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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 GEORGE MCCLELLAND FOSTER JR. October 9, 1913–May 18, 2006 BY ROBERT V. KEMPER GEORGE MCCLELLAND FOSTER JR. was one of the most influential leaders of American anthropology in the 20th century. Going far beyond his graduate training at the University of California in the 1930s, he became widely known for his pioneering contributions to medical anthropology and applied anthropology, his brilliant comparative analyses of peasant communities (especially his works on the “Image of Limited Good” and the “Dyadic Contract”), and his commitment to long-term research in the community of Tzintzuntzan, Michoacán, Mexico. In reflecting on his life, Foster declared, “I think chance has been the leitmotif of my whole life” (2000, p. 40). He repeatedly turned “chance” into serendipity, which led in turn to innovative explanations about such widespread features of the human condition as the envy of others; the linkages between individuals, groups, and communities; the impact of technology on society and culture; and the tendency to resist change. The quantity, quality, and long-term value of his scholarly work led to his election to the National Academy of Sciences in 1976 and the awarding of numerous other honors, both before and after his retirement in 1979 as professor emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 Foster’s leadership extended beyond his scholarly work. A natural leader, he served as director of the Institute of Social Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution; director of the Anthropology Museum at the University of California; chair of the Department of Anthropology at Berkeley; principal investigator of three consecutive five-year training grants from the National Institute of General Medical Sciences that combined to support more than 100 Berkeley graduate students; and president of the American Anthropological Association during the time of a great professional crisis associated with the Vietnam War. Foster’s legacy is not a single theory or a narrowly constructed model. Far from it. Well anchored at his research base in Tzintzuntzan, he voyaged throughout the world to fulfill professional consultations and to enjoy travel adventures with his extended family. All of these experiences provided significant data for answering the many questions that inspired his anthropological work for more than 70 years. FOSTER’S FAMILY AND HIS EARLY YEARS Foster was born on October 9, 1913, in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, where his father ran the newest of the family’s meatpacking plants. In 1878 his grandfather, Thomas Dove Foster (born in Bradford, England, in 1847), had traveled to Ottumwa, Iowa, where he built the first packing house for the Morrell Company. Foster’s father (George McClelland Foster, born in 1887) trained in engineering for two years at the University of Pennsylvania and spent a year working at General Electric in Schenectady, New York, before returning to work for the family meatpacking business. Everyone took it for granted that Foster Jr. would follow this same career path.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 In 1922 Foster’s family returned to Ottumwa, strategically located 280 miles west of Chicago along what then was called the Burlington Railway. He was the oldest child, followed by two brothers, Bob (Robert Morrell Foster, born 1916) and Gene (Eugene Moore Foster, born 1921), and sister Janet (Mrs. Thorndike Saville Jr., born 1927). In Ottumwa Foster was raised in a “pretty well-to-do” and staunchly conservative Republican household, attended Presbyterian church services (which gave him severe headaches because the sermons were so boring), and grew up assuming that he would attend college. He was sufficiently good at school that he rarely had homework. He joined the Boy Scouts at age 12, and completed the requirements to become an Eagle Scout at age 17. He had his first foreign travel experience in Puerto Rico in 1927, when at age 13, he and his younger brother, Bob, traveled by train from Iowa to New York, where they stayed at the Vanderbilt Hotel. Then, accompanied by a cousin and an adult chaperone, they traveled for four days by the San Lorenzo of the New York and Porto Rico Steamship Company to reach San Juan, where they visited relatives who ran a sugar plantation. His early family travels—to Massachusetts, to Minnesota, to Mackinac Island in Michigan, to Estes Park in Colorado—gave Foster a lifelong desire to travel the world. These trips also inspired his interest in transportation itself—in knowing all about trains, boats, and planes (cf. Foster, 1985).1 Early on, he began to collect train timetables and shipping schedules, and later would walk through airports gathering up schedules at every airline ticket counter. He saved these items in shoeboxes as others saved baseball cards. Decades later his train timetables were donated to the DeGolyer Library at Southern Methodist University, his airline schedules to
