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A
The Development of an
Individual Potential for Violence

This appendix does not purport to be a state-of-the-art review of individual-level influences on the development of violent behavior; that would require a book rather than a comparatively short paper. It aims to summarize briefly some of the most important findings and theories, but more especially to identify key issues and questions that are unresolved and to recommend ways of resolving them. The recent book edited by Pepler and Rubin (1991) provides more extensive information about findings and theories.

The likelihood of someone's committing a violent act depends on many different factors. Biological, individual, family, peer, school, and community factors may influence the development of an individual potential for violence. Whether the potential becomes manifest as a violent act depends on the interaction between this violence potential and immediate situational factors, such as the consumption of alcohol and the presence of a victim. The focus in this appendix is on factors that influence the development of a person with a high potential for violence in different situations. The emphasis is especially on individual-level factors, such as temperament, IQ, and impulsivity, although other factors (family, peer, and school) that influence the development of a potential for violence are also discussed.

Nonmanipulable individual factors such as sex and ethnic origin are not discussed, except insofar as they interact with other factors. It seems probable that the greater likelihood of males and



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Page 357 A The Development of an Individual Potential for Violence This appendix does not purport to be a state-of-the-art review of individual-level influences on the development of violent behavior; that would require a book rather than a comparatively short paper. It aims to summarize briefly some of the most important findings and theories, but more especially to identify key issues and questions that are unresolved and to recommend ways of resolving them. The recent book edited by Pepler and Rubin (1991) provides more extensive information about findings and theories. The likelihood of someone's committing a violent act depends on many different factors. Biological, individual, family, peer, school, and community factors may influence the development of an individual potential for violence. Whether the potential becomes manifest as a violent act depends on the interaction between this violence potential and immediate situational factors, such as the consumption of alcohol and the presence of a victim. The focus in this appendix is on factors that influence the development of a person with a high potential for violence in different situations. The emphasis is especially on individual-level factors, such as temperament, IQ, and impulsivity, although other factors (family, peer, and school) that influence the development of a potential for violence are also discussed. Nonmanipulable individual factors such as sex and ethnic origin are not discussed, except insofar as they interact with other factors. It seems probable that the greater likelihood of males and

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Page 358 blacks to commit violent offenses might be explained by reference to some of the other factors discussed here. Most of the developmental research on aggression and violence has been carried out with males. Many facts about the development of violence are so well known and well replicated that they hardly need to be reviewed here. In particular, it is clear that aggressive children tend to become violent teenagers and violent adults. In other words, there is significant continuity over time between childhood aggression and adult violence. For example, Farrington (1991b) showed that aggressive children at ages 8-10 and 12-14 (rated by teachers) tended to have later convictions for violence and to be violent at age 32 (according to their self-reports). These kinds of results make it plausible to postulate that the ordering of people on some underlying construct of individual difference such as violence potential is tolerably consistent over time. However, it is also true that people change and that it is important to investigate how and why they change. These results also mean that knowledge gained about the correlates, predictors, and causes of childhood aggression is relevant to the explanation of teenage and adult violence. Many factors present early in life (such as childhood temperament or family influences) may predict adult violence essentially because they influence the development of childhood aggression and because childhood aggression tends to develop into adult violence. The predictors and correlates of childhood aggression and adult violence are so well known and well replicated that they are not reviewed in detail here. For example, Farrington (1989) showed that they include individual-level factors such as low IQ, low school attainment, high impulsivity, and poor concentration and family factors such as low family income, large family size, convicted parents, harsh discipline, poor supervision, and separations from parents. This appendix begins by discussing some important conceptual issues that need to be resolved, focusing on questions rather than answers. It then briefly summarizes key results, theories, and interventions before concluding with some recommended research priorities. Conceptual Issues Are there specific subtypes of violence that need to be explained by different theories? An important issue is whether violence should be treated as a homogeneous or heterogeneous category.

