Families That Work: Children in a Changing World (1982)

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PARTI A Time of Transition

1 Introduction The past decade has witnessed significant changes in American society. The traditional family with a husband-father who is the provider and a wife-mother who maintains the home and cares for the children is no longer the norm. The form of the family is changing and with it the roles and relationships among family members. Increasingly during the past 10 years, women, including women with children, are working or looking for work outside the home, while the proportion of men in the labor force has actually fallen somewhat.1 Changes in patterns of labor force participation have been accompanied by dramatic changes in fam- ily structure. Families are smaller now than in the past. A rapidly rising divorce rate has spurred a significant increase in the number and pro- portion of families with only one parent, most of these female-headed. Simultaneously, there has been a sharp decline in the fertility rate and in the average number of children born per woman. Taken together, these changes in work and family affect virtually all of our social, cul- tural, and economic arrangements. Most importantly, they affect the environments in which children are reared and the experiences they have in growing up. This book is about the implications of changing patterns of work for 1 We define work as paid employment outside the home. Although home maintenance tasks and housework are clearly work, we do not include them in our definition unless they are performed in connection with paid employment by an employer outside one's own household.

4 A TIME OF TRANSITION children's socialization and education. It is not an assessment of whether mothers should or should not work. Instead, it provides an account of what is known and what remains to be known about how this and related social phenomena affect children both directly and indirectly through the various institutions in our society with which they interact daily. The task of the Panel on Work, Family, and Community was to review the state of knowledge about the dimensions and consequences of change in children's lives, in particular those associated with shifting patterns of work and family structure. Our objective was to map the domain— to define the significant linkages between and among work, family, and formal and informal community institutions as they affect children's daily experiences. We believe that recent trends in labor force participation will very likely continue. Accordingly, the ultimate goal of our study was to develop a strategy for research to inform the future public- and private-sector decision makers who will establish policies and practices affecting the well-being of children whose parent or parents work THE FOCUS OF THE STUDY Although they are not traceable to any abrupt shift or single cataclysmic event, changes in patterns of work and related shifts in family structure have been dramatic in the past two decades, and the pace of change has accelerated during the past ten years. The course of these changes, however, has been difficult to predict. Repeatedly in the past, projec- tions of future growth in the labor force participation of mothers and fathers, as well as rates of divorce, have seriously underestimated the number and proportion of the U.S. population that would be affected. Undoubtedly, the decades of the 1980s and the 1990s will witness a slowing in the pace of change. Nevertheless, for better or worse, every- thing we know suggests that these patterns are established and will continue. Some have described them as the most significant social changes of the twentieth century. At the very least, as researchers at The Urban Institute suggest, we are experiencing a "subtle revolution" (Smith, 1979). These trends have far-reaching implications for a variety of formal and informal institutions, most of which are still predicated on the notion of a society dominated by traditional two-parent, single-earner families. As the roles and responsibilities of mothers and fathers have shifted, so have expectations for institutions that provide support and services. The workplace is no longer a man's world, and employers are increasingly being called upon to provide benefits that will assist employees in meet-

Introduction 5 ing their work and family responsibilities. The home is no longer solely the domain of women. Some evidence suggests that the division of labor for household tasks and child rearing may be changing somewhat, as are consumption patterns, living standards, and the responsibility for household decision making, although researchers disagree about the extent and significance of such trends. Public and private community institutions, including schools, churches, recreation and social service centers, and the marketplace, are also under pressure to adapt to the changing needs of families. Most importantly, however, the "subtle revolution" has significant implications for children. Of all issues associated with changing patterns of labor force participation and changes in family structure, those con- cerning the care and nurture of future generations have caused the most controversy. Children's development is in part influenced by the environments in which they grow up, the individuals with whom they interact, and the experiences they have. Socialization and education take place in a variety of settings, including homes, schools, and neighborhoods. How children perform in one setting is significantly affected by what goes on in the other settings in which they spend time. Children's home life, for ex- ample, affects their performance in school, and conversely, their class- room experiences affect behavior at home. Inevitably, questions are being raised about the consequences of changing patterns of work and family life on the well-being of children—on their academic achieve- ment; on their attitudes toward education, work, and family formation; on their interactions and relationships with parents, siblings, peers, teachers, and other adults; on their personality development; and on the incidence of problems such as delinquency, teenage pregnancy, drug abuse, and alcoholism. Are children of working parents better or worse off than children in traditional two-parent families in which the father spends his days at the workplace and the mother spends hers at home? Which children are more or less likely to have problems? There is no simple answer. Current understanding of the relationship between social change and child outcomes is limited at best. Conflicting value orientations significantly influence any assessment of available evidence. On the one hand, there are many who regard the labor force participation of women as a liberating step that can only increase the productive capacity of the nation as a whole. According to this view- point, children benefit from the presence of a mother as well as a father who has a strong sense of independence and from the increased income that results from her employment. On the other hand, there are those

