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5
Supporting Physical and Psychological
Development in Child Care Settings
In Chapters 3 and 4, our discussion of child care and child devel-
opment traced the evolution of research on child care and identified the
key structural dimensions of quality in child care. This chapter takes a
more differentiated look at specific aspects of physical and psychological
development In the context of child care. Our aim is to identify practices
that support both physical and psychological health in child care settings.
We turn first to research on physical health and safety. We ask whether
and to what extent participation in child care is associated with risk for
infectious diseases, injury, abuse, or neglect; and we point to practices that
protect children's health and safety in child care settings. We turn next
to the psychological outcomes and examine practices supportive of specific
developmental processes in child care. The research on child care is not
"developmental" in the sense of yielding a detailed theory or picture of
children's changing needs in child care with increasing age (beyond the in-
fancy/postinfancy demarcation). It is developmental, however, in the sense
of focusing on particular developmental processes (e.g., peer relations,
language development) and asking how these are affected by child care
settings. Accordingly, our discussion in this section is organized around
developmental processes rather than age groups. In the last part of the
chapter we address the needs of two special groups of children: children
with developmental disabilities and school-age children. These children's
needs differ from those of normally developing infants and preschoolers,
and we consider child care practices that are supportive of their develop-
ment.
108
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SUPPORTING PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
PHYSICAL HEALTH AND SAFEI Y IN CHILD CARE
109
There is a burgeoning literature on children's physical health and
safety in child care. Jarman and Kohlenberg (1988) reviewed more than
200 studies for the panel; they concluded that, despite a bewildering array
of methodological obstacles and gaps in the research, the findings on several
issues converge and lead to conclusions that have significant implications
for policy and practice.
Infectious Diseases
Respiratory Pact Infections
Respiratory tract infections (colds, ear infections, sore throats, laryngi-
tis, croup, epiglottitis, bronchiolitis, bronchitis, pneumonia, and flu) account
for the majority of young children's illnesses and absences from school and
child care (Denny et al., 1986; Doyle, 1976; Fleming et al., 1987; Strangert,
1976; Wald et al., 1988~. The evidence indicates that children in child care
tend to experience more of these infections and at a younger age (Denny
et al., 1986; Doyle, 1976) than children cared for at home, although some
question the strength of the pattern (Haskins and Kotch, 1986~. Studies
show that children under 3 years of age who are in child care have more
episodes of respiratory tract infection than children cared for at home;
yet after the age of 3, they appear to have fewer infections of these kinds.
Health experts indicate it is likely that these children encounter the common
childhood viral pathogens at a younger age, and acquire immunity earlier,
than children who first encounter them when entering group settings such
as nursery school or kindergarten.
In general, the respiratory tract infections that child care children ex-
perience appear to be minor, self-limited, and inevitable. However, findings
suggest that frequent early respiratory infections predispose these young-
sters to ear infections that are more frequent, persistent, and recurrent
(Daly et al., 1988; Fleming et al., 1987; Haskins and Kotch, 1986; Hen-
derson and Giebink, 1986~. Such a pattern of early ear infections may
have implications for children's language development. Accordingly, there
is an urgent need for prospective studies that encompass not only micro-
bial surveillance and measures of illness, but also audiological assessment
and measures of language development. Studies of the developmental and
family effects of the increased frequency of minor illnesses in infants and
young children in child care are also needed.
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110
Diarrheal Disease
WHO CARES FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN?
The evidence regarding diarrhea! disease among children in child care
is less consistent than that regarding respiratory illnesses; some but not all
studies show these children at increased risk relative to children cared for at
home (Bartlett et al., 1985; Dingle et al., 1964; Reeves et al., 1988; Sullivan
et al., 1984~. Wide variation in risk estimates for diarrhea may partly
reflect seasonal and geographic variations in the prevalence of infecting
organisms. However, the evidence is consistent in identifying particular
child care features that are associated with higher rates of diarrhea. By
far the best-established risk factor is the presence of children who are not
yet toilet trained (Ekanem et al., 1983~. The risk of diarrhea! disease is
also higher when caregivers both diaper children and prepare food (Lemp
et al., 1984~. The risk of diarrhea! disease can be diminished by limiting
group size; separating same age from different age children (Pickering et
al., 1981~; strictly adhering to the hygienic practice of hand washing after
diapering infants and before food preparation (Gehlbach et al., 1973~; and
excluding from child care and treating those children suspected of having
bacterial diarrhea on the basis of blood or mucus in the stool (Weissman
et al., 1975~.
