Cover Image

PAPERBACK
$58.00



View/Hide Left Panel

Chapter 1


Statistics on the Career Pathways of Women of Color Faculty in Academia
4

RESEARCH ON EDUCATIONAL AND CAREER PATHWAYS FOR WOMEN OF COLOR IN ACADEMIA

The conference began with a presentation by Donna Ginther, professor of economics at the University of Kansas, and Shulamit Kahn, associate professor at Boston University’s School of Management, outlining the results of their data analysis—commissioned by the ad hoc committee—on the representation of women of color at various key points along their educational and career pathways in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. See full paper in Appendix A-1.

Definitions of Data and Caveats

Ginther and Kahn explained that their research was supported by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and their presentation by the National Science Foundation (NSF), and that while their analysis utilized a great deal of data from the NSF, the NSF does not endorse their methods or conclusions. They also emphasized that their research provided descriptions of situations and did not elucidate the reasons or causes. They did not examine institutional climate, mentoring across the length of a career, or the effect of unconscious bias in promotion and tenure processes, but rather focused on the numbers of women of color at each stage of the academic pathway relative to the numbers of men of color, white women, and white men in academia, and the representation of each group in the general population.

Ginther and Kahn used the 1993-2008 version of the NSF’s Survey of Doctorate Recipients, a biennial longitudinal survey of individuals who received doctorates in science and engineering. They noted that the Survey of Doctorate Recipients oversamples underrepresented minorities—meaning that their representation in the data set is greater than their representation in the population of academics—and that even then the sample sizes of women of color are very small. Given these small sample sizes, the NSF dictated that the data be aggregated to ensure confidentiality.5 Ginther and Kahn also used data from the Current Population Survey to examine high school and college graduation rates, the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System to examine the number of graduates in science and engineering fields, the NSF’s Survey of Earned

_______________

4 This session was moderated by Lydia Villa-Komaroff, chief scientific officer, Cytonome/ST, LLC, and cochair, Committee on Advancing Institutional Transformation for Minority Women in Academia.

5 The issue of aggregated versus disaggregated data came up several times in the conference. (See also Hurtado’s discussion of her research below.) There is an important tension between 1) the need to aggregate data in order to protect survey respondents’ confidentiality (anonymity), and 2) the need to disaggregate the data in order to see more clearly into the specific experiences of different groups of women.



The National Academies | 500 Fifth St. N.W. | Washington, D.C. 20001
Copyright © National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.
Terms of Use and Privacy Statement



Below are the first 10 and last 10 pages of uncorrected machine-read text (when available) of this chapter, followed by the top 30 algorithmically extracted key phrases from the chapter as a whole.
Intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter-representative searchable text on the opening pages of each chapter. Because it is UNCORRECTED material, please consider the following text as a useful but insufficient proxy for the authoritative book pages.

Do not use for reproduction, copying, pasting, or reading; exclusively for search engines.

OCR for page 4
Chapter 1 Statistics on the Career Pathways of Women of Color Faculty in Academia 4 RESEARCH ON EDUCATIONAL AND CAREER PATHWAYS FOR WOMEN OF COLOR IN ACADEMIA The conference began with a presentation by Donna Ginther, professor of economics at the University of Kansas, and Shulamit Kahn, associate professor at Boston University’s School of Management, outlining the results of their data analysis—commissioned by the ad hoc committee—on the representation of women of color at various key points along their educational and career pathways in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. See full paper in Appendix A-1. Definitions of Data and Caveats Ginther and Kahn explained that their research was supported by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and their presentation by the National Science Foundation (NSF), and that while their analysis utilized a great deal of data from the NSF, the NSF does not endorse their methods or conclusions. They also emphasized that their research provided descriptions of situations and did not elucidate the reasons or causes. They did not examine institutional climate, mentoring across the length of a career, or the effect of unconscious bias in promotion and tenure processes, but rather focused on the numbers of women of color at each stage of the academic pathway relative to the numbers of men of color, white women, and white men in academia, and the representation of each group in the general population. Ginther and Kahn used the 1993-2008 version of the NSF’s Survey of Doctorate Recipients, a biennial longitudinal survey of individuals who received doctorates in science and engineering. They noted that the Survey of Doctorate Recipients oversamples underrepresented minorities—meaning that their representation in the data set is greater than their representation in the population of academics—and that even then the sample sizes of women of color are very small. Given these small sample sizes, the NSF dictated that the data be aggregated to ensure confidentiality. 5 Ginther and Kahn also used data from the Current Population Survey to examine high school and college graduation rates, the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System to examine the number of graduates in science and engineering fields, the NSF’s Survey of Earned 4 This session was moderated by Lydia Villa-Komaroff, chief scientific officer, Cytonome/ST, LLC, and cochair, Committee on Advancing Institutional Transformation for Minority Women in Academia. 5 The issue of aggregated versus disaggregated data came up several times in the conference. (See also Hurtado’s discussion of her research below.) There is an important tension between 1) the need to aggregate data in order to protect survey respondents’ confidentiality (anonymity), and 2) the need to disaggregate the data in order to see more clearly into the specific experiences of different groups of women. 4