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 Northwestern University, and his collection of materials about ships and boats to the Maritime Museum of San Diego. His love of travel and transportation was typical of his life; what began as a hobby turned into expert knowledge and then into stewardship and philanthropy. THE COLLEGE YEARS: FROM HARVARD TO HERSKOVITS Expected to follow his father’s career in engineering, Foster entered Harvard in 1931. Looking back on that year, he felt that he suffered a serious case of culture shock and depression in trying to make the leap from a small town in Iowa to a major university. After a year he transferred to Northwestern. He was much nearer to home, and even was given a car—his mother’s old Essex—as a birthday present in the fall of his sophomore year so that he could travel home every six weeks or so. While his spirits were buoyed, his grades in engineering courses continued to sink. Abandoning engineering, Foster sought refuge in history, but did not find it a good fit. Looking back on his failure in engineering, he felt that he couldn’t live up to his father’s example: “I had to get out into a completely different field where I didn’t have anyone I had to equal or come close to” (2000, p. 32). In the spring of his junior year Foster took a friend’s advice and registered for introductory anthropology. Taught by Melville Herskovits, then the only anthropologist on the Northwestern University faculty, that class introduced Foster to cultures and peoples far beyond his familiar world. He loved it. Not only was Herskovits a top-notch teacher, the class was made more attractive by the presence of a sophomore named Mary LeCron (known as Mickie).2 Foster recalls that he was smitten from that moment, while she didn’t even know that he was there. In this way, anthropology not only
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 became his life’s work but also introduced him to the love of his life, Mickie. Foster followed up his initial encounter with anthropology by taking a long trip to China and Japan in the summer of 1933. A highlight of the trip was his ascent and descent of Mount Fujiyama. In the fall of 1933 Herskovits convinced both Foster and Mickie to take honors degrees, including comprehensive written and oral examinations. Lacking graduate students, Herskovits mentored the two with the goal of preparing them for graduate work. When well-known anthropologists (such as Bronislaw Malinowski) came to the Chicago area, he arranged gatherings in his home, to which Foster and Mickie were invited. In this way Foster was brought into contact with professional anthropologists beginning in his undergraduate days. Years later the Fosters’ elegant, architect-designed home in the Berkeley hills, with its panoramic view of San Francisco, the Golden Gate Bridge, and Mount Tamalpais, became a focal point for gatherings of anthropology faculty and students alike. GRADUATE STUDIES AT BERKELEY: 1935-1941 In the spring of 1935 Foster wrote to Alfred L. Kroeber, one of the leading anthropologists in the country, to inquire about pursuing graduate study in anthropology at the University of California. In his role as acting chair of the Department of Anthropology, Robert H. Lowie wrote back to Foster and urged him not to consider coming out to Berkeley, saying, in effect, that there were no jobs, and it was a just dead-end field (2000, p. 48). Foster persisted, so Lowie grudgingly accepted Foster into the program, along with a handful of other applicants (the best known of whom was Walter Goldschmidt, later professor of anthropology at UCLA).
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 Foster arrived in Berkeley in mid-August 1935 to begin his graduate studies. He found himself literally at the frontier of anthropology, isolated by days of train travel from the major centers of anthropological studies located at universities, museums, and government institutions east of the Mississippi. At that time the Department of Anthropology at the University of California consisted of Alfred L. Kroeber (then age 60) and Robert H. Lowie (age 53)—who were jointly responsible for offering graduate seminars—and instructors Ronald Olson and Edward Gifford. In his extended recollections of his graduate studies at Berkeley, Foster observed: As a group we were tremendously supportive of each other. It occurred to no one to conceal ideas or data, and it astonished me when I returned to Berkeley many years later to find that anthropology was regarded by many graduate students as a limited good, so that one had to be cautious in discussing data and ideas with fellow students and faculty lest they be “stolen” (1976, pp. 15-16). During the 1935-1936 academic year Mickie remained at Northwestern to finish her senior