Meningitis
Meningitis is an example of a formidable disorder of low prevalence
that has major consequences for those children who become infected.
There is strong agreement across studies that bacterial meningitis (most
often caused by H. in~uenzue type b tHib]) can be transmitted among
children and, further, that children attending child care are at increased
risk of contracting primary cases of this disease (Cochi et al., 1986; Haskins
and Kotch, 1986; Istre et al., 1985; Redmond and Pichichero, 1984~.
However, there is no agreement across studies as to the extent of the
risk to children in child care, once a primary case has occurred: some
studies indicate a substantial risk of secondary disease and some do not
(Band et al., 1984; Fleming et al., 1985; Ginsburg et al., 1977; Osterholm
et al., 1987~. The evidence on the household contacts of primary cases
more consistently documents increased risk than the evidence for child
care contacts of primary cases (Filice et al., 1978; Granoff and Basden,
1980; Ward et al., 1979).
For treatment, Rifampin may reduce the risk of secondary acquisi-
tion of Hib meningitis in susceptible youngsters, but recommendations for
this therapy vary. The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends such
therapy only for household contacts of an index case in households with at
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SUPPORTING PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
111
least one person 4 years old or younger, whereas the Immunization Prac-
tices Advisory Committee of the Centers for Disease Control recommends
Rifampin for all contacts in households as well as child care groups with
one or more children under 2 years who have been exposed (American
Academy of Pediatrics, 1986; Granoff and Basden, 1980~. New vaccines
currently under development may offer protection for even very young chil-
dren, thereby further reducing the threat of disease in child care settings
(American Academy of Pediatrics, 1986~.
Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)
The risk of transmission of HIV infection in a group care setting
appears to be extremely low, and to date there is no report of a child
or a caregiver becoming seropositive for HIV because of exposure in a
child care center or family day care home. Despite the very low risk of
transmission of HIV infection in child care settings, however, extremely
restrictive guidelines have been promulgated for the exclusion of infected
children (American Academy of Pediatrics, 1987; Blackman and Appel,
1987; Centers for Disease Control, 1985~. Such guidelines suggest the
exclusion of infected children if they are not yet toilet trained, if they
place hands or objects in their mouths, if they bite, or if they have oozing
skin lesions. The guidelines are reactions to the extreme consequences of
infection for a child and family rather than to the extremely limited risk
of transmission by body fluids to peers. Retrospective research is clearly
needed to evaluate the contacts of children who have been diagnosed with
HIV infection to address public fears regarding peer transmission.
Additional areas of concern include compliance with existing infection
control recommendations (which reduce the risk to caregivers and to chil-
dren with AIDS who have not yet been diagnosed) and the development
of child care centers to serve children with AIDS.
Viral Hepatitis
Viral hepatitis presents a potentially substantial occupational health
problem to child care workers, but a limited problem for child care chil-
dren (Balistreri, 1988~. The limited research concerning viral hepatitis
indicates that child care settings that cater to non-toilet-trained children
are frequently a source of disease in attendees, adult caregivers, and house-
hold contacts. Furthermore, although approximately 75 percent of infected
children show very mild symptoms, 75 percent of infected adults develop
a disabling illness lasting from 2 weeks to 2 months (Balistreri, 1988~. By
far the most significant risk factor associated with an outbreak of viral
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112
WHO CARES FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN?
hepatitis in a child care center is the presence of children under 2 years of
age (Hadler et al., 1982~.
Fortunately, medical intervention can be highly effective in limiting
the transmission of viral hepatitis. Specifically, public health experts rec-
ommend that the identification of one or more cases in a child care center
should be followed by immunoglobulin prophylaxis for all staff and children
in the same room as the index case (Centers for Disease Control, 1981~.
Although prophylaxis for household members has not been shown to be
effective, it is recommended for parents of children who wear diapers in
circumstances in which three or more families associated with a child care
group show infection. Immunoglobulin prophylaxis can virtually eliminate
the spread of viral hepatitis within a child care group.
In addition to the use of immunoglobulin prophylaxis, other practices
(hand washing, disinfection of diaper change surfaces and toys, segregation
of children by age group) are recommended to curb the spread of any
disease that is transmitted via the fecal-oral route, although their efficacy
specifically for viral hepatitis has not been demonstrated. There has been
some progress in the development of a hepatitis A vaccine for use in
humans, but it is not ready for general use (McLean, 1986~.
