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13 EXPANDING THE DEFINITION OF RISK security as transit managers recognized that the public's per- ception of security influenced their travel decisions. In recent years, defining risk has often revolved around discussions of the readiness to avoid and the capability to CPTED grew out of the concept of "defensible space" for- respond to terrorist acts. But the same factors that make mulated in the late 1960s by the architect and urban planner public transit vulnerable to terrorism also make transit Oscar Newman. Newman recognized that the design of the agencies vulnerable to other types of crimes and to claims physical environment could create opportunities for people of injury or loss of property. For example, unlike airports, to come together and in doing so remove the opportunity transit systems do not have either single or closely watched for criminals to act without the fear of being observed. In points of egress and access. Transit vehicles travel in pre- this view, design features enhance or inhibit the possibility dictable paths at predictable times along ROWs that are of crime occurring in a specific place by producing either generally unguarded and easily accessible to the public. positive or negative behaviors by those who enter the prem- Brian Jenkins, who has written extensively on transit ter- ises. At the same time, places that are designed in ways that rorism, has observed that for those individuals who are seem to inhibit crime (clean, well-lit, and offer few hiding intent on killing in quantity and willing to kill arbitrarily, places for the ill-intentioned) also foster feelings of security. transit provides the perfect target in part because it pro- Patrons sense that those responsible for the site are in con- vides anonymity and an easy getaway (Jenkins 2001). trol even if they do not actually observe uniformed transit The same conditions exist for other, nonterrorist crimes employees present. and also for traditional risk management concerns such as claims of loss of property and injury by employees, The theory was expanded in the late 1970s by what have patrons, or trespassers. come to be known as SCP theories. The first of these, com- monly referred to as opportunity theory, states that offenders In recent years rail agencies have recognized the inter- will commit crimes wherever two factors converge: suit- twining needs of crime prevention--whether related to able targets and an absence of protection. Added to this, the terrorism or any criminal event--and safety. Safety and rational choice perspective stated that, with the exception of security concerns are enumerated, analyzed, and ranked rare crimes of passion, offenders make rational choices that using similar methodologies. Each analysis is similar to a involve weighing the pros and cons of committing particular traditional risk assessment and is required as a condition of crimes in particular areas (Cohen and Felson 1979; Cornish receiving funds from DHS or approval under FTA's New and Clarke 1986). A nonviolent adaptation of these theories Starts programs. These assessments, whether called threat is the "ghost riders," who calculated that they could allege and vulnerability assessments, hazard analyses, or risk reg- phony injuries because no one was on the buses or railcars istry reviews, are intended to establish that an agency is to report their fraud. The disabled bus or railcar was a suit- aware of and has provided satisfactory provisions for the able target on which to commit fraud because there were no detection, deterrence, and response to safety hazards and guardians to note their fraudulent behavior. security vulnerabilities. SCP can be viewed as an action plan for combating crime Thus, the recognition of a role for electronic video sur- or fraud. Broadly speaking, its premise is that the physi- veillance in both risk management and crime prevention did cal environment can be managed to control both the fear of not occur in a vacuum; it was part of a developing litera- crime and the likelihood of its actual occurrence. Whereas ture in the 1970s on theories of crime prevention and also CPTED focuses on physical design elements to minimize reflected growing concerns by transit managers that patrons vulnerabilities, SCP includes cleanliness, type and amount perceived transit systems as unsafe. Current discussions on of staffing, and more general target-hardening techniques. video surveillance as a potential terrorist detection tool and its use in post-event investigation are a continuation of its A plan in barrier-free systems to resolve a problem of crime prevention applications. These new uses have been patrons ignoring TVMs and failing to pay their fares illus- made possible by technology that permits more accurate trates how the theories overlap and also the role that video identification of persons and objects than the earliest sys- surveillance continues to play in detecting fare evasion. tems were capable of providing. A solely CPTED-based solution to payment fraud would involve moving the payment area to a location more easily Influence of Crime Prevention Theories visible to general users or to agency security personnel, but this may not be possible in an older system. An SCP-based The expansion of video surveillance from a risk manage- solution would add environmental deterrents to any built-in ment to a law enforcement tool was also influenced by the environmental controls, such as the possibility of external emerging theories of crime prevention through environmen- surveillance (general video monitoring) and plainclothes tal design (CPTED) and situational crime prevention (SCP). officers to observe, arrest, and prosecute violators. In this These theories altered the way transit agencies addressed example, video monitoring alone may not correct the prob-