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS Doctorates to examine the number of Ph.D.’s in science and engineering, and the Association of American Medical Colleges to examine the number of medical school graduates. Ginther and Kahn’s definition of “women of color” excluded residents of countries other than the United States, and included U.S. residents who are African American, Hispanic, and Native American, and Pacific Islanders. Outcomes Evaluated Ginther and Kahn examined each stage of the academic pathway, from high school to full professor. They gave a snapshot of the most recent Survey of Doctorate Recipients data processed by the NSF, data from 2008 that were released in 2011. Education pathways included: Science/ Science/ High school College engineering engineering graduation graduation bachelors PhD/MD degree Career pathways included: Full professor within Tenure-track job within Tenure within 11 years seven years of getting six years of PhD of PhD tenure Types of institutions included:  Minority-serving institutions (historically black colleges, tribal colleges, and institutions that grant more than 50 percent of degrees to a specific minority group)  Non-minority-serving institutions  Research I institutions, as defined by the 1994 Carnegie Classification of Institutions of Higher Education. Research I institutions produce the majority of Ph.D. students. Challenge of Small Sample Sizes Ginther and Kahn reported that among the people in academic occupations related to science and engineering in 2008, there were approximately 2700 women of color, 4000 men of color, 26,000 white women, and 58,000 white men. They explained that the data on women of color had to be aggregated because the number of women of color in academia is so small compared to other groups. They noted that the statistics tend to express measurements in terms of percentages, and they cautioned conference participants about the misperceptions that can result from this. When the starting points are dramatically different—in this case, 2700 in one group and 58,000 in another—then all percentages represent numbers that are also dramatically different, but that can look deceptively similar. For example, if the number of white women in a given situation is 1000 and the number of women of color in that same situation is 100, then a result that occurs to the same percentage of women in each group occurs to dramatically different numbers of people. A situation affecting 15 percent of all women would affect 150 5

OCR for page 4
SEEKING SOLUTIONS white women and 15 women of color. In general, any given percentage for women of color was about 1/10 that of the same percentage for white women and 1/20 that for white men. Findings Ginther and Kahn reported that women of color are less likely than white women to:  Graduate from college  Obtain a Ph.D. in science and engineering  Obtain a tenure-track job in a non-minority-serving institution 16% 14% 12% 10% 8% % WOC in population % WOC in HS grads 6% % WOC in College grads 4% 2% 0% 2002 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Figure 1. Percentage of U.S. citizens ages 24-25 who are women of color (WOC) out of (a) the total population of 24-25 year-old citizens, (b) the high school graduates among the 24-25 year- old citizens, and (c) the college graduates among the 24-25 year-old citizens. Source: 1994 – 2010 Outgoing Rotations of the Current Population Survey. Developed by Ginther and Kahn in the commissioned paper Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering (see Appendix A-1) Women of color are more likely than white women to:  Be employed in a non-tenure-track position  Be employed at a minority-serving institution As shown in Table 1, although women of color make up 12.5 percent of the U.S. population, they make up only 2.3 percent of faculty who are on the tenure track and who are tenured. As we move forward along the academic pathway, the percentage of women of color drops; their numbers are low, even in minority-serving institutions. 6

