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MARGARET MEAD
December ~ 6, ~ 901-November 15, ~ 978
BY CLIFFORD GEERTZ
MARGARET MEAD was probably the most famous anthro-
pologist of her time, and even more probably the most
controversial. Author of more than fifteen hundred books,
articles, films, anct occasional pieces; a tireless public speaker
traveling the world to instruct ancl persuade; a field re-
searcher of extraordinarily extensive and varied experience;
a hyperactive organizer of projects, conferences, programs,
and careers; and possessed of a seemingly endless fund of
opinions on every subject under the sun that she was all too
willing to share with anyone who asked, and many who clic!
not; she left no one who came into contact with her or her
works indifferent to either.
Even cleath, which came from pancreatic cancer in the
winter of 197S, a month shy of her seventy-seventh birthday,
clid not still the debates that circulatect about her person anct
her work. The appearance in 1983 of the New Zealand/Aus-
tralian anthropologist Derek Freeman's highly publicizecl
wholesale attack on her first book, Coming of Age in Samoa,
published fifty-five years earlier, began yet another round of
intense and often bitter discussion, both popular and profes-
sional, whose end is still not in sight. She was the subject of
a special memorial issue of the American Anthropologist in June
1980, in which eight of her students and coworkers contrib-
329
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330
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
uted assessments of various aspects of her work; of an af-
fecting memoir by her daughter, Mary Catherine Bateson,
herself an anthropologist, in 1984; and of a mammoth, fact-
cramme(1 popular biography by Jane Howard, also in 1984.
The following memoir is heavily dependent upon these latter
works, supplemented even colorect, perhaps, for they are
very vivid with certain remembrances of my own.
THE CAREER
For all the complexity of her person anc} the variety of
her interests, Meacl's biography is fairly simply toIcl, for once
she found her path in the early 1920s—she never ctiverged
from it. Impulsive, improvisitory, peripatetic, she may have
been, as well as socially unorthodox, but she led a directecl
life, willed ant! implacable.
She was born in Philadelphia in December 1901, the first
of five chilciren, to Emily Fogg and Edward Sherwooc! Mead.
Her father was a professor of economics at the Wharton
School of Finance of the University of Pennsylvania. Her
mother hac! been a schoolteacher before marriage (and sub-
sequently dill some work toward a master's (legree in sociol-
ogy), as had been her paternal grandmother, Martha Ramsay
MeacI, who lived with the family during MeacI's childhoocI.
After a Quaker elementary school education in Philaclelphia
~ American Anthropologist, 82,2 (1980):261-373; Mary Catherine Bateson, With a
Daughter's Eye (New York: Morrow, 1984); Jane Howard, Margaret Mead, A Life (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1984). For a full bibliography, missing only the last few
years, and with an introduction by Mead on her writings, see Margaret Mead: The
Complete Bibliography 1925-1975, ed. loan Gordan, (The Hague: Mouton, 1976). For
a sensitive appreciation from outside anthropology, see Renee Fox, "Margaret
Mead," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: The Free Press,
1979). Of the numerous newspaper obituaries, the fullest is that by Alden Whitman
of The New York Times, November 16, 1978. Mead's own account of her early life is
available as Blackberry Winter: My Earlier Years (New York: Morrow, 1972).
It should also be remarked that the inordinate delay in the appearance of this
memoir is a result of the fact that I was asked to write it only after the person to
whom it was originally assigned failed at length to produce it.
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MARGARET MEAD
331
and public high school in nearby Doylestown, Mead attended
DePauw University, GreencastIe, Indiana. She actively dis-
liked DePauw and left after a year to transfer to Barnard
College. She majored in psychology at Barnard, ultimately
writing a master's essay on intelligence testing of Italian and
American children. For her doctoral work she moved, in
1923, into anthropology at Columbia University under Franz
Boas and Ruth Benedict, writing a library theis on cultural
stability in Polynesia. In 1925 despite the misgivings of her
teachers and most of her friends she travelled, aged twenty-
three, alone and enervated, to Samoa for her first field trip.