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14 lem, but in all likelihood, particularly with appropriate sig- police chief, Angus MacLean, said the cameras were pur- nage, it will encourage some nonpayees to pay rather than posely left visible to riders and to alert potential criminals risk being caught on video. If combined with the ability that they were being monitored. He admitted, though, that of the person monitoring the video to speak directly to the the cameras served mostly a psychological purpose because nonpayees or to direct an officer to the scene, this system is they were viewed only at the station manager's kiosk, which likely to deter all but the most persistent nonpayees. was often unattended (LaVigne 1996, p. 174). CPTED is particularly valuable in the initial design of a Probably unknown to patrons, was that the video screens transit system because it makes use of natural surveillance were not monitored by police officers, but by civilian atten- and access control, and territorial reinforcement to assist dants who used two-way portable radios to contact police agency personnel in fostering an environment that mini- more quickly than in most of the older transit systems. This mizes the opportunity for crime. In effect, it uses physical deployment has not changed; today, most surveillance moni- arrangements to produce socially-acceptable behavior that tors are viewed by some combination of civilian rail opera- will reduce actual crime and also the fear of crime. But tions personnel and by police/security officers. As indicated because perfect CPTED solutions are rarely available, even previously, this system integration allows the video network in new construction, SCP-based solutions, particularly elec- to maintain safe and efficient rail operations while also tronic video surveillance, have become the most common observing possible vandalism or criminal behavior. backup plans. Regardless of who was watching, WMATA received con- New Transit Systems Incorporate Design Improvements siderable publicity for instances when patrons were warned by someone monitoring the surveillance system not to stand The idea of designing new transit systems based on CPTED too close to the platform edge or to pick up trash they had features while also incorporating surveillance technology dropped somewhere other than into the receptacles provided. was pioneered with the construction of WMATA, which WMATA was not the only agency that used it video sur- began operation in 1976. Much studied by transit profession- veillance for basic order maintenance. In an article discuss- als and academic researchers, WMATA was described as ing the expanded use of surveillance, The New York Times "crime free" and labeled "one of the safest subway systems reported on an incident at the Hoboken, New Jersey, PATH in the world" based on its architectural design, which used station where a couple was startled to hear a voice from the crime prevention principles, vigilant maintenance policies, police command center at about 2 a.m. reminding the male and stringent enforcement of rules (LaVigne 1996, p. 163). to put out his cigarette and asking him and his female com- panion to take their feet off the bench (Halbfinger 1998). Recognizing that the architects and planners had the luxury of starting from scratch rather than having to Though these examples might seem amusing or even accommodate existing technology and design, much was petty, it is unlikely that patrons getting such messages made of the system's high ceilings and uniform 600-ft-long will consider participating in serious vandalism or crimi- platforms. In addition to their length, the platforms were nal behavior. Unstated also is that it is likely to discourage straight and relatively pillar-free, with few indentations or employees from shirking assigned duties or undertaking places for those with ill intentions to hide. This also con- other inappropriate behavior as long as cameras are known tributed to a feeling of spaciousness and standing room free to be in use. of having to crowd in on other patrons, all elements viewed by crime prevention specialists as adding to passenger com- As with WMATA, MARTA, established in 1972, also fort and feelings of security. was designed as a wholly new entity and also included elec- tronic surveillance technology from its inception. In addition Although deep below street level (the system has some of to constant surveillance in the stations, MARTA included the steepest escalators of all U.S. transit systems), platforms other designed-in risk mitigation and crime prevention tech- were well lit and immaculately maintained. In addition to a nological advances such as passenger intercoms, emergency uniformed attendant on each mezzanine, every station was phones, and anti-passback fare gates. The emergency phone designed with a minimum of eight surveillance cameras in system was more extensive than most rail systems and relied operation, placed at the ends of each platform and on ceilings on a variety of color-coded phones; white phones were des- at entrances and exits. Elevators were also equipped with ignated for passenger assistance, blue phones were linked surveillance cameras. Relying on the police theory of the to zone centers where personnel monitored video cameras, dual message of omnipresence, namely that a visible police and red phones were designed as fire phones (Guidelines for officer sends a message to the ill-intentioned that there is a Effective Use... 1997, p. 40). high probability of being caught in a criminal act and to the well-intentioned that the law enforcement presence provides As new systems were developed that included electronic security by deterring the ill-intentioned, WMATA's first video surveillance, its use underwent a dramatic change