who lives with one or more relatives but not with
his wife.
At all dates, the distribution of kinds of white families differed substantially
from that of blacks. While similar trends are evident for both whites and
blacks, the timing and magnitude of change differ. In 1940, husband-wife
families made up about 76 percent of all black families and 85 percent of all
white families. From 1940 to the late 1950s, the proportion of black families
headed by a woman remained roughly constant at 19 percent; by 1960 that
proportion had risen only slightly to 22 percent. But during the next 25
years the percentage of black families headed by women doubled, to 44
percent. In 1940, the proportion of white families headed by women was
10 percent; by the mid-1980s, it had increased on,ly slightly, to 13 percent.
Two demographic components help to account for the shifting distribu-
tion of families by type. First, a decreasing proportion of adults live with a
spouse, so a smaller fraction of adults, especially black adults, can be heads
or coheads of husband-wife families. Second, the rate at which women head
their own families has increased. Since 1960, the proportion of adult women
who head their own families rose for both whites and blacks, but the increase
was much greater for black women. Among separated and divorced women
in 1984, two-thirds of blacks were household heads, compared with one-
half of whites. In the past, if a woman experienced divorce, became a widow,
or had a child prior to marriage, she was likely to move into the household
of relatives. Since 1960, it has become common for such women to head
their own families (Ross and Sawhill, 1975~. The proportion of separated or
divorced black women who headed families increased from 40 to 66 percent
between 1960 and 1984. Similar trends are found among white women: in
1960 35 percent of separated or divorced white women headed families; by
1984 this proportion had increased to 49 percent-higher than the 40 per-
cent recorded for black women in 1960. Never-married white women rarely
head families; only 5 percent did so in 1984. This was true also of black
never-married women in 1960, when 6 percent did so; but by 1984, almost
25 percent of such black women headed families.
These changes can be seen in Figure 10-5a and b. This figure is based on
the rates of marriage, divorce, remarriage, and death observed in 5-year
intervals between 1940 and 1980. It shows the percentage of the total life
span that would be spent in each of five different marital statuses by the
average woman if the rates of that period continued indefinitely. For com-
parative data for men, see Figure 10-5c and d. Of course, not every person
519
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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
TABLE 10~ Blacks as a Percentage of Total U.S. Population, by Age
Group, 1940-2020
Year All Under 15 25-54 65 and Over
1940 9.7 11.5 9.4 6.8
1960 10.5 12.7 8.7 7.0
1980 11.7 14.8 10.7 8.2
2000 13.3 17.0 13.0 8.5
2020 14.9 18.4 15.3 9.9
Sours: Data Tom decennial censuses (for 1940-1980) and Tom Census Bureau projections (for
2000 and 2020~.
TABLE 10-5 Persons Aged 0-14 or 65 and Over per 100 Persons
Aged 25-54
Blacks Whites
Aged Aged Aged Aged Aged Aged
Year 0-14 25-54 65 and Over 0-14 25-54 65 and Over
1940 75 100 12 58 100 17
1960 108 100 18 80 100 25
1980 83 100 23 56 100 32
2000 62 100 20 45 100 32
2020 58 100 29 47 100 49
Sources: Data Tom decennial censuses (for 1940-1980) and Tom Census Bureau projections (for
2000 and 2020).
nation's labor market. Other demographic changes, increased immigration
and the entry of considerable numbers of women into the labor force, greatly
increased the competition for jobs. The 1970s, even without structural shifts
. . . . . . . . . .
in 1nc sultry ant . greater 1nternatlona . competition against American JUS1-
nesses, might have still been a period of difficult labor market adjustment,
particularly for less educated black women and men with little work experi-
ence. In the late 1980s, the baby-boom cohorts of labor market entrants
have subsided and much of the huge increase in labor supply has been
absorbed. This suggests that a much tighter job market can be expected in
the near future. If so, more employers will have incentives to train and
retrain workers. Such an environment will provide great opportunities for
public policy to complement and stimulate employers' policies.
Many such public policies, in the areas of compensatory education and aid
to college students, health care, and employment programs, have been shown
to improve the position of blacks. The opportunity for launching a con-
certed nationwide effort to ameliorate the problems of poverty and under-
achievement may be greater now than they have been in a long time.
548
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CHILDREN AND FAMILIES
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556
,, ,
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APPEN DICES
557
OCR for page 558
Representative terms from entire chapter:
unmarried women