In a pattern that she was to repeat several times and in-
deed never wholly abandon, two works one popular, ten-
dentious, schematic, and over-discussed; one technical, de-
tached, detailed, and generally neglected resulted from
this nine-month field study: Coming of Age in Samoa (1928)
and The Social Organization of Manu'a ~ ~ 9301. In ~ 928-l 929
Mead worked in Manus in the Admiralty Islands off the
north coast of New Guinea for eight months, from which
came the popular Growing Up in New Guinea (1930) and the
technical Kinship in the Admiralty Islands (1934~. After a sum-
mer's work among the Omaha Indians in Nebraska in 1930
(from which a study, The Changing Culture of an Indian Tribe
tI932] resulted with the usual immediacy, though in this case
with rather little impact, public or professional), Mead jour-
neyed to New Guinea, where she worked among three dif-
ferent groups the Tchambuli (or Chambri), the Mundu-
gumor (or Biwat), and the Arapesh- between December
1931 and spring 1933. Again, two major works resulted: one
for the world, argumentative and controversial, Sex and Tem-
perament in Three Primitive Societies (1935), and one for the
trade, systematic and not much noticed, The Mountain Arapesh
~1938-19491. From March 1936 to March 193S, plus another
six weeks in 1939, Mead worked in Bali, The Netherlands
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332
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
East Indies, producing perhaps her finest single study, the
essay in Balinese Character: A Photographic Anaitys?s, Bateson
and Mead (19421. Finally, in 1953, she conducted a six-month
restudy of Manus, which emerged in 1956 as Nero Lives
for 0~: Cultural Transformation Manus ~ 928—1953. Various
short revisits to her sites aside (she made at least a half-dozen
of them between 1964 and 1975 alone, and nearly twenty
altogether), Mead thus carried out nearly six years of exten-
sive field research in no less than seven cultures all of them
except Bali and the transformed Manus, neolithic; all save
the Omaha, in the South Pacific and wrote substantial
books (and numerous articles) about all of them. It is a rec-
ord, like Malinowski's monograph Fleuve or Frazer's galactic
compilation, unlikely to be broken.
Not that she was otherwise idle while accomplishing this.
As early as 1926 she was appointed assistant curator of eth-
nology of the American Museum of Natural History in New
York, a position she maintained (advancing to associate cu-
rator in 1942; curator in 1964; and curator emerita, but
hardly retired, in 1969) until her death, and whose obliga-
tions as collector, documenter, conservator, and exhibition
designer she took extremely seriously. She added upwards of
three thousand items to the Museum's inventory, planned
several dioramas, made hundreds of photographs and a
number of films, raised (and, not insignificantly, contributed)
funds, and finally created, apparently by sheer insistence,
("this has been part of my own working life for forty-five
years"2) the splendid Peoples of the Pacific Hall, which
opened there in 1971.
Although it took Columbia University until 1954 to bring
itself to make her an adjunct professor, she also taught: at
.
.
2 D. H. Thomas, "Margaret Mead as a Museum Anthropologist," American An-
thropolog~st, op. cit., p. 357, an excellent review of this rather little known aspect of
Mead's career.
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MARGARET MEAD
333
Vassar in ~ 939-l 940, ~ 940-l 94 I, ~ 945-! 946; at New York
University in 1940, and from 1965 to 1967; at Wellesley in
1944; at The Menninger Foundation in 1959; at Columbia
from 1947 to 1951, in 1952—1953, anct from 1954 to 1978;
at Forc~ham University from 1968 to 1970; and at the Uni-
versity of Rhocle Island in 1970-1971. She was, inter a great
many alia, Jacob Gimbel Lecturer in the Psychology of Sex,
at Stanford University ant! the University of California
(19461; Mason Lecturer, University of Birmingham, England
(19491; Inglis Lecturer, Graduate School of Education, Har-
varcl University (1950~; Ernest Jones Lecturer, British Psy-
choanalytic Society (19571; anti Dwight Terry Lecturer on
Religion in the Light of Science anct Philosophy, Yale Uni-
versity (19571. During the Second World War she lectured at
the Office of War Information and afterwards at UNESCO
and the National Institute of Mental Health. How many stu-
dent groups, women's clubs, alumni associations, and profes-
sional organizations she acIdressect will probably never be
known.
Beyonc! fielcI research, curating, and teaching, Mead was
a tireless organizer and director of an astonishing variety of
intellectual and social enterprises. The list of her "member-
ships" in a curriculum vitae apparently prepared a year or so
before her death ("Full material is provicled so that each one
can select the particular items relevant for his or her pur-
pose") runs to eighty-four items, from Parents Without Part-
ners, Spirit of Stockholm Foundation, National Council for
Negro Women, and General Board of Examining Chaplains
of the Episcopal Church to Anthropological Film Research
Institute, Woricl Fecleration for Mental Health, Society for
Psychical Research, and The Association for Social Anthro-
pology in Eastern Oceania. She served no less than twenty-
six of these groups in some sort of executive capacity. She
was, at various points, president of The Society for Applied
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334
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
Anthropology (1949), The American Anthropological As-
sociation (1960), and The American Association for the A(1-
vancement of Science (1975~.