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Page 359 Our preference is for heterogeneity, but in discussing development we usually refer to violence in general. The focus of the panel is on intentional physical assault. Within this context, the most important type of violence that has been studied in developmental research is assault (including wounding), and most of our knowledge is essentially about this phenomenon. Robbery has also been studied quite extensively. The distinction between assault and robbery mirrors that commonly drawn between angry or hostile (emotional) aggression and instrumental violence (e.g., Berkowitz, 1978). Although we focus on the development of a potential for violence rather than the violent act, it is important to recognize the existence of subtypes of violent acts, such as sexual and nonsexual violence. There has been less developmental research on homicide due to its rarity in community samples (for an example, see Solway et al., 1981). It is unclear whether homicide is qualitatively or quantitatively different from assault and wounding (see below). There has been a great deal of research in recent years on violence to spouses/cohabitants and children, but comparatively little of it has focused on the development of the offender. To what extent is violence merely one element of a more general syndrome of antisocial behavior? Information about violence is usually obtained from studies of offending in general. There are relatively few studies specifically on violence (e.g., Miller et al., 1982; Hamparian et al., 1978). Generally, violent offenders tend also to commit nonviolent crimes (see the section below on violent crimes in criminal careers). That is, offenders are versatile rather than specialized. Furthermore, there may be a general syndrome of ''antisocial personality," which persists from childhood to adulthood and is characterized (in addition to psychopathic traits) by a wide variety of antisocial acts of which violence is one type (Farrington, 1991a). The psychiatric categories of childhood conduct disorder and adult antisocial personality disorder both contain indicators of aggression and violence (American Psychiatric Association, 1987). There has been quite a lot of developmental research on the categories of psychopathy and antisocial personality disorder (e.g., McCord and McCord, 1956; Robins, 1991). It is important to note that while psychopaths commit a disproportionate number of violent offenses, not all psychopaths are violent and, conversely, not all violent offenders are psychopaths (Hare, 1981). Features of psychopathy include lack of remorse and guilt, callousness and lack of empathy, egocentricity, impulsivity, early antisocial behavior,

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Page 360 and the commission of repeated and varied types of criminal acts (Hare, 1981). Psychopaths are unusually persistent offenders, continuing to offend at a high level until age 40 (Hare et al., 1988). Psychopathy has also been investigated extensively at the biological level, including genetic (Baker, 1986), hormonal (Virkkunen, 1987), psychophysiological (Hare, 1978), and neuropsychological (Raine and Venables, in press) factors. What are the manifestations of violence potential at different ages, and are they part of a developmental sequence? As already mentioned, there is continuity between indicators of childhood aggression and adult violence, suggesting persistence of an underlying construct that is here labeled violence potential. This construct may have different manifestations at different ages. It is important to attend to both homotypic continuity, in which violent behavior per se is preserved, and heterotypic continuity, in which early violence in the teenage years is replaced in adulthood with a different form of behavior that is not obviously violent. Such transformations are common in both psychological and biological development (for a useful discussion of concepts of developmental continuity, see Kagan, 1980). It is important to investigate sequences of onsets of different kinds of offenses and deviant (e.g., aggressive) behaviors, and to determine the probability of one behavior's following another and the average time interval between onsets. This information should be the starting point in trying to answer questions about why one behavior follows another. Conceptually there are three main reasons for developmental sequences. First, different acts may be different behavioral manifestations of the same underlying construct at different ages (e.g., an antisocial tendency manifests itself first in shoplifting, later in burglary, and later still in the abuse of spouses and children) but with no facilitating effect of an earlier act on a later one. Second, different acts may be different behavioral manifestations of the same or similar constructs at different ages and also part of a developmental sequence, in which one act is a stepping stone to or facilitates another act (e.g., smoking cigarettes tends to lead to marijuana use—Kandel and Faust, 1975). Third, different acts may be indicators of different constructs and part of a causal sequence, in which changes in an indicator of one construct cause changes in an indicator of a different construct (e.g., school failure leads to truancy). The first of these ideas can be distinguished empirically from the second and third. If acts in a sequence are all different behavioral

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Page 361 manifestations of the same construct (like symptoms of an illness), then preventing or changing an early act in the sequence will not necessarily affect the probability of later acts unless there is some change in the underlying construct. However, with developmental and causal sequences, changing an early act in the sequence will affect the probability of later acts. It is harder to distinguish the second and third ideas empirically, as the key distinction between them is conceptual. Some key issues are as follows: How can an underlying theoretical construct such as violence potential best be operationally defined and measured at different ages? Does it have different manifestations at different ages, and if so what are they (e.g., cruelty to animals at age 6, assaults on classmates at age 12, wounding at age 19)? What are the most common developmental stepping-stone sequences that include adult violence? For example, does hyperactivity at age 4 lead to conduct disorder at age 8, and then to adolescent aggression and adult violence? How can we establish the existence of such sequences, and distinguish them from causal sequences and from different manifestations of the same underlying construct? To what extent is violence potential consistent over time? A key question is: What constructs underlie aggressive and violent behavior, and how general or specific should they be? Should we assume that all persons can be ordered on a dimension of violence potential at a given age, or that they can be ordered on a more general dimension such as antisocial personality or "potential for antisocial behavior"? Alternatively, violence could be viewed as a categorical variable, with violent people differing qualitatively rather than quantitatively from nonviolent individuals. It is important to investigate how violence and violence potential vary with age. Studies show that the most violent people at one age tend also to be the most violent at another. Hence (provided that this does not entirely reflect consistency in the environment), there seems to be consistency in the relative ordering of individuals on the underlying dimension of potential for violence, as already mentioned. However, absolute levels of violence (or violence potential) may vary considerably with age, for example, decreasing markedly after the teens and early twenties. It is important to explain both relative stability and absolute change (Farrington, 1990). Many projects show significant stability and continuity for aggressive behavior after ages 7-8. In all, 16 separate studies with lags ranging from 6 months to 21 years have reported stability