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS Table1. Percentage of each academic rank in each race/sex category. % of Tenure- % of non- Track/ % of Tenured % of Full % of US Tenure Tenured Faculty Professors Population Track Faculty Faculty Women of color 5.1% 2.3% 1.7% 1.2% 12.5% Black 2.3% 1.1% 0.7% 0.4% 6.2% Hispanic 1.2% 1.0% 0.8% 0.7% 5.3% Men of color 3.0% 4.1% 3.9% 3.8% 11.9% Black 1.6% 1.8% 1.5% 1.2% 5.3% Hispanic 1.1% 2.2% 2.2% 2.4% 5.6% Other women 42.2% 26.1% 23.6% 20.1% 38.3% White 38.5% 23.4% 21.9% 18.9% 36.2% Asian 3.8% 2.6% 1.7% 1.2% 2.1% Other men 49.6% 67.5% 70.8% 75.0% 37.3% White 43.2% 60.1% 63.9% 67.4% 35.5% Asian 6.5% 7.5% 6.9% 7.6% 1.9% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Total 2008 Number 15,473 85,164 62,469 36,365 Source: 2008 NSF Survey of Doctorate Recipients. Developed by Ginther and Kahn in the commissioned paper Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering (see Appendix A-1). 7

OCR for page 4
SEEKING SOLUTIONS Table 2. Percentage of each academic rank grouping within each university type—non- underrepresented minority (Non-URM) and underrepresented minority (URM)—in each sex/racial major and sub-grouping. NON-URM UNIVERSITIES URM UNIVERSITIES % of % of % of % of Tenure- Tenure- non- non- Track Track Tenure- Tenure- faculty % of faculty % of Track Track (includes Tenured % of Full (includes Tenured % of Full Faculty Faculty tenured) Faculty Professors tenured) Faculty Professors Women of 3.6% 1.6% 1.1% 0.7% 19.5% 9.6% 7.5% 6.1% color Black 28.9% 0.7% 0.5% 0.2% 8.7% 5.4% 3.1% 1.8% Hispanic 29.6% 0.7% 0.5% 0.4% 10.2% 4.1% 4.4% 4.3% Men of 2.5% 3.0% 2.7% 2.5% 7.5% 16.2% 17.3% 16.9% color Black 13.7% 1.2% 0.9% 0.7% 7.0% 7.9% 7.6% 6.7% Hispanic 11.5% 1.6% 1.5% 1.6% 0.5% 8.3% 9.8% 10.1% Other 43.0% 26.7% 24.2% 20.4% 35.6% 19.2% 17.6% 16.4% women Other men 50.9% 68.7% 72.1% 76.4% 37.4% 55.0% 57.6% 60.7% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Total 2008 13,960 78,070 57,030 33,050 1,510 7,090 5,440 3,320 Number Source: 2008 NSF Survey of Doctorate Recipients. Developed by Ginther and Kahn in the commissioned paper Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering (see Appendix A-1). Educational Pathways and Transitions High school and college graduation Ginther and Kahn explained that the proportion of high school graduates who are women of color is 12 to14 percent, the same percentage as their representation in the U.S. population overall. The graduation rate of women of color is similar to the average of the graduation rates of all groups.6 6 Ginther and Kahn’s analysis of education outcomes begins by using data from 1994-2010 waves of the Outgoing Rotations data from the Current Population Survey (CPS). They compare the percentage of U.S. citizens ages 24-25 who were women of color to the percentage of high school graduates among the 24-25 year-old citizens who were 8