year. Meanwhile, Foster dated other women and she other men. He was briefly engaged in the spring of 1936 to another woman, but broke it off. With the distance Foster and Mickie were drifting apart, so much so that she went east to Columbia University for graduate study in anthropology. During the five-week Christmas break of 1936, he took a solo trip to Mexico. Traveling by train, without any knowledge of Spanish or even a dictionary in hand, Foster went to Mexico City, Oaxaca, Veracruz, and Tabasco, returning through Guadalajara and up the west coast. Back to Berkeley, he told Kroeber that he was set on specializing in Mexico. Just as significant, after returning from Mexico he sent to Mickie some presents acquired during his trip. This initiative proved successful, and they began writing back and forth.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 During the summer of 1937, Foster was given $200 by Kroeber and sent to Round Valley in northern California to study the Yuki culture. Foster recounts that when Kroeber told him that he was to go to the Yuki, I had more than a few doubts as to how to go about it. “Professor Kroeber,” I asked, “can’t you give me some advice about fieldwork?” His eyes twinkled, he paused a moment, and then said, “I suggest you get a stenographer’s notebook and a pencil.” Then he marched on down the hall (1976, p. 17). Looking back on that initial foray into the field, Foster saw it as a test that he survived. He was discouraged at first, and told Kroeber that he couldn’t do it. Kroeber told him to go back and finish the summer—and Foster did. Soon after, he wrote A Summary of Yuki Culture that eventually appeared in the University of California Anthropological Records series (1944). In September 1937 Mickie came to Berkeley, where she had relatives, and renewed her relationship with Foster. Although she arrived too late to register for fall semester courses, she remembers that Foster arranged for her to audit some anthropology courses (M. Foster, 2001, p. 116).3 They were married on January 6, 1938, in Washington, D.C., where her Democrat father was employed in the Department of Agriculture. His parents came from Iowa to attend the private marriage ceremony held at her home. The next day, the newlyweds took the Cunard liner Scythia to Liverpool, traveled through London, where they attended one of Malinowski’s seminars at the London School of Economics, and then onward to Vienna, where they remained until May 24 (and thus were present during the Anschluss). During the summer Mickie’s father sent over a new car by ship so that they could drive around Europe. They traveled through Scandinavia and then attended the International
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences in Copenhagen, where they visited with Herskovits, Malinowski, and other famous anthropologists, before continuing on to Paris. They remained there, studying French (which Mickie already knew well from her high school year abroad in Grenoble), until November 11, when they embarked on the SS Veendam to return to New York. While he was learning French and German in Europe, Foster became intrigued with cultural differences. Reflecting on that experience, he commented that his ideas on envy began when he realized that the word for “tip” in German is Trinkgeld and the word for “tip” in French is pourboire and then a “tip” in English clearly comes from the word “tipple.” I didn’t do anything with those ideas for another thirty years, but they were basic in the work that I did on the anatomy of envy (2000, p. 70). Foster and Mickie returned to Washington, D.C., in November 1938 and then traveled to California, where their son Jeremy was born in March 1939. Mickie tells the story that while she and the baby were still at Peralta Hospital in Oakland, George came to see her. When she asked him if he had gone to see the baby through the nursery window, he replied, “No.” When she asked, “Why not?” he said, Because the other babies are so puny and small and red, and don’t look attractive, and if I ask for my baby—he’s so big and so beautiful, I think they’ll feel badly and be envious, so that I don’t want to put them though that (M. Foster 2001, p. 121). In this intimate family experience one can see elements of what later became Foster’s famous theories about envy and the “Image of Limited Good.” Once again installed in Berkeley, Foster renewed his studies with the aim of preparing for the comprehensive written and oral examinations in the fall of 1939. The “writtens” were especially grueling—30 hours of essays spread over five