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Page 362 coefficients for aggression ranging from .36 to .95 (Olweus, 1979). Similarly, Huesmann et al. (1984) reported a stability coefficient of .46 between ratings of peer-nominated aggression at age 8 and criminal offenses at age 30. Furthermore, such stability in aggression appears to be consistent across cultures (Eron and Huesmann, 1987). Eron and Huesmann (1990) suggest that such strong stability is a product of continuity of both constitutional and environmental factors. The reasons for the strong stability need to be investigated in more detail. There is important continuity between juvenile and adult violence, as shown for example in the follow-up by Hamparian et al. (1985). In other words, violent behavior that begins before the eighteenth birthday tends to continue after it. Are extreme forms of violence (e.g., homicide) different in degree or in kind from other forms of violence? Generally, all types of violence tend to be interrelated in the sense that people who commit one type have a relatively high probability of also committing other types. Again, this is in conformity with the idea of an underlying violence potential. However, this is perhaps least true of homicide. Some homicides are committed by people with a history of violence, but others are committed by relatively nonviolent people under extreme stress or provocation (see the distinction between undercontrolled and overcontrolled individuals, e.g., Megargee, 1973). Hence, homicide in some cases seems an extreme point on a continuum of violence and in other cases seems qualitatively different from other (less serious) types of violence. This notion is consistent with the view that violence, like any complex behavior, has multiple and heterogeneous etiologies, and that there is no unitary type of person who is violent. Just as psychiatric categories such as depression and schizophrenia are heterogeneous rather than unitary concepts, violence also is likely to be heterogeneous, if not more so. If this is the case, then an important goal of future research should be to delineate subtypes of violence that may have different etiologies. We propose to focus more on the development of an individual potential for violence than on the occurrence of the violent act. Generally, violence arises out of an interaction between persons and situations. Some people are consistently more likely to be violent than others in many different situations (just as some situations or environments are consistently more likely than others to elicit violence from many different persons). While characteristic forms and amounts of aggression change dramatically with

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Page 363 age (Eron et al., 1983), the aggressiveness of an individual relative to the rest of the population may remain fairly stable. For example, a child who is at the top of the distribution for aggression at age 8 is likely to be near the top of the distribution 20 years later. The focus here is on the violent persons indicated by these cross-situational and cross-time consistencies. Are the results obtained by studying within-individual differences in violence over time different from those obtained by studying between-individual differences in violence? The prevalence and correlates of aggression and violence at different ages can be studied either within individuals (using longitudinal data) or between individuals (using cross-sectional data). Key issues are the following: How can we explain within-individual changes over age in violence and violence potential, as well as between-individual variations at different ages? How do biological, individual, family, peer, school, and community factors influence within-individual changes and between-individual variations in violence and violence potential? Existing criminological theories are not very useful because they typically focus only on between-individual variations in the teenage years, and they lack a concern with either development or violence. In any case, there is a need for basic developmental information that might inform future theories. Influences On Violence It should be noted at the outset that no one influence in isolation is likely to account for the development of a potential for violence, except perhaps in some special cases. It is possible, for example, that to produce a violent adult, one needs, at a minimum, a child born with a particular temperamental profile, living in a particular family constellation, in a disadvantaged neighborhood, exposed to models of aggression and patterns of reinforcement of aggressive behavior, having a particular school experience, having a particular set of peer relations, and also experiencing certain chance events that permit the actualization of violent behavior. Furthermore, it must be remembered that the influences listed below must be viewed within the context of other (biological and social) influences. In particular, factors such as sex hormones, endocrinological factors, psychophysiological factors, and drugs and alcohol might all be expected to interact in complex ways with individual influences. We know that future adult violence can be predicted, to a statistically significant degree, on the basis of childhood or adolescent