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS The first dramatic differentiation was seen in college graduation rates. The college graduation rate for women of color (for all college majors combined) is much lower than for high school graduation—40 percent of women of color leave this education pathway between high school and a bachelor’s degree. Of women of color who are high school graduates, 17.8 percent go on to graduate from college, a statistic that stands in contrast to college graduation rates of 29.9 percent for white women. As individuals move along the pathway, white women constitute a growing proportion of the people obtaining degrees, resulting in white women becoming overrepresented in academia relative to their representation in the general population and relative to their graduation rates for high school, and leading to women of color becoming underrepresented relative to both of these. Looking more closely, Ginther and Kahn determined that women of color are starting college at rates approximately proportional to their high school graduation rates but are not graduating at the same rate (data were for all college majors). For STEM majors, in particular, women and men of color graduate at rates similar to one another (3.4 percent/3.0 percent), and white women and men graduate at rates similar to one another (6.5 percent/6.8 percent). Ginther and Kahn postulated that the lower numbers of women of color in STEM may be a function not of their high school preparation in STEM disciplines, but rather of their relative numbers when entering college.7 Ginther and Kahn looked specifically at the percentage of women who graduate from college who majored in science and engineering fields. In this measure, the results for women of color and white women were not as disparate. Among women of color, 19.0 percent majored in science or engineering versus 21.9 percent of white women. (Among the men, 24.8 percent of men of color and 28.1 percent of white men majored in these fields.) Ph.D. attainment The second discrepancy between women of color and people in other groups occurred in the space between college graduation and the completion of a Ph.D. Ginther and Kahn examined the percentage of college graduates with science and engineering degrees who went on to complete a doctorate in science and engineering. The percentage of white women following that career pathway was the highest, at 18.6 percent. Then followed white men (14.8 percent), men of color (8.7 percent), and women of color (6.8 percent). Ginther and Kahn also looked at the medical school pathway, where they found that the percentage of college graduates with science and engineering degrees who went on to medical school was roughly the same for all groups, hovering around 5 percent. Here appeared the difficulty in comparing percentages: By this point in academic careers, the actual numbers of women of color have dropped precipitously; therefore, a rate of 5 percent of women of color completing medical school represents many fewer people than does 5 percent of white women or white men. Overall, in the student phase of the academic pathway for STEM disciplines, Ginther and Kahn identified two critical transition points exist, points at which interventions are needed. The relative representation of women of color of color drops between high school graduation and college graduation, and between college graduation and completion of a Ph.D. women of color, and to the percentage of college graduates among the 24-25 year-old citizens who were women of color. 7 Appendix A-1: Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering. 9

OCR for page 4
SEEKING SOLUTIONS Tenure-track positions Ginther and Kahn looked at the percentage of Ph.D. recipients who were in a tenure-track position within six years of obtaining the Ph.D.8 The sample sizes for holders of Ph.D.’s were: 3943 women of color, 5437 men of color, 35,380 white women, and 68,560 white men. (They noted that given the sample sizes, some apparent differences were not statistically significant.) The presenters divided the results according to institution type: non-minority-serving institutions, minority-serving institutions, and research I universities. In non-minority-serving institutions, women of color were significantly less represented on the faculty than white women or white men, and were represented in approximately the same proportion as men of color. At minority-serving institutions, women and men of color were much more likely than white women and white men to have tenure-track positions. And at research I institutions, women of color were represented on the faculty in an equal percentage as white women. The presenters called attention to what these equivalent percentages meant in terms of actual numbers—for every 100 white women in a tenure-track job in a research I institution, there were 10 women of color in that position. Ginther and Kahn made clear that these data did not reveal the reasons why women and men of color are overrepresented in minority-serving institutions—whether the individuals actively sought out positions in minority-serving institutions or whether these were the institutions that tended to promote men and women of color. Longitudinal data are needed to compare promotion rates in both types of institutions. 9 Tenure within 11 years of obtaining the Ph.D. Ginther and Kahn analyzed the relative percentages of people holding a Ph.D. who received tenure within 11 years of completing that degree. 10 The sample sizes were: 602 women of color, 796 men of color, 5399 white women, and 10,260 white men. At non-minority-serving institutions, a statistically equivalent percentage of women of color and of white women received tenure. At minority-serving institutions, women of color were slightly more likely than white women to receive tenure. And at research I universities, women of color were significantly more likely to receive tenure than all other groups. Full professor Ginther and Kahn discussed the percentage of Ph.D.s who attained full professor status within seven years of being granted tenure. The sample sizes were: 408 women of color, 1080 men of color, 4196 white women, and 14,520 white men. At non-minority-serving institutions, women of color and white women were promoted to full professor at statistically equivalent rates (46 to 49 percent). At minority-serving institutions, women of color were promoted to full professor at a slightly lower rate than white women (66.7 percent and 79.7 percent, respectively). Taken Together According to Ginther and Kahn’s research, compared to white women, women of color are: 1) more likely to be in an adjunct job; 2) more likely to be employed at a minority-serving institution; 3) less likely to be in a tenure-track job in a non-minority-serving institution; and 4) 8 SDR/NSF data. 1993-2007. Survey data. 9 Appendix A-1: Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering. 10 SDR/NSF data, Ph.D.’s from 1992 to 2007. 10