She was the moving force in the Research in Contempo-
rary Cultures program at Columbia from 1948 to 1950, in
which more than 120 people, including Ruth Benedict, Geof-
frey Corer, Nathan Leites, Martha Wolfenstein, and Rhoda
Metraux, participated, and from which a number of her own
"national character" studies, notably Soviet Attitudes Toward
Authority (1951) and (with Metraux) Themes in French Culture
(1954), emerged. By the time she was finished, she was cov-
ere(1 with honors, inclucling twenty-eight honorary (1egrees
(Delhi, Kalamazoo, Harvard, Lincoln, Women's MecTical Col-
lege of Pennsylvania . . . ), the Viking Medal in Anthropology
(1957-1958), anti, in 1975 (rather late, she thought, as flick a
great many others) fellowship in The National Academy of
Sciences. In 1977 she was acimittec! to the American Philo-
sophical Society. In ~ 979 she was posthumously awarclect The
Presidential Mecial of Freedom.
Mead was married three times: first, in 1923, to Luther
Cressman, a theological student, from whom she was di-
vorced in 1928; seconcT, in 192S, to the New Zealanc! anthro-
pologist Reo Fortune, with whom she worked in Manus,
among the Omaha, and on New Guinea, anc! from whom she
was divorced in 1935; and third, in 1936, to the English an-
thropologist Gregory Bateson, with whom she workoct in Bali
and New Guinea, and from whom she was divorced in 1950.
All three of her husbands survived her, as dicl her daughter,
Mary Catherine Bateson Kassarjian, at the time of her moth-
er's (leash, (lean of social sciences at Reza Shah Civar Univer-
sity in Iran; a grandclaughter, Sevanne Kassarjian; and one
of her sisters, Elizabeth Mead Steig. When she cried, the
people of Manus rested seven days in mourning and planted
a coconut tree.
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MARGARET MEAD
THE WORK
335
As with any scholar who produces so vast ant! varied an
output, no simple verdict is possible concerning the overall
quality of Mead's work. Some of it was clearly hasty, ill-
consiclerecl, anct casually argued, even irresponsible. Some of
it was routine, banal, momentarily useful at best, page-fi~ling
at worst. Some of it was professional, careful, a modest but
genuine addition to knowlecIge. Anct some of it was extraor-
clinarily fine, revolutionary when written and revolutionary
still. It is doubtful that any anthropologist, save perhaps she
herself, ever has read or ever will read everything, even
everything professional, she wrote (certainly, ~ have not); but
any anthropologist, in any way serious, has read and for some
time to come will read some of it. She started a great many
hares and she caught a number of them.
Even an attempt to demarcate the major areas, beyond
Oceanic ethnography as such, in which Mead maple her main
contributions is likely to prove controversial, for she had a
way of making everyone from nutritionists to cinematogra-
phers fee! that their interest was at the very center of her
concern, before all others. Nevertheless, from a detachect
perspective, four areas seem to be those upon which the clu-
rability of her reputation will ultimately rest: psychological
anthropology; applied anthropology; ethnographic method;
and a complex of concerns centering arounc! gentler roles,
chilcI socialization, and the family, which now would perhaps
be called women's stucties, a categorization she would have
found, anct toward the end of her life increasingly cTid finch,
· .
constrictive.
Psychological anthropology was a major theme in her
work from her first full-scale fielct study of the Samoans in
the mid-1920s, concerned as it was with undermining the
Sturm und Drang conception of adolescence—to her last, the
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336
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
return to Manus in the mid-1960s, where the subject was
"Ethel strange emergence of a group of erstwhile savages
twice upon the worm stage, once unconscious of their role,
now fully aware of it" (New Lives for Did, ~ 86), and the subject
of one of her very last papers, a retrospective summary piece
published posthumously in 1979, "The Evocation of Psycho-
logically Relevant Responses in Ethnological Field Work" (in
eel. G. Spindler, The Making of Psychological Anthropollogy, pp.
88-139. Berkeley: University of California Press).