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Page 364 factors (Farrington, 1989). Generally, predictive analyses focus on the additive or interactive effects of factors, while causal analyses focus on their independent effects. However, there is a great need for more detailed research on how predictability varies with the ages at which the predictors and outcomes are measured. Specific childhood indicators of aggression include temper tantrums in infancy, physical aggression toward peers and siblings, cruelty to animals, disobedience, quarreling, and disruptiveness in class; prechildhood predictors include pregnancy and birth complications. Prenatal/Perinatal Factors Several studies have reported a relation between prenatal/perinatal factors and later violence. Litt (1971) found that perinatal trauma was predictive of impulsive criminal law offenses in a cohort of nearly 2,000 consecutive births in Denmark. Lewis et al. (1979) similarly found that aggressive, incarcerated delinquents were more likely to have sustained perinatal trauma than less aggressive, nonincarcerated delinquents. Mungas (1983) reported a significant relation between violence and perinatal factors within a group of psychiatric patients. While these studies have indicated a main effect of perinatal factors, one study suggests that prenatal/perinatal factors may interact with social factors in increasing the risk for later violence. Mednick and Kandel (1988) found that minor physical anomalies (an indicator of first-trimester pregnancy complications) were predictive of the number of violent offenses at age 21, but only in children raised in unstable, nonintact homes. Minor physical anomalies have also been found to be elevated in hyperactivity, which itself is related to later delinquency and aggression (Fogel et al., 1985). Similarly, perinatal difficulties have been found to be predictive of aggressiveness (bullying and fighting) at age 18 but, again, this was true only for those raised in unstable home environments. While these data suggest that a link may exist between pregnancy/birth complications and later violence, there has been almost no research on the pathways by which prenatal and perinatal disturbances might lead to violence. It is possible that obstetric complications may result in damage to brain mechanisms that act to inhibit violent behavior (e.g., the prefrontal cortex). Alternatively, violence may be a by-product of impulsivity, hyperactivity, or cognitive deficits that are themselves produced by damage

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Page 365 to the central nervous system resulting from these complications. Possible interactions between pregnancy/birth complications and the early rearing environment are of potential importance, since they suggest that a stable early home environment may protect a child from the negative effects of these complications. For example, it has been observed that being raised in a stable home protects a child from the cognitive deficits otherwise associated with prematurity (Drillien, 1964). These data are at present limited, and confirmation and extension of preliminary studies are required in order to uncover the possible mechanisms by which pregnancy and birth complications may lead to the development of later violence, as well as to establish further the interaction of these complications with social and cognitive factors. In particular, experimental studies that provide greater prenatal care to mothers at risk for pregnancy and birth complications would help to test whether there is a causal connection between such complications and later violence. An interesting feature of these preliminary findings is that the effect of pregnancy and birth complications is relatively specific to later violence. Such complications do not, for example, appear to be predictive of nonviolent criminal behavior (Mednick and Kandel, 1988). This is of some importance since (as noted earlier) there is relatively little research on factors that selectively predict violence as opposed to nonviolent crime or crime in general. Temperament Early temperament may well constitute a risk factor for later aggressive and violent behavior. When confronted with unfamiliar situations (e.g., encounters with unfamiliar children and adults), some children ages 20-30 months tend to be shy, vigilant, and restrained ("inhibited"), whereas others tend to be sociable, spontaneous, and relatively fearless in their behavior ("uninhibited") (Kagan, 1989). Approximately 30 percent of children of this age can be classified into either inhibited or uninhibited categories. These temperamental differences at 21 months are relatively stable, with 75 percent of children being similarly classified as inhibited or uninhibited at 7.5 years. In addition, children exhibiting the most extreme forms of behavior at age 21 months are the most likely to be similarly classified at age 7.5 years. These two temperamental "types" have been found to differ in physiological terms. Inhibited children have higher and more stable heart rates than uninhibited children (Reznick et al., 1986) and show greater heart