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS less likely to become tenured in a non-minority-serving institution. The stages at which women of color continue along an academic path in science and engineering at a rate similar to other groups are:  Graduation from high school  Receiving tenure at research I institutions The stages at which women of color continue on an academic path in science and engineering at a rate slower than that of other groups are:  Percentage of high school graduates who enter college and complete college degrees  Percentage of college graduates who complete Ph.D. degrees  Percentage of Ph.D.’s who secure tenure-track positions at non-minority-serving institutions (this encompasses the postdoctoral stage)  Percentage of tenure-track faculty who receive tenure at non-minority-serving institutions that are not research I institutions Once women of color obtain a tenure-track job, they progress through the ranks at similar rates as white women.11 The largest difference in academic promotion between women of color and white women occurs at the beginning of a faculty career, with the obtaining of a tenure-track job at a non-minority-serving, non-research-I institution. Therefore, although from that point forward women of color and white women are promoted at similar rates, their relative numbers have been distanced by the nonequivalent starting conditions, and the representation of women of color in faculty positions persists at low levels. 12 In Closing Ginther and Kahn went beyond their descriptive data to discussed ways in which the underrepresentation of women of color in academia is self-reinforcing. They emphasized the importance of building a stronger base of college graduates in science and engineering to increase the representation of women of color on the nation’s faculty in STEM disciplines. They noted that multiple studies have shown that women of color are more likely to choose particular career tracks if their teachers in those areas included women of color ([a specific example of the general phenomenon whereby any student is more likely to choose a college major if he/she has a professor who shares his/her demographic characteristics 13 ). And they re-emphasized the proportion problem—when there are discrepancies in the proportion of people from different gender and ethnic/racial groups who move from one educational or career stage to the next, the consequences are cumulative, and, over time, lead to stark differences in the representation of people from different gender, ethnic and racial groups among the more senior members of the discipline and community. Ginther and Kahn stated that they believe that to increase the diversity of the faculty at U.S. institutions of higher education, a top priority should be policies designed to increase college graduation rates among women of color. 14 A second important node for intervention, 11 Appendix A-1: Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering. 12 Ibid. 13 Please see Appendix A-1 Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering section “Discussion” for details and references. 14 Appendix A-1: Education and Academic Career Outcomes for Women of Color in Science and Engineering. 11