There were essentially three overlapping phases of this
work: first, that represented by Growing Up in New Guinea,
with its attack on fixed stages of cognitive growth (the chil-
dren were "realists," the aclults "animists"), as well as by the
Samoan study, in which propose(1 universalities of psycholog-
ical functioning were up-ended by particular counter-cases;
the second, usually referred to as "culture and personality"
research, in which particular cultural mechanisms (teasing,
swaddling) were sought out to account for particular psycho-
logical traits (affectlessness, suppressed rage); and the thircl,
usually referred to as "national character" work, in which
entire societies (Russian, French, American) were character-
ized in psychological terms (paranoid, reservecl, optimistic).
If the first of these superego from a tendency toward thesis
striving, the second from a rather mechanical conception of
the relation between child socialization and aclult character,
and the third from a certain over-ambitiousness, taken to-
gether they establishect, especially in the Manus, Balinese,
and American studies, the foundations for virtually all sub-
sequent work in this area.
The second area, appliecl anthropology, was in many ways
Meact's dominant concern, determinect as she was to make
her science serve human needs. It took her into a large num-
ber of government-related "policy science" activities, inclu(l-
ing the clirection, as executive secretary, of The.Committee
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MARGARET MEAD
337
on Food Habits of the National Research Council cluring
World War ~ I. Her concern continued after the war and con-
tributecI to the enactment of the Child Nutrition Act of 1978.
Five clays before her cleath she sent a "Dear Jimmy" telegram
to President Carter from her hospital bed urging him to
. .
sign it.
Her practical interests pervade all her work and deter-
mine its fundamental direction. Race conflict, chilct care,
marital relations, women's rights, technological development
of Third WorIct countries, mental health, education, ctrug
abuse, the generation ~an. American foreign nolirv `>nvi-
~_% ~ By_ +~ ]: ~ ~ ~ ~
<~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ^— r i_ ~ ~ i_ ~, ~ 3 1 ~ ~
ro~rnen~a~sm, aging, and nuclear disarmament all came-
anct repeatedly uncler her gaze, half-ethnographic, half-
moralist, entirely passionate. And (some rather too quotable
remarks asicle), she had useful things, novel and challenging,
nicely provocative, to say about all of them. Her foundation,
in 1944, of The Institute of Intercultural Studies, to "stim-
ulate . . . research . . . most likely to affect intercultural and
international relations," and to which she declicated the
greater part of her sizeable income, is only the clearest
expression of the centrality of the applies! dimension in
Meacl's conception of what she was about: "building a new
world . . . through a clisciplinecl science of human relations"
(Balinese Character, xvi).
Meacl's concern with methoclological matters was with her
from the beginning, intellectual daughter of Franz Boas that
she was, but it was powerfully stimulated by attacks on her,
as she became prominent, as "impressionistic," "intuitive,"
"subjective," ancl, to her the most painful cut of all, "unscien-
tific." Mead was totally committee! (as her other mentor, Ruth
Benedict, for example, was not) to the view that anthropol-
ogy was or ought to be a science, pure and simple, just like
the others. Most of her methodological discussions and en-
terprises came in reaction to accusations that it, or anyway
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338
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
she, was anything less than thoroughly objective, logically rig-
orous, resolutely empirical. ("Each time ~ write something
about 'how ~ really do it'," she once complained to me, "'they'
use it to show that I'm not to be trusted.")
With a candor and bravery not otherwise matched in so-
cial anthropology and certainly not by her whitecoated crit-
ics, who tend to shoot at her from behind oneway mirrors-
Meact continuously exposed her fielcI procedures to full view
and evaluation (her papers cleposited in the Library of Con-
gress letters, field notes, manuscripts; a half-million items
in all probably constitute the fullest and most open record
of an ethnographer's work practices extant). Her search for
new and better methocis was relentless.
At various points she experimented with several forms of
psychological testing projective, Piagetian, A; with the
analysis of chil~lren's play and children's paintings; with hy-
per-behaviorist, timed observations ("There are two sorts
of anthropologists," she once saicl, pointedly, to me, "'talking'
anthropologists and 'looking' anthropologists: I'm a 'looking'
anthropologist."; with life-history recording; with mocles of
language learning ant! language use; and perhaps most ex-
tensively with photography and with that original combina-
tion of (documentary research, film analysis, expatriate inter-
viewing, and literary study that she callecl "culture at a
distance."
Some of these efforts were more successful than others.
Even Gregory Bateson was, or so at least he said to me, un-
convincecl of some of Mead's claims for the probative value
of their photographic work. Even a sympathetic observer
must cock a quizzical eye at the oddly phrased claim (in her
vita) that "she has hac! to learn to use seven primitive lan-
guages"; and projective testing is not much now in fashion.