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Page 366 rate acceleration during cognitive testing. A global physiological index of arousal made up of eight measures including heart rate, pupil dilation, norepinephrine, cortisol, and vocal tension correlated significantly with inhibition at age 21 months (r = .70) and at age 7.5 years (r = .64), with the uninhibited children being more underaroused. The significance of this research for violence lies in the possibility that a fearless, uninhibited, early temperament may be a risk factor for later aggression and violence, especially in children with low socioeconomic status, whereas fearfulness may act as a protective factor against aggression. Temperament may explain why only a proportion of children from high-risk homes and neighborhoods develop antisocial or violent behavior (Kagan, 1991). The fact that fearless young children have been found to have low heart rates is consistent with findings of low heart rates in undersocialized children ages 7-15 with aggressive conduct disorder (Raine and Jones, 1987), with the demonstration that persons convicted of violence tend to have low heart rates (Farrington, 1987; Wadsworth, 1976), and with the fact that low heart rate is thought to reflect a factor of fearlessness (Raine and Jones, 1987). Prospective longitudinal research and cross-sectional studies measuring early temperament in conjunction with measures of physiological arousal and aggression/violence across the life span are required to establish how far early temperament and underarousal are predisposing factors for later aggression and violence. The ability of measures of temperament and heart rate taken as early as 20 months to relate to later violence in adolescence and adulthood is clearly an important topic to be addressed. Although such factors in isolation may not be expected to be strong predictors of violence, in conjunction with other early family and cognitive measures, the degree of prediction may be considerable. The speculation by Kagan (1989) that physiological differences between shy and fearless children may reflect differential thresholds of limbic structures such as the amygdala and hypothalamus is in agreement with research implicating limbic structures in aggression in both animals and humans. Testing in violent and nonviolent subjects using positron emission tomography (PET) techniques could yield important results. Individual Factors Violent offenders tend to have certain personality features as children. In particular, they are high on hyperactivity-impulsivity-attention

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Page 367 deficit, tend to be restless and lacking concentration, take risks, show a poor ability to defer gratification, and have low empathy (e.g., Farrington, 1989). They also tend to have particularly low IQ scores (more so than other types of offenders). Physical child abusers have been found to have low self-esteem, a negative self-concept, feelings of inadequacy and inferiority, and an external locus of control (Milner, 1986, 1990). They also have psychopathological personality characteristics, higher trait anxiety and trait anger scores, higher neuroticism scores, and elevations on psychopathic, mania, paranoia, and schizophrenia scales of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Index (Milner, 1986). One longitudinal study indicated that although IQ at age 8 predicts aggression at age 30, IQ is no longer a significant predictor after the effects of aggression at age 8 are removed (Huesmann and Eron, 1984). It is possible that low IQ at an early age contributes to the early adoption of aggressive behavior, and that once such behavior is firmly established its further development into adult violence is relatively unaffected by low intellectual functioning (Huesmann and Eron, 1984). Family As already mentioned, violent offenders tend to have experienced poor parental childrearing methods, poor supervision, and separations from their parents when they were children (Farrington, 1991b). In addition, they tend disproportionally to come from low-income, large-sized families in poor housing in deprived, inner-city, high-crime areas. (This appendix does not discuss community influences on crime.) Recent research has focused on the link between being a victim of physical abuse and neglect as a child and later violent offending. Although it is commonly assumed that individuals who experience physical abuse as children grow up to become violent adults, there are surprisingly few sound empirical data to support this assumption. Widom (1989a), in a critical review of seven different areas of research that bear on this question concluded that most studies were methodologically weak. Her main criticisms include overreliance on self-report and retrospective data, inadequate documentation of child abuse, weak sampling techniques, and infrequent use of control groups. The soundest study conducted to date on physical abuse of children employed a large matched (case control) cohort design to

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Page 393 the former group. Three intervention programs cited by Dodge (1991) as being particularly suitable for differential implementation with these two types of aggressive children include social problem-solving skills training (Spivack and Shure, 1974), angercontrol training (Lochman and Curry, 1986), and parent training (Patterson et al., 1982). In a similar fashion, Kendall et al. (1991) have argued that conduct disordered children with lower levels of hostility and aggression are especially likely to benefit from cognitive-behavioral therapy. Research on sequences and on prediction might help in identifying when and how it might be best to intervene to prevent the development of adult violence. For example, interventions might be targeted just before key developmental transitions (e.g., from less serious aggression to more serious violence) or when the correlation between the predictor and the outcome is still relatively low (indicating malleability). A related issue concerns at what age interventions may be most successfully imposed. There is some evidence that interventions conducted early in the developmental process are more effective than later interventions (Hawkins et al., 1988), although some exceptions have been noted (Guerra, 1990). From a cost-benefit perspective, it may be better to intervene at a later developmental stage, when one can be more sure that the targeted group represents those with a high likelihood of going on to become violent adults. Some data by Farrington and Hawkins (1991) indicate that childhood events are more important than teenage behavior in predicting the persistence of offending in the twenties, and they speculate that early prevention may have a greater potential than later criminal justice measures for reducing adult crime. Prediction studies that can push back the age at which adult violence can be predicted are clearly important, in that they will help determine at what developmental stage interventions may be most profitably conducted. Ideas about intervention possibilities can also be obtained by studying aggressive children who do not become violent adults, and seeking to identify factors that protect them from making the progression. Similarly, most violent offenders desist from violent offending in their twenties, but there has been little research investigating the factors that foster such desistance. Some of it may involve switching to other kinds of activities. For example, aggressive juveniles tend to be unemployed and to be heavy drinkers in their twenties, even though their aggressive behavior has declined (Farrington, 1991b).