OCR for page 4
SEEKING SOLUTIONS suggested by Ginther and Kahn, is the span of time between receiving the Ph.D. degree and obtaining a tenure-track position, the starting point for most faculty careers and a stage where the representation of women of color significantly drops a second time. DATA ON WORK/LIFE BALANCE AND RELATIVE STRESSORS FOR WOMEN OF COLOR IN ACADEMIA Sylvia Hurtado, a professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, director of the Higher Education Research Institute (HERI), and a member of the Committee on Advancing Institutional Transformation for Minority Women in Academia, presented data from HERI’s national faculty survey, which is done every three years. She noted that since participation is voluntary, if the need arises to increase the sampling of specific groups of people, the researchers add supplemental surveys. For example, in an effort to match faculty and student experiences, they applied for funding from the National Science Foundation for a supplement to match faculty and students in STEM fields at the same institution. The data were unweighted, and they represented 673 four-year colleges and universities, 10,438 STEM faculty, and 260 women of color in STEM. Hurtado’s data placed people into the following groups: underrepresented minority women, Asian women, white women, underrepresented minority men, Asian men, and white men. Hurtado discussed the relationships among academic rank, race, and gender in STEM fields. Her data showed that women of color (in this case, not including Asian women) were more likely to be in non-tenure-track positions and less likely to be in full professorships, meaning that women of color are disproportionately occupying positions that have the least power and authority in the academic context.15 Across the groups, the percentages showed opposing trends for full professors and lecturers/instructors. The percentage of full professors in a given group went from low to high in the following order: underrepresented minority women, Asian women, white women, underrepresented minority men, Asian men, white men. The percentages of lecturers/instructors ran in the reverse order. (See Table 3) As a result of these wide discrepancies between numbers of faculty from different demographic groups, faculty who are women of color often have few or no senior colleagues who are women of color in their departments or institutions—and a major reason given by women for leaving STEM fields in academia is a lack of mentorship or guidance.16 (For people 15 Appendix A-2: Women of Color among STEM Faculty: Experiences in Academia 16 The term “mentoring” has a variety of definitions and connotations. “Mentoring” is a means of developing human resources. It is about guiding others in their personal quests for growth through learning. It usually focuses on long term personal career development. The benefits of mentoring generally include personal support, role modeling, and friendship. (See: Coaching and Mentoring: How to Develop Top Talent and Achieve Stronger Performance. 2004. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press; Catalyst. 2011. Sponsoring Women to Success. New York, NY: Catalyst, and Herminia Ibarra, Nancy M. Carter, and Christine Silva. September 2010. “Why Men Still Get More Promotions than Women.” Harvard Business Review: pp. 80-85.Although the conference participants’ usage of the term and concept was their own, mentoring is distinct from sponsorship and championing. Sponsorship is an active support by someone appropriately placed in the organization who has significant influence on decision-making processes or structures and who is advocating for, protecting, and fighting for the career advancement of an individual. While a mentor may be a sponsor, sponsors go beyond the traditional social, emotional, and personal growth development provided by many mentors. (See: Catalyst. 2011. Sponsoring Women to Success. New York, 12

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS in every demographic group, men and women of all races and ethnicities, professional isolation is a major factor prompting them to leave an institution.) Early-career women of color who lack senior colleagues who can serve as role models and sources of information (both written and unwritten) risk the following: not understanding their role within the faculty community, not having a sense of belonging, having unrealistically low assumptions about their competence, and misunderstanding the rules and unstated practices for promotion and tenure. A dearth of senior colleagues who are women of color reduces the access of early-career faculty to key social networks, wisdom for navigating the department and institution, and discipline-specific professional opportunities. Where relationships do exist, women of color are less satisfied than people in other groups with their relationships with senior leadership as well as their career-stage peers.17 Table 3. Proportion of STEM faculty in sample by rank, race, and gender. Sample Professor Associate Assistant Lecturer/Instructor URM Women 16.9% 25.8% 32.7% 24.6% 260 (2.5%) Asian Women 19.9% 31.5% 32.4% 16.2% 241 (2.2%) White Women 23.6% 30.3% 31.1% 15.1% 3,674 (34.2%) URM Men 30.2% 29.4% 23.2% 17.2% 354 (3.3%) Asian Men 34.1% 26.7% 32.0% 7.3% 510 (4.8%) White Men 44.2% 27.8% 18.9% 9.1% 5,399 (50.3%) Source: HERI Faculty Survey. Presented by S. Hurtado at the Seeking Solutions: Maximizing American Talent by Advancing Women of Color in Academia Conference, June 2012, Washington, DC. Top 10 Sources of Stress Hurtado’s research found the following ten items to be those most frequently reported by women of color as sources of stress:  Lack of personal time (86.4 percent)  Self-imposed high expectations (82.4 percent)  Managing household duties (79.0 percent)  Working with underprepared students (69.9 percent)  Institutional budget cuts (66.0 percent)  Personal finances (65.8 percent)  Research or publishing demands (61.8 percent) NY: Catalyst, and Herminia Ibarra, Nancy M. Carter, and Christine Silva. September 2010. “Why Men Still Get More Promotions than Women.” Harvard Business Review: pp. 80-85.). 17 Appendix A-2: Women of Color among STEM Faculty: Experiences in Academia. 13