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 days. After passing that portion of the examination the orals were more or less a formality. Foster’s committee included Kroeber and Lowie from within the department and three outsiders: geographer Carl Sauer, historian Herbert Bolton, and economist Frank Knight. Having passed his exams, Foster still faced the hurdle of mastering Spanish. He determined that while Mickie and baby Jeremy stayed with her parents in Washington, D.C., he would drive to Mexico. He left on the third of January 1940 and arrived in Mexico City on the 13th. There he made contact with friends whom he had met on his earlier trips to China and Mexico, and then connected with their friends in turn. Leaving one-year-old Jeremy with her parents, Mickie came down in March and stayed six weeks before returning to Washington, D.C. Foster found that Mexican anthropologists proved to be invaluable friends and guides through the maze of Mexican government agencies, opening up doors that Foster did not even know existed. He especially came to depend on his connections with Irmgard Weitlaner and her engineer father, Roberto, who introduced Foster to the Sierra Popoluca of Veracruz in the spring of 1940. Foster met Isabel Kelly, a Berkeley Ph.D. who had done the first systematic archaeological research in western Mexico but had moved to Mexico City by 1940. He also met Donald and Dorothy Cordry, Miguel Covarrubias, Wigberto Jiménez Moreno, and Frances Toor. This early experience in building social networks with local anthropologists provided Foster with an important lesson that he passed on to his students for decades to come. In April 1940 Foster drove back to Ottumwa in just four days, took a train to Washington, D.C., returned by train to Ottumwa, and then drove out to Berkeley, arriving in mid-June. He spent several months studying Spanish and revising
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 his study of Yuki culture for publication. In November he again drove alone to Mexico. In January 1941, having arranged for Jeremy to stay with Foster’s mother in Ottumwa, Mickie joined him in Mexico. Now they were ready to carry out fieldwork among the Sierra Popoluca. With Mickie’s help, Foster spent three months gathering information on economics and linguistics in the town of Soteapan. Returning to Berkeley (via Ottumwa, where they picked up little Jeremy), he quickly wrote up a slim dissertation (published in 1942 as A Primitive Mexican Economy in the monograph series of the American Ethnological Society). Following the Berkeley system established by Kroeber and Lowie, the dissertation was not intended to be a magnum opus but simply a progress report on the student’s development, the last in a long series of exercises. As a result Foster later told his own students to write short dissertations—with 200 pages usually being more than adequate to the need. Having learned the skill of concise writing from Kroeber, Foster passed it along to his own students. In fact, many Berkeley students asked him to serve on their dissertation committees not so much for his ethnographic knowledge or theoretical insights, but because he was willing to spend time working with them on their writing. The experience of Eugene Hammel is typical of what so many students encountered when they handed in a dissertation draft to Foster. He recalls that he gave a copy to Foster on a Friday and got it back, thoroughly marked up, on Monday: He called me in, handed it back, and told me to start over, giving me a list of suggestions. I spent a solid week rewriting and gave the revisions to Foster on a Friday. On Monday he called me in . . , and this process was repeated several times… this anecdote [illustrates] Foster’s complete dedication to his task … and the promptness of his response (Hammel, 2000, p. v).
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 In a tribute at the time of his retirement Foster’s Berkeley colleagues Eugene Hammel and Laura Nader wrote of him: George Foster stands as a challenge to those anthropologists who believe that specialization is incompatible with breadth of view, that scientific and applied work cannot productively be part of one career, that historical and long time association with the same community and region tends to narrow comparative insight (Hammel and Nader, 1979, p. 159). Foster’s commitment to anthropology went far beyond research, teaching, publications, and service. Inheriting considerable family wealth, he quietly provided gifts and endowments totaling well over $1 million to sustain the anthropological institutions with which he was most closely identified: his beloved Anthropology Department at Berkeley, his alma mater Northwestern University, and Southern Methodist University, where two of his former students shaped the growth of its new anthropology department and continued to work with him on writing projects related to medical anthropology and Tzintzuntzan’s community transformation. But it was not just in major gifts and endowments that Foster’s commitment was manifested. At the 1969 AAA annual meeting in New Orleans, a group of anthropologists interested in Mexico and Latin America gathered to discuss the formation of a professional organization (which eventually became the Society for Latin American Anthropology). The leaders of the group had arranged with the hotel to provide drinks and food to those who came to the reception following the meeting. Unfortunately, there was some confusion about whether the organizers or the AAA would pay the bill of several hundred dollars. Foster heard about the situation and anonymously took care of the bill. Throughout his life, Foster attributed his success to chance, luck, and serendipity. In the end, American anthropology was lucky to have Foster.