But the vigor with which she pursues! the most intractable
problems of ethnographic method and the great impact her
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MARGARET MEAD
345
chology, ed. Philip Lawrence Harriman, pp. 477-88. New York:
Philosophical Library.
The women in the war. In: While You Were Gone, ed. Jack Goodman,
pp. 274-89. New York: Simon and Schuster.
1947
Age patterning in personality development. Am. J. Orthopsychi-
atry, 17:231 - 40.
The application of anthropological techniques to crossnational
communication. Trans. N.Y. Acad. Sci. ser. 2, 9:133-52.
The mountain Arapesh. III. Socio-economic life, and IV. Diary of
events in Alitoa. Anthropol. Pap. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 40, Part
3:163-419. (Reprinted in paperback 1971, as TheMountainAr-
apesh III. Stream of Events in Alitoa. American Museum Science
Books B l9c. Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History Press.)
On the implications for anthropology of the Gesell-Ilg approach
to maturation. Am. Anthropol., 49, no. 1:69-77.
1948
An anthropologist looks at the report. In: Proceedings of a Symposium
on the First Published Report of a Series of Studies of Sex Phenomena
by Professor Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy and Clyde E. Mar-
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t~on.
The contemporary American family as an anthropologist sees it.
Am. l. Sociol., 53:453-59.
Some cultural approaches to communication problems. In: The
Communication of Ideas, ed. Lyman Bryson, pp. 9 - 26. New York:
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World culture. In: The World Community, ed. Quincy Wright, pp.
47-95. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1949
Character formation and diachronic theory. In: Social Structure:
Studies Presented to A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, ed. Meyer Fortes, pp.
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Male and Female: A Study of the Sexes in a Changing World. New York:
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346
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
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The mountain Arapesh. V. The record of Unabelin with Rorschach
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Museum Science Books B 19a. Garden City, N.Y.: Natural His-
tory Press.)
Ruth Fulton Benedict, 1887-1948. Am. Anthropol., 51:457-68.
1950
The comparative study of cultures and the purposive cultivation
of democratic values, 1941 - 1949. In: Perspectives on a Troubled
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1951
Anthropologist and historian: their common problems. Am. Q.,
3:3-13.
Experience in learning primitive languages through the use of
learning high level linguistic abstractions. In: Cybernetics: Cir-
cular Causal and Feedback Mechanisms in Biological and Social Sys-
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ed. Heinz van Foerster, pp. 159-85. New York: Josiah Macy, Jr.
Foundation.
Race majority race minority. In: The People in Your Life: Psychiatry
and Personal Relations by Ten Leading Authorities, ed. Margaret
Hughes, pp. 120-57. New York: Knopf.
Research in contemporary cultures. In: Groups, Leadership and Men,
ed. Harold Guetzkow, pp. 106-17. Pittsburgh: Carnegie Press.
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velopments in Scope and Method, ed. Daniel Lerner and Harold
D. Lasswell, pp. 70-84. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
With Frances Cooke Macgregor and photographs by Gregory Bate-
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MARGARET MEAD
347
son. Growth and Culture: A Photographic Study of Balinese Child-
hood. New York: Putnam.
1952
One aspect of male and female. In: Women, Society and Sex, ed.
Johnson E. Fairchild, pp. 15-32. New York: Sheridan House.
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54:343-46.
1953
Editor. Cultural Patterns and Technical Change: A Manual Prepared by
the World Federation for Mental Health. Tensions and Technology
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National character. In: Anthropology Today: An Encyclopedic Inventory,
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Editor, with Nicolas Calas. Primitive Heritage: An Anthropological An-
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Editor, with Rhoda Metraux. The Study of Culture at a Distance. Chi-
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1954
Some theoretical considerations on the problem of mother-child
separation. Am. I. Orthopsychiatry, 243:471-83.
The swaddling hypothesis: its reception. Am. Anthropol.,56:395-
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With Rhoda Metraux. Themes in French Culture: A Preface to a Study
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1955
Children and ritual in Bali. In: Childhood in Contemporary Cultures,
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Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955. (Reprinted in pa-
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1956
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With Rhoda Metraux. Image of the scientist among highschool
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1958
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1959
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MARGARET MEAD
349
printed in paperback 1963, Bantam Pathfinder, New York: Ban-
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1960
Cultural contexts of nursing problems. In: Social Science in Nursing,
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
biographical memoirs