6 A TIME OF TRANSITION who regard changing patterns of work and family as a threat to tradi- tional values and as a needless burden on a labor market that is already unable to provide enough jobs. This group argues that children suffer a lack of essential personal attention from parents, especially mothers, who are struggling to integrate outside employment with household responsibilities. Such children, they would suggest, are especially ad- versely affected in families where the father is absent. The debate over the effects of these changing life-styles remains largely unresolved. What seems clear, however, is that no social change takes place in isolation or has a single, universal effect. The consequences for children of shifting patterns of labor force participation and related changes in family structure depend in large part on how a variety of institutions in our society adapt—including the family, formal and informal community institutions, the workplace, and the marketplace—and the relationships that exist between and among them. If there is only one message that emerges from this study, it is that parental employment in and of itself—mothers' employment or fathers' or both parents'—is not necessarily good or bad for children. Evidence suggests that children of different ages in families of different types living in different locations and circumstances may fare differently. Some may be better off, some worse off, and some may not be influenced at all. How children are affected depends on the ways in which other social, cultural, ideological, and economic factors mediate these changes. It also depends on the extent to which other institutions in our society provide needed supports to children and their families. The effectiveness of institutions such as the schools, for example, in performing their designated function of educating children greatly depends on what oc- curs in children's lives outside these institutions—where they spend their time, with whom, and engaged in what kinds of activities. MAPPING THE DOMAIN: OUR APPROACH TO THE STUDY The Panel on Work, Family, and Community was established to review the current state of knowledge about how families, various formal and informal community institutions, the workplace, and the marketplace have adapted to changing patterns of labor force participation and re- lated changes in family structure and with what consequences for chil- dren. In order to accomplish this objective, the panel undertook several related tasks. The first was to develop a conceptual framework that would serve as a basis for understanding how interrelationships among work, family, and community influence children's education and so-

Introduction 7 cialization. Then the panel commissioned several reviews, each of which surveyed work, family, and community interrelationships from a dif- ferent perspective. The authors were asked to review and assess the literature and to suggest an agenda for future research. Both of these tasks—conceptualization and literature review—have contributed in an essential way to the conclusions and recommendations presented in this report. The Conceptual Framework We began with the premise that recent widespread changes in labor force participation and family structure are likely to have far-reaching implications in our society for the future of both its institutions and its children. As a first step in identifying and understanding these impli- cations, the panel developed a conceptual framework that relates changes in the workplace, in family life, and in the roles of formal and informal community institutions to the status of children living in different cir- cumstances in our society. The panel's framework is designed to high- light how current adaptations in work, family, and community affect the way children spend their time; the kinds of adult and peer inter- actions they have; their school performance; their development of per- sonality characteristics, attitudes, and values; and their transition to adult roles. It is also intended to highlight the interactions between and among the systems that affect children's development and daily expe- riences. Indeed, our primary concern was to chart the myriad ways in which work, family life, and the roles of community institutions affect and are affected by each other and result in a variety of adaptations and outcomes for children. The panel's conceptual framework has five major categories of variables that affect one another both directly and indirectly (see Table 1-1): (1) Government Policies This category of variables includes nu- merous federal, state, and local policies and programs regarding income transfer, fiscal matters, employment, housing, community development, transportation, health, education, child care, and personal social ser- vices. (2) Workplace Policies and Practices This category of variables in- cludes workplace conditions, employment policies and practices, and the organization and structure of work, as well as the benefits and services provided by employers.