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 CHRONOLOGY 1913 Born on October 9 in Sioux Falls, South Dakota 1935 B.S. degree in anthropology, Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois 1935 Enrolled in doctoral program in anthropology at University of California, Berkeley 1936 First trip to Mexico 1937 Summer fieldwork among the Yuki of Round Valley, California 1938 January 6, married Mary LeCron (known as Mickie) 1940-1941 Fieldwork among the Sierra Popoluca in Soteapan, Veracruz, Mexico 1941 Ph.D. in anthropology, University of California, Berkeley 1941-1942 Instructor in sociology, Syracuse University 1942-1943 Lecturer in anthropology, UCLA 1943 Social science analyst, Institute of Inter-American Affairs, Washington, D.C. 1943-1952 Ethnologist, Institute of Social Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution; 1944-1946, Mexico City; 1946-1952, Institute director in Washington, D.C. 1945-1946 Initial fieldwork in Tzintzuntzan, Michoacán, Mexico 1949-1950 Fieldwork in Spain on Spanish background of contemporary Latin America 1951-1952 Consultant with Institute of Inter-American Affairs on applied anthropology in Latin America 1953-1979 University of California, Berkeley, director, Museum of Anthropology, 1953-1955; lecturer in public health, 1954-1965; professor of anthropology, 1955-1979; department chair, 1958-1961, 1972-1973; director, joint (with UCSF) Ph.D. program in medical anthropology, 1972-1979; professor emeritus, 1979-2006 1957-1959 Member, Executive Board, American Anthropological Association 1958-2004 Continuing longitudinal field research in Tzintzuntzan, Michoacán, Mexico
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 1982 Bronislaw Malinowski Award, Society for Applied Anthropology 1990 Honorary doctor of humane letters degree, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, Texas 1996 Berkeley Anthropology Emeriti Lecture (by Evon Z. Vogt) in honor of Foster 1997 Anthropology Library at Berkeley renamed in honor of George and Mary Foster 2000 First annual George and Mary Foster Distinguished Lecture in Cultural Anthropology, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, Texas 2004 The Deering Family Award, Northwestern University 2005 Career Achievement Award, Society for Medical Anthropology PROFESSIONAL RECORD 1935 B.S. degree in anthropology, Northwestern University 1941 Ph.D. in anthropology, University of California, Berkeley 1941-1942 Instructor in sociology, Syracuse University 1942-1943 Lecturer in anthropology, UCLA 1943 Social science analyst, Institute of Inter-American Affairs, Washington, D.C. 1943-1952 Ethnologist, Institute of Social Anthropology, Smithsonian Institution; 1944-1946, Mexico City; 1946-1952, institute director in Washington, D.C. 1953-1979 University of California, Berkeley, director, Museum of Anthropology, 1953-1955; lecturer in public health, 1954-1965; professor of anthropology, 1955-1979; department chair, 1958-1961, 1972-1973; director, joint (with UCSF) Ph.D. program in medical anthropology, 1972-1979; professor emeritus, 1979-2006
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 MEMBERSHIPS American Anthropological Association (fellow) Cosmos Club, Washington, D.C. Society for Applied Anthropology (fellow) Society for Latin American Anthropology Society for Medical Anthropology Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología NOTES 1. Foster’s line-a-day diary listed details of his travels. His entries typically included the name of the vessel, train, or type of aircraft, times of departure and arrivals, cities and countries along the way, hotels and restaurants, and persons visited. The information provided here, derived from his 56-page single-spaced typed summary of the Fosters’ trips and cruises from 1938 to 2000, is intended to capture some of his enthusiasm for travel. 2. To avoid confusion, I refer throughout to Prof. George McClelland Foster Jr. as “Foster” and to Prof. Mary LeCron Foster as “Mickie.” This use of his patronymic and her nickname reflects the way many perceived them. Even in Tzintzuntzan he always was called “el Doctor” while she was called “Mariquita.” 3. Mickie provided Foster with invaluable assistance—reading and suggesting corrections and improvements on all of his papers—for the next 22 years, until she returned to graduate studies in linguistics at Berkeley. She took advantage of his return to Tzintzuntzan to do field research for a dissertation on Tarascan grammar. Subsequently, she published important work on symbolism, language origins, and peace and conflict (cf. Brandes, 2003, M. Foster, 2001). 