OCR for page 4
SEEKING SOLUTIONS  Institutional “red tape” (61.0 percent)  Teaching load (61.0 percent)  Students (58.5 percent) Hurtado discussed areas in which people in other groups reported significantly more or less stress on these ten measures. Neither white men nor white women reported as a stressor personal finances, whereas women and men of color did. White men reported less stress from lack of personal time, self-imposed high expectations, and managing household duties, and they reported less stress from institutional red tape. Overall, the stressors reported by white women were statistically similar to those reported by women of color; however, white women reported less stress than women of color in lack of personal time and managing household duties. Men of color also reported less stress than women of color from lack of personal time and managing household duties. Subtle Discrimination Hurtado’s research showed significant differences along gender and racial lines with regard to stress that people experienced from discrimination. Women experienced more stress than men, and Asian people and other underrepresented minorities experienced more stress than white individuals. 45 42.7 40.3 40 35 28.5 30 27.1 24.6 25 20 15 10.5 10 5 0 White ** URM** Asian* STEM Males STEM Females Figure 2. Source of Stress in the Last Two Years: Subtle Discrimination (e.g., prejudice, racism, sexism) % Responding “Somewhat” or “Extensive”. Note: Significant male/female differences within group ** p=< .01; * <.05. Source: HERI Faculty Survey. Presented by S. Hurtado at the Seeking Solutions: Maximizing American Talent by Advancing Women of color in Academia Conference, June 2012, Washington, DC. 14

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS Career-related Stress Hurtado found that people in all groups experienced relatively less stress at the lower academic ranks, but there were significant differences among groups (Figure 3). Women overall, and women of color specifically, experienced significantly more stress than their male counterparts over the course of their academic careers. Women of color reported the greatest amount of stress of all people at the associate professor level, were lower only than white women at the full professor and assistant professor levels, and were lower than white women and Asian men at the lecturer/instructor level. White male White female URM male URM female Asian American male Asian American female 55 50 45 40 35 Lecturer or Instructor Assistant Professor Associate Professor Professor Figure 3. Average Career-related Stress Source: HERI Faculty Survey. Presented by S. Hurtado at the Seeking Solutions: Maximizing American Talent by Advancing Women of Color in Academia Conference, June 2012, Washington, D.C. Workload Reported workloads were similar across groups, with a few exceptions. Women of color did more student advising than white men, did more committee work than white men and Asian men, and were able to spend less time per week on research and scholarly writing—the basis for promotion—than men in all groups. 15

OCR for page 4
SEEKING SOLUTIONS Work Environment When posed the statement “my research is valued by faculty in my department,” women of color (69.7 percent) were less likely to agree than white men (79.3 percent) and Asian men (83.3 percent). To the statement “I have to work harder to be perceived as a legitimate scholar,” women of color (79.1 percent) were more likely to agree than white women (66.6 percent), white men (52.4 percent), and men of color (60.1 percent). Regarding satisfaction with compensation and work (a measure that includes salary, benefits, work load, and teaching load), women of color reported the lowest satisfaction of people in all groups at the full professor level and lowest (together with men of color) at the associate professor level, and were in the middle of the pack at the assistant professor and lecturer levels. White male White female URM male URM female Asian American male Asian American female 55 50 45 40 Lecturer or Instructor Assistant Professor Associate Professor Professor Figure 4. Mean Faculty Satisfaction with Compensation and Work. Source: HERI Faculty Survey. Presented by S. Hurtado at the Seeking Solutions: Maximizing American Talent by Advancing Women of Color in Academia Conference, June 2012, Washington, D.C. Faculty in STEM fields STEM fields exhibit significant gender differences as well. Women of color share many experiences with all other women; however, women of color report lower work satisfaction, less respect, and some discrimination. Hurtado suggested that possible solutions include salary equity studies, professional development support, and departmental support for advancement. 16

OCR for page 4
STATISTICS ON THE CAREER PATHWAYS The Need for Data Because women of color are present in such low numbers in academia, data are difficult to collect because confidentiality is difficult to ensure—many women of color are the only woman of color in their department or in their sub-discipline at the national level. In Hurtado’s quantitative study of work/life issues, of the 260 women of color in the pool, 43 did not identify their department or their discipline because doing so would have revealed their identity. (Hurtado noted that this phenomenon exists to some extent for white women as well.) In qualitative research, Hurtado’s group commonly encounters individuals who refuse to be interviewed or later ask for the record to be deleted. Hurtado emphasized the need for departmental climates to change in order to make unnecessary these women’s concerns. 17