2 °- u *r 8.1 "r .2 5 .' r ^ u E CO n . *. s ^-^ . „ OQ Q. JB C U o o '^3 Q. cS .!| H 1 C c §"'" In" O IM LT c u c E s .- o .a o c U tg — C U '> ^ Child Ou-cri Differert Sei Farily/hrre care/preschr' righbrhrr Relevant Oui Physical ard crgri-ive de\ srrali-y char -udes ard va aspira-irs a educa-iral 1 Is -S 5 1 C 'S c S f « Is uf: '? -^ - 2 O. U !E u £. I 12 u 1 " c ^ "S r £ y U >, "3 "3 -5 D. D. '" c § tf -a 1 c ^ ^ T3 ;/r -S "S 'E g- a. S r u E' 2 ^ -^ .2 c^ S U- g g i3 rt Q a 1 § « S S « I .2 "S "S 'u u 1C 'a i '5 1 1 >. _0 , 3 u lllfflll ' U X "o 9 |H G i CL "r ^ y .ti ffl « ^ tS A _> c r ^ 00 TJ g illij-pts r .o Characteristics'" Relevant Institul Wrkplace ard rer- prlicies ar -ices (ircludirg berfits); schrr r-her educa-ir °° -% -g ." S r *" ^ •— 1 £ CO Crrrri-y Irs-i-u-irs (3) '" r 5 U ii|ii|iis iliiMip c 'C r CL 2 .0 1 a --g§v-«rr|^ T3 V i sl i 2 w--— *n pjs s n"0 .o 8^SS§5«§§ 1 • U- CL o. XTjEuiiSAaEBl 13 °- lM jT -— ., O ijl" u- c 00 > "e £ . _ u *- >i r .2 ~ ti e i" r i 1 S i a r C r C n o >, op rti — 1 1 |.l irdus-ry; size; exte uririza-ir; prrp( Relevant Policies Orgariza-ir rf we s-ruc-ure rf wrk; crdi-irs; wrk hi frirge berfi-s, ircl released -ire wi-h — c tual Framework u 0 11 .a c7 .5 n !I Characteristics'" fj= ?« E r <L> '~* c 3 O II il r r c .a6- 1 = V) U L i: 8.3 I i u a o. > r r>* r H c O (U Ej u o _ r li «t C " * || c "a l| a «J , u i CO .a -S S C 'u u. r 1 1 1 1- i-H .1 3 £ .t 1 -- 's S .— U - 03 g-.S TABLE 1 Grverrrer- Characteristic Types rf ac-i grart — feden .2 "53 is-ra-ive prac Relevant Poll Tax; ircrre erplryrer-; ard crrrr JZ 'o " Table devel * Charac-eris .2 T3 OB '3 » 3) "ca f3 is s 11 j§! S g

Introduction 9 (3) Community Institutions This category of variables refers to the variety of formal and informal arrangements and resources that are available at the local neighborhood level to provide needed supports and services to children and their families. Included are publicly and privately run organizations and neighborhood and kin networks—for example, schools, churches, social service agencies, social organizations, recreational facilities, and neighborhood associations—as well as the marketplace. (4) The Family System This category of variables includes both working and nonworking families of different structures (e.g., single- parent or two-parent families); varying ethnic, racial, and cultural back- grounds; varying social and economic characteristics; and children of different sexes, ages, and numbers. We note here the significance of household as well as family and the important distinction between the two. The natural parents of some children may live in different house- holds. Some children may experience multiple and complex familial relationships (stepparents, half-siblings) while living within one house- hold. In addition, attention is focused on functioning within the family, including parent-child relationships (e.g., shared activities, interactions, and attitudes), husband-wife relationships, and child-sibling relation- ships, all of which affect the socialization of children. (5) Child Outcomes in Different Settings This last category of var- iables includes the variety of physical, social, and emotional effects (e.g., physical and mental health outcomes, cognitive gains and school achieve- ment, personality characteristics, attitudes and values, vocational as- pirations, fertility) that result from children's experiences in the different settings in which they spend time (e.g., family/home, school, day care/ preschool, peer groups, neighborhood, workplace). The panel's focus is on how each of the above categories of variables has responded to changes in work patterns as well as to interactions between and among the variables. Therefore, for example, we are con- cerned with the employer's provision of fringe benefits and services insofar as it has implications for the functioning of employees' families and the well-being of their children. We are concerned with the avail- ability and access of working parents and their children to the public and/or private community services and supports, schools, service agen- cies, and neighborhood groups that combine to meet the everyday needs of working families with children. We are concerned with how home- school relations affect children's cognitive and social development. We are concerned with the attitudes, achievement, relationships, and as- pirations of children whose parents work in different occupations. These

10 A TIME OF TRANSITION are but a few of the many interesting questions that arise when consid- ering how the various dimensions of people's lives interrelate. Our con- ceptual framework provides a means of organizing the very complex relationships that determine outcomes for children and families. It has served as a basis for ordering what we know already, for evaluating the results of existing research, and for charting a course for future research and policy efforts. The Review Topics The panel identified several topics for review that focus on various dimensions of the conceptual framework linking work, family, and com- munity. Each review begins from a different entry point in the frame- work, taking as its dependent variable a selected element within one of the five categories of variables (for example, workplace adaptations or children's school achievement) and treating the other dimensions as intervening or independent variables. The authors, charged with the dual tasks of reviewing the literature and developing a research agenda, highlighted the interactions between the categories of variables when- ever possible. In summary, the authors were asked to (1) conceptualize their topic, paying special attention to linkages among dimensions of the framework; (2) review the state of knowledge on their topic; (3) identify and critique existing data sets that are relevant to their topic; (4) point out gaps in existing knowledge; and (5) suggest salient research issues and directions for future data collection and analysis. The following topics are examined in five chapters in Part II of this report: • the impact of parental work on the family as a socialization system and as an economic system • adaptations to a changing work force by employers in different- sized firms and different types of organizations • the relationship between parental work and child outcomes, in- cluding achievement and attainment in school settings, as well as chil- dren's perceptions of themselves and the world in which they live. We made several efforts to commission papers on adaptations by schools and other formal and informal community institutions (e.g., churches, social service agencies, neighborhood groups). In the process, however, we discovered that the lack of conceptualization of the rela- tionship between changing work patterns and the roles of these organ-