4. The Tzintzuntzan corpus of field notes, photographs, censuses, genealogies, etc. eventually will join the rest of Foster’s professional materials in the archives of the Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley. At the time of this writing, the Tzintzuntzan files are being digitized and organized for scholarly use at the Department of Anthropology, Southern Methodist University. Interested scholars should contact the author, who serves as literary co-executor (with Stanley Brandes of the University of California, Berkeley) of Foster’s professional materials.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 5. In 2000 a decade of efforts came to fruition when a Spanish translation of Empire’s Children was published by El Colegio de Michoacán as Los Hijos del Imperio: La Gente de Tzintzuntzan. More than 800 copies of this handsome volume have been provided at no cost to households in the community and to numerous Tzintzuntzeño emigrant households in Mexico and in the United States. 6. The Tzintzuntzan monograph, translated into Spanish as Tzintzuntzan: Los campesinos mexicanos en un mundo en cambio was published by the prestigious Fondo de Cultura Económica and went through three reprintings. The American edition is still in print, having gone from the imprint of Little, Brown (1967) to Elsevier in 1979 and finally to Waveland Press in 1988. 7. Foster’s account of the theoretical, methodological, logistical, and personal dimensions of his over 50 years of research in Tzintzuntzan is presented in the volume Chronicling Cultures (Kemper and Royce, 2002), and represents an extension from his account of 30 years of research published in the earlier volume on Long-Term Field Research in Social Anthropology (1979). 8. The dates for Micaela and members of her household come from the master file (“fichero” in Spanish) created by Foster in the 1960s after he became committed to a long-term study of Tzintzuntzan. Since then, data derived from a series of decennial household censuses, the parish and civil archives, and genealogical data on the major families have been combined on individual 5×8-inch sheets for each of more than 5,000 individuals. The master file is maintained and updated by the author, with assistance from a research team of knowledgeable community members. 9. Without a doubt the most important piece in the Festschrift is that of Eugene Hammel and Laura Nader, titled “Will the Real George Foster Please Stand Up? A Brief Intellectual History” (1979, pp. 159-166). This article is available at the Anthropology Emeritus Lecture Series website, specifically the Fifth Emeritus Lecture delivered by Evon Z. Vogt on October 21, 1996: http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/Anthro/foster/bio/fobib.html. This website also includes a link to the exhibit “Tzintzuntzan, Mexico: photographs by George Foster” (http://hearstmuseum.berkeley.edu/exhibitions/tzin/01.html). Other assessments of Foster’s career include M. Foster (2001); Kemper (1991, 2006); Kemper and Brandes (2007); Weaver (2002); and Zamora (1983).
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 REFERENCES Brandes, S. 2003. Mary LeCron Foster (1914-2001). Am. Anthropol. 105(1):218-221. Clark, M., R. V. Kemper, and C. Nelson, eds. 1979. From Tzintzuntzan to the “Image of Limited Good”: Essays in Honor of George M. Foster. Kroeber Anthropol. Soc. Pap. 55-56. Foster, M. L. 2001. Finding the Themes: Family, Anthropology, Language Origins, Peace and Conflict, an oral history conducted in 2000 by S. Riess, Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library. Berkeley: University of California. (http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=kt4s2003sn&brand=calisphere. Accessed May 24, 2007.) Hammel, E. A. 2000. Introduction. In George M. Foster, An Anthropologist’s Life in the Twentieth Century: Theory and Practice at UC Berkeley, the Smithsonian, in Mexico, and with the World Health Organization, pp. iv-viii. An oral history conducted in 1998 and 1999 by S. B. Riess. Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library. Berkeley: University of California. (http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=kt7s2005ng&brand=calisphere. Accessed May 24, 2007.) Hammel, E., and L. Nader. 1979. Will the Real George Foster Please Stand Up? A Brief Intellectual History. In From Tzintzuntzan to “The Image of Limited Good: Essays in Honor of George M. Foster, eds. M. Clark, R. V. Kemper, and C. Nelson. Kroeber Anthropol. Soc. Pap. 55-56:159-164. Kemper, R. V. 1991. Foster, George M. In International Directory of Anthropologists (compiled by Library-Anthropology Resource Group, C. Winters, gen. ed.), pp. 212-13. New York: Garland Publishing. Kemper, R. V. 2006. George M. Foster (1913-2006). SfAA Newsl. 