Clear, open communication between analysts and customers is essential for analyses that are timely, targeted, and useful.
Good communication can be challenging under the best of conditions. Even with extended direct interaction and incentives for candor, customers and analysts may not know what to ask one another or how to detect residual misunderstandings. Communication challenges increase when time is short and the interactions are constrained (e.g., by status relations, politically charged topics, or time pressures). They are tougher still when there is no direct communication between analysts and customers. In such cases, analysts and their customers need organizational procedures that effectively guide requesting, formulating, editing, and transmitting analyses.
Additional pressures arise when analysts know that people other than their direct customers may read, judge, and act on their assessments (e.g., tactical military commanders may access national level strategic analyses by Central Intelligence Agency analysts). The opportunities for miscommunication grow if these secondary readers lack shared understanding and opportunities to ask clarifying questions. Even when analysts have no obligation to serve these other readers, they have an interest in protecting the integrity of their work from others’ inadvertent or deliberate misinterpretations.
This chapter first looks at common obstacles to communication and then at two directions of communication in the intelligence community (IC): from analysts to customers and from customers to analysts. The last section considers issues in organizing for effective communication.
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6
Communication
Clear, open communication between analysts and customers
is essential for analyses that are timely, targeted, and useful.
Good communication can be challenging under the best of conditions.
Even with extended direct interaction and incentives for candor, custom-
ers and analysts may not know what to ask one another or how to detect
residual misunderstandings. Communication challenges increase when time
is short and the interactions are constrained (e.g., by status relations, politi-
cally charged topics, or time pressures). They are tougher still when there
is no direct communication between analysts and customers. In such cases,
analysts and their customers need organizational procedures that effectively
guide requesting, formulating, editing, and transmitting analyses.
Additional pressures arise when analysts know that people other than
their direct customers may read, judge, and act on their assessments (e.g.,
tactical military commanders may access national level strategic analyses
by Central Intelligence Agency analysts). The opportunities for miscom-
munication grow if these secondary readers lack shared understanding
and opportunities to ask clarifying questions. Even when analysts have
no obligation to serve these other readers, they have an interest in pro-
tecting the integrity of their work from others’ inadvertent or deliberate
misinterpretations.
This chapter first looks at common obstacles to communication and
then at two directions of communication in the intelligence community
(IC): from analysts to customers and from customers to analysts. The last
section considers issues in organizing for effective communication.
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INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS FOR TOMORROW
OBSTACLES TO EFFECTIVE COMMUNICATION
Misunderstandings between analysts and customers can arise from the
same sources that complicate any communication. For example, people
tend to exaggerate how well they have understood others and vice versa (for
a review, see Arkes and Kajdasz, 2011). People unwittingly use jargon and
everyday terms (e.g., risk, accountable, secret) in special ways, not realizing
that others use them differently. People use verbal quantifiers (“unlikely,”
“most,” “widespread”) for audiences that want numeric ones (Erev and
Cohen, 1990). People guess wrong about what “goes without saying” for
their communication partners, sometimes repeating the obvious, sometimes
omitting vital facts and assumptions (e.g., Schwarz, 1999). People speak
vaguely when they are not sure what to say, hoping that their partners or
audience will add clarity. People resolve ambiguities in self-serving ways,
hearing what they want to hear (for a review, see Spellman, 2011).
A well-known philosophical account (Grice, 1975) holds that good
communications say things that are (a) relevant, (b) concise, (c) clear, and
(d) truthful. Fulfilling these conditions can, however, be difficult unless the
parties interact directly, allowing the trial-and-error interaction needed to
identify and eliminate ambiguities. Without feedback, for example, indi-
viduals can unintentionally violate truthfulness (condition d) when their
messages are not interpreted as intended. Achieving relevance and con-
ciseness requires understanding what problems the customers are trying
to solve and what facts they already know. Achieving that understanding
requires assessing customers’ information needs in a disciplined way, then
determining how well those needs have been met (see Fischhoff, 2011, for
a review of research on communication).
COMMUNICATING ANALYTICAL RESULTS
Current and forward-looking intelligence analyses contain assessments
about events and expectations about possible future events. Those assess-
ments and expectations inevitably involve uncertainty. Analyses are condi-
tional on assumptions about the world, which must be recognized in order
to know when analyses need to be reviewed. In this section we briefly
describe the research on each of these features as it applies to the IC’s
communication needs. Some of that research, such as studies on how to
communicate probabilities, is directly usable by the IC (e.g., Beyth-Marom,
1982). Other research is embedded in findings on research methods, which
depend on successfully communicating with the individuals being studied:
posing questions and interpreting answers (e.g., Ericsson and Simon, 1993;
Murphy and Winkler, 1987; Poulton, 1994).
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COMMUNICATION
Expectations As discussed in Chapter 3, numeric probabilities convey
expectations clearly, while verbal quantifiers (e.g., likely, rarely, a good
chance) do not. Well-established probability elicitation methods can avoid
known problems, such as overstating hard-to-express low probabilities,
expressing probabilities inconsistently with formally equivalent questions,
or saying “50” in the sense of 50-50 rather than as a numerical value.
These procedures lead to probabilities that capture experts’ beliefs in clearly
understood terms (Morgan and Henrion, 1990; O’Hagan et al., 2006;
Woloshin et al., 1998).
Events Intelligence analyses cannot be evaluated unless the assessments
are clear enough that one could eventually know whether they were true
(e.g., Iraq disbanded its nuclear program in 1991) or expected events have
occurred (e.g., North Korea will test a long-range missile within 6 months).
