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Summary
T
he United States is among the wealthiest nations in the world, but it
is far from the healthiest. Although life expectancy and survival rates
in the United States have improved dramatically over the past cen-
tury, Americans live shorter lives and experience more injuries and illnesses
than people in other high-income countries. A growing body of research
is calling attention to this problem, with a 2011 report by the National
Research Council confirming a large and rising international “mortality
gap” among adults age 50 and older. The U.S. health disadvantage can-
not be attributed solely to the adverse health status of racial or ethnic
minorities or poor people, because recent studies suggest that even highly
advantaged Americans may be in worse health than their counterparts in
other countries.
As a follow-up to the 2011 National Research Council report and
in light of this new evidence, the National Institutes of Health asked the
National Research Council (NRC) and the Institute of Medicine (IOM) to
convene a panel of experts to study this issue. The Panel on Understanding
Cross-National Health Differences Among High-Income Countries was
charged with examining whether the U.S. health disadvantage exists across
the life span, exploring potential explanations, and assessing the larger
implications of the findings.
THE INFERIOR HEALTH STATUS OF THE UNITED STATES
The panel’s analysis compared health outcomes in the United States
with those of 16 comparable high-income or “peer” countries: Austra-
lia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Italy, Japan,
1
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2 U.S. HEALTH IN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and
the United Kingdom. We examined historical trends dating back several
decades, with a focus on the more extensive data available from the late
1990s to 2008.
Over this time period, we uncovered a strikingly consistent and per-
vasive pattern of higher mortality and inferior health in the United States,
beginning at birth:
• For many years, Americans have had a shorter life expectancy than
people in almost all of the peer countries. For example, as of 2007,
U.S. males lived 3.7 fewer years than Swiss males and U.S. females
lived 5.2 fewer years than Japanese females.
• For the past three decades, this difference in life expectancy has
been growing, especially among women.
• The health disadvantage is pervasive—it affects all age groups up
to age 75 and is observed for multiple diseases, biological and
behavioral risk factors, and injuries.
More specifically, when compared with the average for peer countries,
the United States fares worse in nine health domains:
1. Adverse birth outcomes: For decades, the United States has expe-
rienced the highest infant mortality rate of high-income countries
and also ranks poorly on other birth outcomes, such as low birth
weight. American children are less likely to live to age 5 than chil-
dren in other high-income countries.
2. Injuries and homicides: Deaths from motor vehicle crashes, non-
transportation-related injuries, and violence occur at much higher
rates in the United States than in other countries and are a leading
cause of death in children, adolescents, and young adults. Since the
1950s, U.S. adolescents and young adults have died at higher rates
from traffic accidents and homicide than their counterparts in other
countries.
3. Adolescent pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections: Since
the 1990s, among high-income countries, U.S. adolescents have
had the highest rate of pregnancies and are more likely to acquire
sexually transmitted infections.
4. HIV and AIDS: The United States has the second highest preva-
lence of HIV infection among the 17 peer countries and the highest
incidence of AIDS.
5. Drug-related mortality: Americans lose more years of life to alcohol
and other drugs than people in peer countries, even when deaths
from drunk driving are excluded.
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SUMMARY 3
6. Obesity and diabetes: For decades, the United States has had the
highest obesity rate among high-income countries. High prevalence
rates for obesity are seen in U.S. children and in every age group
thereafter. From age 20 onward, U.S. adults have among the high-
est prevalence rates of diabetes (and high plasma glucose levels)
among peer countries.
7. Heart disease: The U.S. death rate from ischemic heart disease is
the second highest among the 17 peer countries. Americans reach
age 50 with a less favorable cardiovascular risk profile than their
peers in Europe, and adults over age 50 are more likely to develop
and die from cardiovascular disease than are older adults in other
high-income countries.
8. Chronic lung disease: Lung disease is more prevalent and associ-
ated with higher mortality in the United States than in the United
Kingdom and other European countries.
9. Disability: Older U.S. adults report a higher prevalence of arthritis
and activity limitations than their counterparts in the United King-
dom, other European countries, and Japan.