17(4):3-15. (http://www.sfaa.net/newsletter/nov06nl.pdf. Accessed May 24, 2007.) Kemper, R. V., and S. Brandes. 2007. George McClelland Foster, Jr. (1913-2006). Am. Anthropol. 109(2):427-433. Kemper, R. V., and A. Peterson Royce, eds. 2002. Chronicling Cultures: Long-term Field Research in Anthropology. Walnut Creek, Calif.: Altamira Press. Rollwagen, J. (producer). 1992. Tzintzuntzan in the 1990s: A Lakeside Village in Highland Mexico (Module 1: Introduction, 22 minutes; Module 2: Change in Tzintzuntzan, 33 minutes; Module 3: part 1, Religious Calendar, 14 minutes). Brockport, N.Y.: The Institute Inc.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 Vogt, E. Z. 2002. The Harvard Chiapas Project: 1957-2000. In Chronicling Cultures: Long-term Field Research in Anthropology, eds., R. V. Kemper and A. Peterson Royce, pp. 135-159. Walnut Creek, Calif.: Altamira Press. Weaver, T. 2002. George M. Foster: Medical anthropology in the post-World War II years. In The Dynamics of Applied Anthropology in the Twentieth Century: The Malinowski Award Papers, ed. T. Weaver, pp. 170-186. Oklahoma City: Society for Applied Anthropology. Zamora, M. D., ed. 1983. Social change in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh: Essays in honour of George M. Foster. S. Asian Anthropol. 4(2):63-125.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 1942 A Primitive Mexican Economy. Monographs of the American Ethnological Society V. New York: J. J. Agustin. 1944 A Summary of Yuki Culture. University of California Anthropological Records 5(3):155-244. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1948 With G. Ospina. Empire’s Children: The People of Tzintzuntzan. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, Institute of Social Anthropology Publication No. 6. México, D.F.: Imprenta Nuevo Mundo. 1952 Relationships between theoretical and applied anthropology: A public health program analysis. Hum. Organ. 11(3):5-16. 1958 Problems in Intercultural Health Programs. Social Science Research Council Pamphlet No. 12. New York: Social Science Research Council. 1960 Culture and Conquest: America’s Spanish Heritage. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology No. 27. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. 1961 The Dyadic Contract: A model for social structure of a Mexican peasant village. Am. Anthropol. 63:1173-1192. 1962 Traditional Cultures and the Impact of Technological Change. New York: Harper & Bros. 1963 The Dyadic Contract. II: Patron-client relationship. Am. Anthropol. 65:1280-1294.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 1965  Peasant society and the Image of Limited Good. Am. Anthropol. 67:293-315.  The sociology of pottery: Questions and hypotheses arising from contemporary Mexican work. In Ceramics and Man, ed. F. R. Matson, pp. 42-61. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology No. 41. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. 1967 Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Peasants in a Changing World. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. 1969  Applied Anthropology. Boston: Little, Brown and Co.  Godparents and social networks in Tzintzuntzan. Southwest. J. Anthropol. 25:261-278. 1972 The anatomy of envy: A study in symbolic behavior, and reply [to commentators]. Curr. Anthropol. 13:165-186, 198-202. 1974 With R. V. Kemper, eds. Anthropologists in Cities. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. 1976 Graduate study at Berkeley: 1935-1941. In “Paths to the Symbolic Self: Essays in Honor of Walter Goldschmidt,” eds. J. P. Loucky and J. R. Jones. Anthropol. UCLA 8(1-2):9-18. 1978 With B. Gallatin Anderson. Medical Anthropology. New York: Wiley & Sons. 1979 With T. Scudder, E. Colson, and R. V. Kemper, eds. Long-Term Field Research in Social Anthropology. New York: Academic Press.
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Biographical Memoirs: Volume 90 1982 Applied anthropology and international health: Retrospect and prospect. Hum. Organ. 41:189-197. 1985 South Seas cruise: A case study of a short-lived society. Ann. Tourism Res. 13:215-238. 1994 Hippocrates’ Latin American Legacy: Humoral Medicine in the New World. Langhorne, Pa.: Gordon and Breach Science Publishers. 2000 An Anthropologist’s Life in the Twentieth Century: Theory and Practice at UC Berkeley, the Smithsonian, in Mexico, and with the World Health Organization. An oral history conducted in 1998 and 1999 by S. B. Riess. Regional Oral History Office, Bancroft Library. Berkeley: University of California. (http://content.cdlib.org/xtf/view?docId=kt7s2005ng&brand=calisphere. Accessed May 24, 2007.) 2002 A half century of field research in Tzintzuntzan, Mexico: A personal view. In Chronicling Cultures: Long-term Field Research in Anthropology, eds. R. V. Kemper and A. Peterson Royce, pp. 252-283. Walnut Creek, Calif.: Altamira Press.
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