Cytomegalovirus
Although cytomegalovirus (CMV) does not cause symptoms of acute
infection in child care children (acute infection is generally asymptomatic),
it can cause serious neurological damage to an embryo or fetus in utero
if a pregnant woman experiences her first CMV infection during the first
half of pregnancy (Conboy et al., 1987; Melish and Hanshaw, 1973; Pass
et al., 1980; Stagno et al., 1986~. Therefore, there is potential risk to the
fetus carried by the mother of an infected child in child care and to that of
a pregnant child care worker (Adler, 1988b).
Evidence indicates that CMV is excreted by approximately one-half of
the children in centers with 50 or more children. Furthermore, children
between 1 and 3 years of age do spread CMV to each other in child care
settings. Children bring infections home to their parents and particularly
to their mothers. And child care workers are at some risk of acquiring
CMV, although less so than parents of child care children (Adler, 1986,
1988b; Pass and Hutto, 1986; Pass et al., 1987~. There are as yet no specific
measures to control the risks of CMV infection, which remain low for any
given pregnancy. CMV transmission in child care settings can be limited
by standard hygienic practices because the virus is inactivated by soaps,
detergents, and alcohols (Adler, 1988a).
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SUPPORTING PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
Injury
113
Data on rates and severity of injuries to children in child care are
limited. ~ date, there are no studies contrasting the incidence of injury
among child care children and home-reared children. Nor has there been
a prospective study with rigorous measurement procedures. Available in-
formation concerning injury among children in child care thus rests on
documentation of injury rates within centers and family day care homes.
From the few studies that have examined injuries, it is clear that child
care children show similar types of injuries to children reared at home,
with the possible exception of bites from other children (Garrard et al.,
1988~. A majority of injuries in child care settings occur on the playground
and particularly on climbing equipment (Aronson, 1983; Elardo et al.,
1987; Landman and Landman, 1987~. Minor injuries (e.g., abrasions) are
common, but they are widespread among young children in general.
The most important conclusion regarding injuries is the need for
rigorous prospective studies that contrast children in family day care and
center care with home-reared children and document the circumstances
associated with injuries.
Abuse and Neglect
There is only one major study of sexual abuse in child care settings.
A national survey of sexual abuse in child care (supported by the National
Center on Child Abuse and Neglect and the National Institute of Mental
Health) indicates that the risk of a child being sexually abused in child care
(5.5/10,000 children) is significantly smaller than the risk of sexual abuse by
a family member in a child's own home (8.9/10,000 children) (Finkelhor et
al., 1988~. That study also found that the traditional indicators of quality
of care (e.g., group size, ratio) did not predict low risk for sexual abuse.
Abusers in child care settings rarely had previous histories of arrest for
abuse (8 percent did), the majority had some college education, and most
had at least 2 years of experience in child care. Sixty percent of the abusers
were men; 40 percent were women. Only 35 percent of the abusers were
employed in the centers as child care workers.
Similarly, the evidence on physical abuse and neglect is scarce. A
study in Kansas, a state with strict supervision and enforcement procedures,
indicated reports of abuse and neglect in only 1.4 percent of all child care
facilities (which were rapidly followed up by legal intervention) (Schloesser,
1986~. By contrast, in North Carolina during 1982-83 (at that time one
of the least regulated and supervised states) 16.5 percent of complaints to
the Office of Child Care Licensing involved abuse or neglect (Russell and
Clifford, 1987~. Complaints were filed for 8.6 percent of centers and 2.3
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114
WHO CARES FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN?
percent of licensed family day care homes. This study indicated problems
in the timing, quality, and rate of prosecution following complaints.
There are no overall national figures for rates of physical abuse and
neglect in child care. However, state-level data raise the possibility that
supervision and enforcement mechanisms, which vary substantially by state,
may be a factor associated with actual or possibly only reported rates of
abuse and neglect.
Exclusion Policy and Child Care for Sick Children
There are substantial differences of opinion among parents, child care
staff, and pediatricians about when it is appropriate to exclude a symp-
tomatic child from a child care setting (Landis et al., 1988~. Furthermore,
decision rules with a goal of limiting or preventing the spread of infection
are often not based on sound scientific knowledge concerning transmis-
sion, perhaps partly because the period or patterns of contagion and the
appearance of symptoms often do not correspond closely.
