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congestion (50 percent reported no change), and 50 percent were more satisfied with their work trips under the staggered hours program (9.8 percent were less satisfied). Of the supervisors sam- pled, 24.6 percent reported improved employee punctuality. Only 11.6 percent reported increased tardiness. About 15 percent cited some operational communications problems, but none indicated any actual drop in efficiency. Reasons for the improved employee punctuality were examined with a study of the distribu- tion and length of all rail rapid transit and commuter rail AM peak-period delays recorded on 18 randomly selected days in 1970. The study indicated that a rapid transit commuter with a 9:00 AM reporting time at work, compared to a commuter with an 8:30 AM reporting time, had a 25 percent greater likelihood of encountering a delay, and that each delay averaged 40 per- cent longer in duration. Similarly, a commuter rail user starting work at 9:00 AM had a delay likelihood 67 percent greater and an average delay duration 50 percent longer. This equates to a 1 hour morning trip time reduction each month for rapid transit users on an 8:30 AM sched- ule, and a larger savings for commuter rail users. Interestingly, rapid transit service between 8:10 and 8:30 AM (2,369 trains scheduled) was found to be nearly equal to the service offered between 8:40 and 9:00 AM (2,427 trains scheduled), and train annulments (cancelled or out-of- service trains, which figure more heavily in passenger overcrowding than delay) were 17 percent more frequent for the 9:00 AM commuter than for the 8:30 AM commuter. More . . . An unknown in considering programs such as this is the extent to which gradual adop- tion of flexible work hours in recent years may have reduced the remaining potential for alternative work arrangements peak spreading by shifting the baseline starting point. A survey of the present- day ambient traffic peaking on or at critical facilities, followed by comparison with a baseline of doc- umented historical peaking data, would be a good beginning for addressing this question. Sources: O'Malley, B. W., and Selinger, C. S., "Staggered Work Hours in Manhattan." Traffic Engineering and Control. Printerhall Limited, London, U.K. (January, 1973). · Introductory and concluding comments by the Handbook authors. Lloyd District Travel Demand Management--Portland, Oregon Situation. The Lloyd District is a medium-to-high-density commercial and residential area of Portland, Oregon, located just east of the Central Business District (CBD) across the Willamette River. Once predominately a low-rise residential area, its development into a mixed-use activity center on its own right accelerated in the late 1980s with the introduction of MAX light rail transit (LRT) service. In addition to the Lloyd Center Shopping Mall, the Lloyd District became home to high-density retail streets, as well as the Oregon Convention Center, the Rose Garden Arena, and the Memorial Coliseum. Shoppers, event goers, employees, and residents found themselves com- peting for increasingly scarce on- and off-street parking with commuters to downtown Portland, who were parking at free on-street spaces and then riding transit into the CBD. This situation was not only producing traffic and parking problems in the Lloyd District, but also undermining the region's transportation goal of reducing SOV use for commuting to the downtown. In 1990, the City of Portland, along with a coalition of downtown business interests, the Portland Development Commission, the regional transit agency (TriMet), and the regional planning orga- nization (Metro), began development of the Central City Transportation Management Plan. This plan had as its goal providing for 75,000 new jobs and 15,000 new housing units in the central city by 2010. As part of its structure, the plan divided the city into eight districts. The Lloyd District 19-148
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was one of these districts and, because of its proximity to the CBD, was expected to capture 20 per- cent of the new jobs and 13 percent of the new housing units. Actions. In September of 1997 the City of Portland, in concert with TriMet and the Lloyd District's Transportation Management Association (LDTMA), implemented the Lloyd District Partnership Plan (LDPP). The plan was specifically aimed at curbing SOV use for the commute to and from the Lloyd District. Adding further impetus to the plan was the establishment of the Employee Commute Options (ECO) Rule by the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality in 1996, requiring the implementation of trip reduction measures in order to maintain National Ambient Air Quality Standards. The ECO rule required any employer of 50 or more employees to develop a plan for achieving a 10 percent reduction in work-destined vehicle trips within a 3-year time frame. Participation in the LDPP lifted many of the ECO requirements for individual worksites in return for supporting district-wide measures such as limiting and charging for parking. The LDPP included six major elements: (1) transit service improvements, including three direct express bus routes to the Lloyd District business core; (2) infrastructure improvements providing for a concentration of passengers and buses, convenience of transfers, and passenger amenities; (3) rideshare and bicycle improvements; (4) parking management strategies, including parking meters on most streets within the district, limitations on new parking supply, maximum parking ratios, and carpool metered spaces; (5) TDM strategies including the TriMet PASSport discount pass program, emergency ride home, and communication and promotion activities; and (6) program evaluation consistent with ECO rule requirements. Analysis. A study was undertaken, as part of the City of Portland's assessment obligation, by Portland State University. A survey was conducted involving 259 employers in the Lloyd District, inquiring as to whether the way they usually got to work changed