The first half of the above list occurs disproportionately among young
Americans. Deaths that occur before age 50 are responsible for about two-
thirds of the difference in life expectancy between males in the United States
and peer countries, and about one-third of the difference for females. And
the problem has been worsening over time; since 1980, the United States
has had the first or second lowest probability of surviving to age 50 among
the 17 peer countries. Americans who do reach age 50 generally arrive
at this age in poorer health than their counterparts in other high-income
countries, and as older adults they face greater morbidity and mortality
from chronic diseases that arise from risk factors (e.g., smoking, obesity,
diabetes) that are often established earlier in life.
The U.S. health disadvantage is more pronounced among socioeco-
nomically disadvantaged groups, but even advantaged Americans appear
to fare worse than their counterparts in England and some other countries.
That is, Americans with healthy behaviors or those who are white, insured,
college-educated, or in upper-income groups appear to be in worse health
than similar groups in comparison countries.
Certain factors do not appear to be responsible for the U.S. health
disad antage. The United States has higher survival after age 75 than do
v
peer countries, and it has higher rates of cancer screening and survival, bet-
ter control of blood pressure and cholesterol levels, lower stroke mortality,
lower rates of current smoking, and higher average household income. In
addition, U.S. suicide rates do not exceed the international average. Finally,
the nation’s large population of recent immigrants is generally in better
health than native-born Americans.
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4 U.S. HEALTH IN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
With these important exceptions, Americans under age 75 fare poorly
among peer countries on most measures of health. This health disadvantage
is particularly striking given the wealth and assets of the United States and
the country’s enormous level of per capita spending on health care, which
far exceeds that of any other country.
POSSIBLE EXPLANATIONS FOR THE
U.S. HEALTH DISADVANTAGE
The panel’s search for potential explanations revealed that important
antecedents of good health—such as the quality of health care and the
prevalence of health-related behaviors—are also frequently problematic in
the United States. For example, the U.S. health system is highly fragmented,
with limited public health and primary care resources and a large uninsured
population. Compared with people in other countries, Americans are more
likely to find care inaccessible or unaffordable and to report lapses in the
quality and safety of care outside of hospitals.
In terms of individual behaviors, Americans are less likely to smoke and
may drink less heavily than their counterparts in peer countries, but they
consume the most calories per capita, abuse more prescription and illicit
drugs, are less likely to fasten seatbelts, have more traffic accidents involv-
ing alcohol, and own more firearms than their peers in other countries. U.S.
adolescents seem to become sexually active at an earlier age, have more
sexual partners, and are less likely to practice safe sex than adolescents in
other high-income countries.
Adverse social and economic conditions also matter greatly to health
and affect a large segment of the U.S. population. Despite its large and
powerful economy, the United States has higher rates of poverty and income
inequality than most high-income countries. U.S. children are more likely
than children in peer countries to grow up in poverty, and the proportion
of today’s children who will improve their socioeconomic position and
earn more than their parents is smaller than in many other high-income
countries. In addition, although the United States was once the world leader
in education, students in many countries now outperform U.S. students.
Finally, Americans have less access to the kinds of “safety net” programs
that help buffer the effects of adverse economic and social conditions in
other countries.
Although all of these differences are compelling and important, no
single factor fully explains the U.S. health disadvantage, for example:
• Problems with the health care system might exacerbate illnesses
and heighten mortality from certain diseases but cannot account
for transportation-related accidents or violence.
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SUMMARY 5
• Individual behaviors may contribute to the overall disadvantage,
but studies show that even Americans with healthy behaviors, for
example, those who are not obese or do not smoke, appear to have
higher disease rates than their peers in other countries.
• The problem is not confined to socially or economically disadvan-
taged Americans; as noted above, several recent studies have sug-
gested that even Americans with high socioeconomic status may
experience poorer health than their counterparts in peer countries.
Many conditions that might explain the U.S. health disadvantage—
from individual behaviors to systems of care—are also influenced by the
physical and social environment in U.S. communities. For example, built
environments that are designed for automobiles rather than pedestrians
discourage physical activity. Patterns of food consumption are also shaped
by environmental factors, such as actions by the agricultural and food
industries, grocery store and restaurant offerings, and marketing. U.S. ado-
lescents may use fewer contraceptives because they are less available than in
other countries. Similarly, more Americans may die from violence because
firearms, which are highly lethal, are more available in the United States
than in peer countries. A stressful environment may promote substance
abuse, physical illness, criminal behavior, and family violence. Asthma rates
may be higher because of unhealthy housing and polluted air. In the absence
of other transportation options, greater reliance on automobiles in the
United States may be causing higher traffic fatalities. And when motorists
do take to the road, injuries and fatalities may be more common if drunk
driving, speeding, and seatbelt laws are less rigorously enforced, or if roads
and vehicles are more poorly designed and maintained.