Jarman and Kohlenberg (1988) report that available medical evidence
suggests several conclusions:
1. There is no evidence that excluding children with respiratory infec-
tion changes the risk of disease for other children in child care or for their
caregivers.
2. At present, available evidence does not justify policies that restrict
child care attendance for all children with diarrhea! disease. Instead,
exclusion is potentially valuable only in a small minority of cases, notably
those marked by the presence of blood and mucus in the stools.
3. With the exception of children under age 2 (Klein, 1987), there is
no evidence to suggest that fever itself merits exclusion from child care as
a means of controlling infection (Shapiro et al., 1986~. Exclusion in such
cases should be based on concerns for the comfort of the child, rather than
the spread of infection.
4. In the case of hepatitis A, there is usually considerable spread of
virus before the disease is detected. Prompt initiation of immunoglobulin
prophylaxis once disease is detected generally eliminates the need for
exclusion (Centers for Disease Control, 1981~.
5. Exclusion of a child with meningitis occurs automatically as a result
of the usual need to hospitalize the ill youngster for appropriate therapy
(see discussions of guidelines following identification of an index case,
above).
6. The restrictive guidelines for exclusion of children diagnosed with
HIV infection reflect the consequences associated with infection rather
than the theoretical risk of transmission in child care settings (American
Academy of Pediatrics, 1987; Centers for Disease Control, 1985~.
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SUPPORTING PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
115
When children are ill, employed parents often lack options for their
care. Stringent exclusion policies in many child care facilities have provided
an impetus for the development of alternative models for child care for
sick children. Four models for such care have been identified (Rodgers
et al., 1986), though none is widely available: a "get-well room" within a
child care center for a mildly ill child; a satellite family day care home to
which a sick child is transferred; care in the child's own home by a trained
worker from an agency or a caregiver from the child's own center; and an
infirmary or independent facility that cares for mildly ill children. Given
children's needs for psychological nurturing as well as physical care when
they are ill, many professionals prefer care in the child's own home (Chang
et al., 1978~. However, the feasibility of implementing this model is limited
because the financial expense of hiring a trained professional to provide
one-on-one care is beyond the means of many families.
Summary and Implications for Practice
Home-reared children and those in child care do not differ significantly
in the kinds of diseases or injuries they experience. Differences that do
occur are quantitative rather than qualitative. For example, there is a mild
to moderate increase in the risk of a number of common infectious diseases
for children in child care, but these generally do not entail long-term health
consequences. Viral respiratory illnesses appear to be more common among
child care children in the first 3 years; there are indications that they have
fewer such illnesses in later years. The single longer term consequence
of the common infections identified in this review is the possibility that
more frequent middle-ear infections in early life may have lasting effects
on hearing and language development. Children in child care also contract
diarrhea! illnesses more frequently than children cared for at home, but
these illnesses rarely have any long-term health consequences.
Regarding rare but more serious infectious diseases, group child care
does increase the risk for hepatitis A, CMV, and meningitis. There is no
evidence of increased risk among child care children of HIV. From the
perspective of children's health, it is only Hib disease (meningitis) that
is of substantial concern. Children with hepatitis A or CMV are usually
minimally symptomatic. Although primary as well as secondary infections
with Hib disease are more frequent in child care settings, these account for
very small percentages of child-care-related illnesses. Chemoprophylaxis
diminishes the risk of secondary infections, and new vaccines may further
diminish overall risk.
Finally, there is no evidence to suggest that child care attendance
is associated with increased risk of physical injury, sexual abuse, physical
abuse, or neglect, although further study of these issues is needed. Thus,
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WHO CARES FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN?
despite significant increases in a host of minor infectious diseases, it is
apparent from this review that child care attendance poses no major risks
to the health status of young children in the United States.
Existing scientific evidence and best professional practice from the
fields of pediatrics and public health suggest a number of practices for
safeguarding the health and safety of children in child care settings:
· limiting group size;
separating groups of children according to age;
· strictly adhering to hand-washing practices particularly after dia-
pering and before food preparation;
regularly cleaning and disinfecting diaper changing surfaces and
communal objects and toys;
excluding children presenting with bloody stool and children youn-
ger than age 2 with fever, as well as other selected infectious
diseases;
Rifampin therapy following the identification of an index case of
Hib meningitis; and
immunoglobulin prophylaxis following identification of an index
case of viral hepatitis.