since the parking meters were installed in August 1997. A retrospective approach was necessary because the evaluation project was not commissioned until 1998, 1 year after the LDPP was implemented. The sample of employers equated to 19 percent of Lloyd District's 1,370 employers. A survey was mailed to all employees in the set of 233 employers having 49 or fewer employees, representing 545 employees total, and to a random sample of about 50 percent of the 26 employers with 50 or more employees. In all, 1,000 surveys were sent out, and 519 were returned and deemed valid for analysis. Out of the 519 total respondents, 400 answered the question of whether they had changed the way that they got to work, with 23 percent indicating that a change in mode had occurred. Results. The survey returns were divided into three groups: all respondents, respondents whose employers participated in the PASSport program, and those whose employers did not participate in PASSport. (As presented earlier in this chapter, PASSport is a mechanism through which employers can help discount the cost of transit passes for their employees.) It was found that for all respondents, driving alone decreased by 7 percent (from 60 percent to 56 percent), with most of the shift going to carpooling, which increased by 38 percent (from 12 percent to 17 percent), while transit retained its existing share of about 19 percent. Walking, biking, and "other" showed insubstantial increases. For those respondents whose employer participated in PASSport, drive alone decreased by 19 percent and, again, a majority of those shifting went to carpooling, which increased by 41 percent. Transit share did see a 12 percent increase within this group, while walk/bike/other changed negligibly. Mode shares among the non-PASSport employees showed a 2 percent increase in drive-alone mode and a 36 percent decrease in transit, although carpooling still increased by 20 percent. The reason for this may have to do with the special carpool parking provisions discussed next. 19-149
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When the parking meters were installed in the Lloyd District in the fall of 1997, the rate on most streets was $0.75 per hour for a 2-hour limit, 20 to 30 percent less than meter pricing in the CBD. Long- term (5-hour) meters were installed at the outer fringes of the District, reserved until 10:00 AM for carpoolers, who were required to display a special permit costing $30/month. Thereafter the cost was $0.35/hour. A key finding was that most employees in the Lloyd District responded to the introduction of park- ing meters not by diverting to another mode, but by demonstrating a willingness to pay for what was once free. Use of the on-street carpool spaces remained low in terms of the proportion of all those who drove and parked (less than 1 percent for the entire sample). Of those who drove and parked, the percentage who parked in off-street parking--either employer-provided or commercial-- increased. Data indicate that before the meters were introduced, 61 percent of employees who drove and parked in the District paid nothing to park. This percentage declined to 46 percent after the meters. However, the average price for those employees who paid something to park only increased from $0.34 to $0.37 per hour. Among the PASSport employees, 47 percent parked free before the meters versus 28 percent after, while the average cost for those who paid increased from $0.34 to $0.36 per hour. The survey asked employees to rank the top three reasons for changes, if any, in travel behavior. The greatest share, 25 percent, indicated that their reason for shifting was unconnected to any TDM measure, but rather reflected a change in lifestyle. The next largest share, 22 percent, said that installation of the parking meters was their No. 1 reason for changing, followed by 19 percent who said that the PASSport program was their top reason. In ranking their No. 2 reasons for change, nearly 36 percent of employees who changed behavior cited the PASSport program, while about 7 percent cited parking meters as their second reason. More . . . A policy of seeking Lloyd District employee input is credited with having enhanced TDM program impacts over time. As part of periodic LDTMA surveys, employees are queried about their perceived needs. This information is fed back to participating employers and also guides LDTMA prioritization of new bus service. Additional bus service is offered in direct response to Lloyd District transit ridership growth. VTPI's Online TDM Encyclopedia presents updated information on mode split in the Lloyd District, which suggests a deepening of impact both in SOV trip reduction and in a positive shift toward tran- sit use as the preferred alternative. These 2005 data indicate a drive-alone share down to 43 percent from 60 percent in 1997, transit at 39 percent mode share versus 21 percent in 1997, and rideshar- ing at 11 percent compared to 16 percent in 1997. The 2005 statistics also indicate that biking and walking have stayed about the same, at around 3 percent and 2 percent, respectively, while telecommuting and compressed work week (CWW) use has increased from 0.5 percent or less to just under 1 percent each. TDM was undoubtedly not the sole cause of the 19972005 shift toward transit use. In 1998, the MAX Blue Line (the east-west LRT service running through the Lloyd District) was extended into the west suburbs of Portland. In 2001, Lloyd District Blue Line service was augmented with MAX Red Line trains to the airport. In 2004, the connecting MAX Yellow Line serving Northeast Portland was opened through the western edge of the district. Sources: Bianco, M. J., "Effective Transportation Demand Management: Combining Parking Pricing, Transit Incentives, and Transportation Management in a Commercial District of Portland, Oregon." Transportation Research Record 1711 (2000). · Hillsman, E. L., Center for Urban Transportation Research, University of South Florida. Email to the Handbook authors. Tampa, FL (January 16, 2009). 19-150