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Page 394 Attention should also be paid to intervening with those children who possess multiple predisposing factors for later aggression and violence. For example, one intervention that may be of value consists of studying children ages 4-5 with uninhibited (fearless) temperaments who are also at risk of early school failure. The combination of a young child who is minimally anxious and is about to fail a major life task puts that child at high risk for the development of antisocial behavior. Intervention with such children before school entrance could be of great value. Policy Issues The results of intervention research have important implications for public policy. The likely effects of large-scale policy changes should be evaluated beforehand in small-scale experiments. Some policy questions that are likely to arise in connection with the development of an individual potential for violence are as follows: (1) Should aggressive children be identified at an early age (under 10) and given ameliorative intervention programs such as focusing on skills training, anger control (Novaco), and parent training (Patterson et al., 1991)? (2) Should pregnant women who are at risk for pregnancy and birth complications be provided with better antenatal services in order to reduce the probability of violence by their children in later life? (3) Should more widespread programs be introduced, targeted on all children rather than those identified as aggressive? For example, the Olweus antibullying campaign is a wide-ranging program, and so is the attempt to convey prosocial values through prosocial models (e.g., Mr. Rogers). References American Psychiatric Association 1987 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (3rd ed., revised). Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Association. Baker, L.A. 1986 Estimating genetic correlations among discordant phenotypes: An analysis of criminal convictions and psychiatric hospital diagnoses in Danish adoptees. Behavior Genetics 16:127-142.

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Page 395 Bandura, A. 1973 Aggression: A Social Learning Analysis. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Berkowitz, L. 1978 Is criminal violence normative behavior? Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 15:148-161. 1983 Aversively stimulated aggression: Some parallels and differences in research with animals and humans. American Psychologist 38:1135-1144. Berrueta-Clement, J.R., L.J. Schweinhart, W.S. Barnett, A.S. Epstein, and D.P. Weikart 1984 Changed Lives. Ypsilanti, Mich.: High/Scope. Blumstein, A., J. Cohen, J.A. Roth, and C.A. Visher, eds. 1986 Criminal Careers and "Career Criminals." Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Clarke, R.V., and D.B. Cornish 1985 Modelling offenders' decisions. Pp. 147-185 in M. Tonry and N. Morris, eds., Crime and Justice. Vol. 6. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Coie, J.D., M. Underwood, and J.E. Lochman 1991 Programmatic intervention with aggressive children in the school setting. Pp. 389-410 in D.J. Pepler and K.H. Rubin, eds., The Development and Treatment of Childhood Aggression. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. Comstock, G., and H. Paik 1990 The Effects of Television Violence on Aggressive Behavior: A Meta-Analysis. Unpublished report to the National Academy of Sciences Panel on the Understanding and Control of Violent Behavior, Washington, DC. Crowell, D.H., I.M. Evans, and C.R. O'Donnell, eds. 1987 Childhood Aggression and Violence. New York: Plenum. DiLalla, L.F., and I.I. Gottesman 1991 Biological and genetic contributors to violence—Widom's untold tale. Psychological Bulletin 109:125-129. Dodge, K.A. 1980 Social cognition and children's aggressive behavior. Child Development 51:162-170. 1986 A social information processing model of social competence in children. Pp. 77-125 in M. Perlmutter, ed., Minnesota Symposium in Child Psychology. Vol. 18. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. 1991 The structure and function of reactive and proactive aggression. Pp. 201-218 in D.J. Pepler and K.H. Rubin, eds., The Development and Treatment of Childhood Aggression. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum. Dodge, K.A., and J.D. Coie 1987 Social information processing factors in reactive and proactive

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