There is little documentation of specific measures that can reduce
injury, abuse, and neglect among children in child care. Some evidence in
the research suggests, however, that instances of abuse and neglect can be
diminished by strict supervision, enforcement, and prosecution of reported
cases.
PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT IN CHILD CARE
The years when children may be participating in child care are years
of rapid transition in several domains of development. At very young ages,
children form their first attachment relationships with adults as well as
their first friendships with peers. They extract the rules of language from
the speech they hear, and they use increasingly complex speech. Children
identify themselves as part of a cultural group and, surprisingly early, assess
for themselves the way in which their group is seen. From their interactions
with the physical and social world, young children are constantly developing
their perceptual, reasoning, and problem-solving abilities.
What specific child care practices support these developmental pro-
cesses? In this section, we examine the existing knowledge of child care
features and practices that are related to social development (relationships
with adults, relationships with peers, and positive group identity in a mul-
ticultural context) and cognitive development (language development and
more broadly defined intellectual development).
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SUPPORTING PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
Relationships With Adults
117
Research on children's relationships with adults has focused on two
processes: the quality of attachment relationships and children's coopera-
tiveness with adults. Although studies examining child care and attachment
have traditionally emphasized implications for children's attachment to their
mothers, recent evidence suggests the need for a broader perspective. The
evidence is as yet limited, but there are indications that children's attach-
ments to their caregivers are also important and, further, that development
among children in child care can be best understood through simultaneous
consideration of attachments to parents and to caregivers.
Attachment to Mother
As discussed in Chapter 3, the quality of children's attachments to
their mothers has been considered a useful index of their overall emotional
well-being (Ainsworth, 1985; Bretherton and Waters, 1985; Campos et al.,
1983; Sroufe, 1985~. Factors influencing that attachment are also assumed
to have importance for later development. Individual differences in chil-
dren's attachments to their mothers have been found to be influenced by
the mothers' sensitivity and responsiveness to a child's needs and commu-
nicative behavior in its first year and related to the mothers' own emotional
well-being and network of support, to the child's personality, and to the
socioeconomic stresses experienced by the family (Bretherton and Waters,
1985; Campos et al., 1983; Crockenberg, 1981; Sroufe, 1985~. An issue that
remains clouded with some uncertainty concerns the nature of the effects
of full-time child care during the first year of life on infant-mother attach-
ment. Although research has consistently shown that children of working
mothers are attached to their mothers (Clarke-Stewart and Fein, 1983; see
also Chapter 3), the question has been raised as to whether the quality of
such attachments differs for children in full-time care during their first 12
months.
As we discussed in Chapter 3, current assessments of infants' attach-
ments to their mothers rest on a single laboratory assessment, the "strange
situation" that places infants under the stress of separation from their moth-
ers and observes their responses to both the separation and the reunion
(Ainsworth et al., 1978~. Using this assessment, studies have shown that in-
fants whose mothers work full time in the infants' first year are more likely
to show a pattern of "anxious-avoidant" attachment than infants whose
mothers do not (Barglow et al., 1987; Belsky, 1988; Belsky and Rovine,
1988; Schwarz, 1983~. Children who spent their first year in full-time child
care were also found in some studies to be more aggressive and uncoop-
erative, although this finding is not consistent (Barton and Schwarz, 1981;
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118
WHO CARES FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN?
Haskins, 1985; McCartney et al., 1982; Rubenstein and Howes, 1983; also
see below).
Although there is agreement about these research findings, their in-
terpretation remains open. Some researchers argue that these findings
indicate that babies whose mothers are absent for most of the day have
missed experiences that are essential for the development of social rela-
tionships outside the home, but this view has been criticized on several
grounds: First, the validity of the laboratory situation as an assessment
of the mother-child relationship for children accustomed to full-time child
care has not been established. Second, it is not clear whether the observed
associations are due to poor quality of care in infancy rather than to care
per se, to continuity of poor care beyond infancy, or to differences in the
families whose children are in full-time care in infancy from those whose
children are not (Clarke-Stewart, 1989~. Further stringent monitoring of
the implications of early full-time care and a broader based assessment of
children's relationships with their mothers are clearly needed before the
conflicting interpretations can be assessed.