The U.S. health disadvantage probably has multiple explanations, some
of which may be causally interconnected, such as unemployment and a lack
of health insurance. Other explanations may share antecedents, especially
those rooted in social inequality. Still others may have no obvious rela-
tionship, as in the very distinct causes of high rates of obesity and traffic
fatalities. The relationships between some factors may develop over time,
or even over a person’s entire life course, as when poor social conditions
during childhood precipitate a chain of adverse life events. Turmoil and
risk-taking in adolescence can lead to subsequent setbacks in education
or employment, fomenting life-long financial instability or other stresses
that inhibit healthy life-styles or access to health care. In some cases, the
explanation may simply be that the United States is at the leading edge of
global trends that other high-income countries will follow, such as smoking
and obesity.
Given the pervasive nature of the low U.S. rankings—on measures
of health, access to care, individual behaviors, child poverty, and social
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6 U.S. HEALTH IN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
mobility—the panel considered the possibility that a common thread might
link the multiple domains of the U.S. health disadvantage. Might certain
aspects of life in modern America—including some of the choices that
American society is making (knowingly or not)—be part of the explana-
tion for the U.S. health disadvantage? There are no definitive studies on
this subject, but the public health literature certainly documents the health
benefits of strengthening systems for health and social services, education,
and employment; promoting healthy life-styles; and designing healthier
environments. These functions are not solely the province of government:
effective policies in both the public and private sector can create incentives
to encourage individuals and industries to adopt practices that protect and
promote health and safety. In countries with the most favorable health
outcomes, resource investments and infrastructure often reflect a strong
societal commitment to the health and welfare of the entire population.
Because choices about political governance structures, and the social
and economic conditions they reflect and shape, matter to overall levels of
health, the panel asked whether some of these underlying societal factors
could be contributing to greater disease and injury rates and shorter lives in
the United States. And might these choices also explain the inability of the
United States to keep pace with peer countries in other important health-
related domains, such as education and child poverty? These are important
questions for which further research is needed. It will also be important for
Americans to engage in a thoughtful discussion about what investments and
compromises they are willing to make to keep pace with health advances
other countries are achieving. Before this can occur, the public must first be
informed about the country’s growing health disadvantage, a problem that
may come as a surprise to many Americans.
NEXT STEPS
The evidence regarding the U.S. health disadvantage is considerable
and growing, but many fundamental questions remain about its underlying
causes, the complex causal pathways that link health determinants with
health outcomes, and how these pathways differ for specific subgroups
of people over time and place. New data and new analyses are needed to
answer these questions and to uncover the best ways of improving health
outcomes in the future.
The panel offers three research recommendations for the scientific com-
munity to better understand what is driving the U.S. health disadvantage
and how it can be reduced (see Box S-1). The panel recommends work to
harmonize the data that are currently collected in many countries and to
add questions to existing surveys, both in the United States and elsewhere;
to develop new measures of health outcomes and new analytic methods
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SUMMARY 7
BOX S-1
Recommendations Relating to Research
RECOMMENDATION 1 Acting on behalf of all relevant data-gathering
agencies in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, the
National Institutes of Health and the National Center for Health Statistics
should join with an international partner (such as the OECD or the World
Health Organization) to improve the quality and consistency of data
sources available for cross-national health comparisons. The partners
should establish a data harmonization working group to standardize
indicators and data collection methodologies. This harmonization work
should explore opportunities for relevant U.S. federal agencies to add
questions to ongoing longitudinal studies and population surveys that
include various age groups—especially children and adolescents—and
to replicate validated questionnaire items already in use by other high-
income countries.
RECOMMENDATION 2 The National Institutes of Health and other
research funding agencies should support the development of more
refined analytic methods and study designs for cross-national health
research. These methods should include innovative study designs, cre-
ative uses of existing data, and novel analytical approaches to better
elucidate the complex causal pathways that might explain cross-national
differences in health.
