wish to share NTM data. Thus, the United States should support both the completion of the IMS and its operations, training and maintenance, whether or not the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) enters into force.

Constraints placed on nuclear-explosion testing by the monitoring capabilities of the IMS, and the better capabilities of the U.S. NTM, will reduce the likelihood of successful clandestine nuclear-explosion testing, and inhibit the development of new types of strategic nuclear weapons. The development of weapons with lower capabilities, such as those that might pose a local or regional threat, or that might be used in local battlefield scenarios, is possible with or without the CTBT for countries of different levels of nuclear sophistication. However, such developments would not require the United States to return to testing in order to respond because it already has—or could produce—weapons of equal or greater capability based on its own nuclear-explosion test history. Thus, while such threats are of great concern, the United States would be able to respond to them as effectively whether or not the CTBT were in force.

A technical need for a return to nuclear-explosion testing would be most plausible if the United States were to determine that adversarial nuclear activities required the development of weapon types not previously tested. In such a situation, the United States could invoke the supreme national interest clause and withdraw from the CTBT.

As long as the United States sustains its technical competency, and actively engages its nuclear scientists and other expert analysts in monitoring, assessing, and projecting possible adversarial activities, it will retain effective protection against technical surprises. This conclusion holds whether or not the United States accepts the formal constraints of the CTBT.

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