Attachment to Caregiver
Recent research suggests that there may be important developmental
implications of security of attachment not just to mothers but also to
careg~vers. In addition, secure attachment to a caregiver may function to
offset insecure infant-mother attachment (Howes et al., 1988~. Positive
involvement with a particular caregiver in child care is associated with
more exploratory behavior in children (Anderson et al., 1981~. Children
with secure attachments to a caregiver also appear to spend more time
engaged in activities with peers in child care (Howes et al., 1988~. Thus, a
secure attachment to a caregiver may provide children with a "safe base"
from which to explore both the physical and the social worlds.
I-here are only a few indications from research of the child care cir-
cumstances that foster the development of secure attachments to caregivers.
Findings indicate that those attachments are more likely to occur in child
care settings with fewer children per caregiver, in contexts in which children
are less often ignored by caregivers (Howes et al., 1988), and when there
is continuity for children in terms of the time they spend with a particular
caregiver (Anderson et al., 1981~. These findings suggest that the precur-
sors of secure attachment to mother and to a caregiver are similar: interest
in, and availability for, interactions with the child.
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134
WHO CARES FOR AMERICA'S CHILDREN?
experience of age appropriate activities . . . one would expect very different
outcomes to be associated with it" (Vandell~ and Corasaniti, 1988:18~.
Summary and Implications for Practice
At present, there are few studies of child outcomes related to variations
in after-school care. The picture that emerges from the limited data base is
that school-age children benefit from communication between teachers or
caregivers in different settings and from an after-school program that com-
plements structured school programs through activity options and flexibility,
the possibility of more sensory motor activity, and caregiver behavior that is
somewhat warmer and more personally responsive in style than that of the
regular classroom teacher. Studies are needed to replicate initial findings
and extend them to community-based rather than model programs and to
varying age and socioeconomic groups. Research examining a variety of
approaches to closeness of supervision in comparison with child autonomy,
and the nature of activities in after-school programs, would also be helpful.
CONCLUSIONS
As in the previous chapters, our review of the evidence points to
gaps and flaws, but existing research findings also suggest several firm
conclusions.
The evidence on physical health and safety points to quantitative but
not qualitative differences in the health status of children reared at home
by parents and those who spend time in child care settings. Our assessment
of the magnitude of these differences leads us to conclude that child care
attendance does not involve a major risk to the health status of young
children. At the same time, we call for continued empirical research,
particularly on the developmental implications of middle-ear infections
among children in child care and on practices to diminish the risk of
bacterial meningitis among these youngsters.
The organization of the settings and the guidance provided by care-
givers can foster positive social and cognitive development among children
in child care. Thus, for example, positive relations among peers and coop-
erative behavior with adults are more likely to occur when children receive
guidance in social relations from caregivers. Similarly, language develop-
ment in child care can be fostered by particular kinds of verbal interactions
between children and caregivers, namely, those that involve shared focus
and informational content. Child care settings also present unique oppor-
tunities to enhance particular aspects of social and cognitive development.
For example, they can serve as a context for the affirmation of children's
cultural, racial, or ethnic group identity.
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SUPPORTING PHYSICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
135
The social development of children with developmental disabilities
can be enhanced by participation in an integrated child care environment.
However, benefits occur only when staff receive both initial and ongoing
training and there is appropriate programming.
Many children of employed parents are in self-care, and there is some
evidence of problems among children in self-care after school. Determining
the need for after-school care and those features of after-school child
care that are important to the development of school-age children should
become a priority. The limited evidence available indicates that high-quality
after-school programs involve communication between teachers and after-
school caregivers and after-school activities that complement the regular
school curriculum.
Child care settings were traditionally viewed as environments that,
by comparison with children's own homes, were deficient as contexts for
development This and the previous two chapters present a different pic-
ture. Family day care and center care can be environments that effectively
support children's health and development. They can also provide some
unique opportunities for enhancing development (e.g., for peer interac-
tions, cognitive interventions, cultural affirmation). Yet existing evidence
from research and professional practice forces us to face an important
caveat: child care supports healthy physical and psychological development
only when it is of high quality.
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1988
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1986
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1988a Molecular epidemiology of pytomegalovirus: Viral transmission among children
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1988b Cytomegalovirus transmission among children in day care, their mothers, and
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Ainsworth, M.D.S.
1985 Patterns of infant-mother attachments: Antecedents and effects on development.
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
day care