Even seemingly common terms (e.g., risk, safe sex) have been found to have
multiple meanings that individuals often fail to realize or clarify (Fillenbaum
and Rapoport, 1971; Fischhoff, 2009; Schwarz, 1999). Well-established
research methods provide approaches that can be used in communicating
analytic results (see Fischhoff, 2011, for descriptions and references). One
such method for minimizing misunderstanding is the manipulation check,
asking customers to interpret a given analysis in order to assess its consis-
tency with the analysts’ intent (Mitchell and Jolley, 2009). A second such
method is back translation, in which an independent analyst translates a
customer’s interpretation, hoping to reproduce the meaning of original
analysis (Brislin, 1970). A third is the think-aloud protocol, in which cus-
tomers say whatever comes to mind when reading an analysis in order to
reveal unexpected misinterpretations (Ericsson and Simon, 1993).
Uncertainty Because no analysis is guaranteed, decision makers must
understand the underlying uncertainties. How solid is the evidence? How
reliable are the supporting theories? Different kinds of evidence have dif-
ferent expressions of uncertainty (Politi et al., 2007). For example, ranges
can be used to express uncertainties in quantitative estimates (O’Hagan
et al., 2006). Uncertainty about theories can be expressed in terms of the
extent of controversies in the field and the maturity of its underlying sci-
ence (Funtowicz and Ravetz, 1990). In medical research, the study design
(e.g., randomized controlled trials, clinical observations) conveys important
information about uncertainties (Schwartz et al., 2008). The probabilistic
language used in National Intelligence Estimates (e.g., National Intelligence
Council, 2007) invites empirical evaluation of the uncertainty understood
by decision makers (see Figure 3-1).
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INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS FOR TOMORROW
Rationale Customers often need to know not only what analysts have con-
cluded, but also why they have reached those conclusions. This knowledge
affords customers deeper mastery of the analysis and the ability to explain
their decisions to others. A scientific formulation of this challenge is ensur-
ing that customers have accurate mental models of the key drivers of the
events. Psychology has a long history of studying mental models in differ-
ent domains (Bartlett, 1932; Ericsson and Simon, 1993; Furnham, 1988).
Typically, such studies begin with think-aloud protocols asking people to
explain their implicit theories, allowing communications to build on what
they already know and fill critical gaps (Morgan et al., 2001).
Assumptions Analyses always depend on assumptions about underlying
conditions. The communication process is not complete unless customers
know what changes in the world, or beliefs about the world, should trigger
redoing an analysis. These boundary conditions should make sense given
the rationale of the analysis (explaining why the assumptions matter) and
its uncertainty (providing the probability of their being violated). Stating
these assumptions explicitly protects customers from having to deduce them
and alerts customers to changes that warrant attention. Doctors’ warnings
about the potential side effects of a prescribed drug are meant to play the
same role.
COMMUNICATING ANALYTICAL NEEDS
Communication from customers to experts (including analysts) has
been studied far less than communication from experts to customers. Yet,
failure in this direction can lead to analysts’ addressing the wrong problems
as a result of not understanding customers’ needs.
The same basic behavioral and social processes complicate communica-
tion in this direction. One such factor is status differences, which make it
difficult for analysts to ask clarifying questions. A second is assumptions
about common knowledge, which lead experts to assume that customers
see the world in more common terms than is actually the case, as occurs in
ineffective doctor-patient communication (Epstein et al., 2008).
From the perspective of decision theory (see Kaplan, 2011; McClelland,
2011), the most valuable information is that which will have the greatest
effect on a decision maker’s choices or predictions. The field of decision
analysis has methods for identifying those needs (e.g., Clemen and Reilly,
2002; von Winterfeldt and Edwards, 1986). Formal applications of these
methods can be quite technical (e.g., optimal sampling of information for
assessing the quality of products or the size of an oil reservoir). However,
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COMMUNICATION
their logic applies to any situation in which there are limits to analysts’
ability to create information and customers’ ability to absorb it. The first
step is sketching the customers’ decision tree and asking what might be
missing (e.g., options that have escaped their notice, precise probability
assessments, and challenges to unrecognized assumptions): for treatment
of graphical analyses, see Clemen and Reilly (2002).
ORGANIZATION AND EVALUATION
Most of the scientifically validated methods for improving communi-
cation can be implemented with modest expense and effort. They could
be incorporated into routine training so that analysts have a better under-
standing of the challenges and pitfalls in communicating about analyses.
The methods might even be taught to customers, perhaps during introduc-
tory briefings for new office holders. Some of the issues are already rela-
tively well known from popularizations of the research (e.g., Ariely, 2008;
Gawande, 2002; Thaler and Sunstein, 2008).
As for other types of organizations, there is no substitute for empirical
evaluation of specific communications with actual customers. If a formal
evaluation under these conditions is impossible, an informal one is likely
to be better than nothing: for example, having someone uninvolved with
an analysis write a summary and answer some manipulation checks, as a
way of showing analysts how well their message has been understood. The
intensive internal review, coordination, and approval processes used by the
IC are designed to improve clarity and accuracy. However, the committee
found no evidence on how these processes affect how well analyses are
understood—and did hear concerns about the problems that can arise when
too many people edit an analytic product.
Communication about technical issues has been addressed by several
reports from the National Research Council (e.g., 1989, 1996) and other
bodies (e.g., Canadian Standards Association, 1997; Presidential/Congres-
sional Commission on Risk Assessment and Risk Management, 1997). In
addition to calling for the use of methods such as those cited here, these
reports recommend organizational processes that ensure continuing com-
munication between experts and customers in order to ensure the relevance
and comprehensibility of analytical products. For example, the Food and
Drug Administration (2009) recently issued a strategic communication plan
that may provide a partial road map for other agencies that deal with sensi-
tive information and have multiple audiences that scrutinize their actions.
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INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS FOR TOMORROW
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