RECOMMENDATION 3 The National Institutes of Health and other
research funding agencies should commit to a coordinated portfolio of
investigator-initiated and invited research devoted to understanding the
factors responsible for the U.S. health disadvantage and potential solu-
tions, including lessons that can be learned from other countries.
for determining how various factors affect these outcomes; and to adopt a
long-term sustained commitment to support this research agenda.
While these efforts are under way, the panel urges that the nation not
simply wait for more data before addressing the U.S. health disadvantage:
evidence is already available to begin tackling this important problem and
the lead conditions responsible for it. The strength of our findings—which
was a surprise to us—led us to consider what public- and private-sector
leaders can do to begin to catch up with the health advances that other
countries are achieving. In the recommendations related to policy, listed in
Box S-2 and explained in greater detail in Chapter 10, we encourage three
avenues for action: pursuing established national health objectives, alerting
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8 U.S. HEALTH IN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE
BOX S-2
Recommendations Relating to Policy
RECOMMENDATION 4 The nation should intensify efforts to achieve
established national health objectives that are directed at the specific
disadvantages documented in this report and that use strategies and
approaches that reputable review bodies have identified as effective.
RECOMMENDATION 5 The philanthropy and advocacy communities
should organize a comprehensive media and outreach campaign to
inform the general public about the U.S. health disadvantage and to
stimulate a national discussion about its implications for the nation.
RECOMMENDATION 6 The National Institutes of Health or another
appropriate entity should commission an analytic review of the avail-
able evidence on (1) the effects of policies (including social, economic,
educational, urban and rural development and transportation, health
care financing and delivery) on the areas in which the United States has
an established health disadvantage, (2) how these policies have varied
over time across high-income countries, and (3) the extent to which
these policy differences may explain cross-national health differences in
one or more health domains. This report should be followed by a series
of issue-focused investigative studies to explore why the United States
experiences poorer outcomes than other countries in the specific areas
documented in this report.
the public, and exploring innovative policy options. More specifically, the
panel recommends
• Pursuing National Health Objectives The panel urges a strength-
ened national commitment to existing public health objectives that
address the specific health disadvantages documented in this report.
That commitment should include the application of effective strate-
gies and policies, as identified by reputable review bodies, to reform
the health system, promote healthy behaviors, and improve health-
related social conditions and community environments.
• Alerting the Public The panel envisions a robust outreach effort
to inform the public about the growing U.S. health disadvantage
relative to other high-income countries and to stimulate a national
discussion about the implications of this for future policy, practice,
and research.
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SUMMARY 9
• Identifying Innovative Policies The panel believes that there is
much to learn from a thorough examination of the policies and
approaches that countries with better health outcomes have found
useful and that may have application, with adaptations, in the
United States. Also of value would be a series of issue-focused
investigative studies to seek explanations for the specific health
disadvantages documented in this report.
The life-course perspective adopted by the panel underscores the impor-
tance of early life, not only because children and youth are often the
victims of the U.S. health disadvantage, as in the case of infant mortality
and adolescent homicides, but also because early life is a critical develop-
mental period that can shape health development trajectories throughout
life. The seeds of illnesses that strike older adults are often planted before
age 25, a period when adverse social and environmental exposures and the
establishment of unhealthy behaviors and risk factors can lead to life-long
consequences. The striking health and social disadvantages documented
among U.S. infants, children, and adolescents emphasize the importance of
child and family services, support for education, especially in early child-
hood, and social services that safeguard young people. At the same time,
public health and social policy solutions that target middle-aged and older
adults can produce important improvements in life expectancy and health,
particularly because of the high prevalence of chronic diseases that afflict
Americans at older ages.
COSTS OF INACTION
The consequences of not attending to the growing U.S. health disad-
vantage and reversing current trends are predictable: the United States will
probably continue to fall further behind comparable countries on health
outcomes and mortality. In addition to the personal toll this will take, the
drain on life and health may ultimately affect the economy and the pros-
perity of the United States as other countries reap the benefits of healthier
populations and more productive workforces. With so much at stake,
especially for America’s youth, the United States cannot afford to ignore its
growing health disadvantage.
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