Introduction 11 izations and the lack of relevant data made it difficult to assemble in- formation on the nature, extent, and consequences of their responses. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPORT Part I of this volume documents established and emerging trends in labor force participation, family structure, income, and how children spend their time. It also presents a brief sketch of the policy and research issues that have arisen from changing patterns of work. In Part II the existing data and research on the ways in which the workplace, families, and community institutions are responding to these social phenomena and their consequences for children are reviewed in a series of papers. Finally, Part III presents our conclusions concerning the current state of knowledge and our recommendations for future research. REFERENCE Smith, R., ed. (1979) The Subtle Revolution: Women at Work. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute.

2 The Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues The experience of growing up in the United States is likely to be different for children in the 1980s than it was for children several decades ago. Although a significant proportion still live in a traditional two-parent family (including natural and stepparent families) in which the father is the breadwinner and the mother is the homemaker (36 percent in 1980), most do not. Since 1970, patterns of labor force participation and family structure have shifted markedly, with consequent effects on children's experiences and on the settings in which they live and spend time. Today, there are significantly fewer children under 18 years of age than there were 10 years ago, and they constitute a smaller proportion of the U.S. population as a whole. Despite their declining numbers, however, in the 1980s more children than at any time since World War II will live for some time during their formative years (0 to 18) in a single-parent family, usually female-headed. And more children than ever before will have two parents who work or a sole parent who is working outside the home. Children do and will continue to constitute a large portion of the poverty population. Those in single-parent, female-headed families are especially likely to be poor, particularly if their mothers are not em- ployed. Moreover, a greater number of children will spend more time each day in the care and company of individuals other than their parents. In the remainder of this chapter, we present data concerning changes during the past decade in labor force participation—especially among women with children—changes in family structure, changes in family income, and changes in the settings where children spend time. Although 12

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 13 clearly these trends are related, there is little definitive evidence of causal links. Undoubtedly, a complex variety of social, economic, cultural, and ideological factors contributed to these phenomena and are not easily separated. Therefore, our purpose is not to present these trends as direct causes and effects of one another, but instead to describe them as sig- nificant associated patterns of change in our society during the past decade and to suggest some of the relevant emerging issues. CHANGES IN LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION AND WORK STATUS Despite the declining population of young people, the number and pro- portion of children with working mothers rose steadily during the past decade. In 1979, for the first time more U.S. children lived in families with a mother in the labor force than in families with a mother who was a full-time homemaker. By 1980 about 53 percent of all children under 18 years of age had mothers who were employed or seeking employment outside the home. Although school-age children are still more likely than preschool-age children to have mothers in the labor force, the proportion of very young children (under 3 years) with working mothers has increased most dramatically since 1970, to more than 40 percent (see Table 2-1). Among school-age and preschool-age children in the United States, those in female-headed families are more likely to have working mothers than those in two-parent families (see Table 2-1). This likelihood, however, varies by race: Black and Hispanic children under the age of 18 living in families maintained by women are less likely than white children to have working mothers (see Table 2-2). Of special interest is that, although more children in single-parent families have working mothers, the percentage of increase during the past decade was twice as great for children with married mothers. Indeed, the most dramatic change in labor force participation has been among mothers in two-parent families. Between 1960 and 1980 this proportion nearly doubled. Today more than half of all married women with children under 18 years of age are in the labor force. Many women in this group who in another era would have stopped working when they married or had children are now continuing to work. Those with school-age children are more likely to be working than those with preschool-age children; however, the rate of increase in labor force participation by women has been far greater for mothers of preschool- age children. Following the historic pattern, however, black mothers with husbands present, unlike their single-parent counterparts, are more likely to be in the labor force than white or Hispanic mothers in this category (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1980).

14 A TIME OF TRANSITION TABLE 2-1 Children by Age, Type of Family, and Labor Force Status of Mother: 1970 and 1980" (Numbers in Thousands) 1970 1980 Change from 1970 to 1980 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent All children under 18 65,755 100.0 58,107 100.0 - 7,648 — years Mother in labor 25,554 38.9 30,663 52.8 5,108 35.7 force Mother not in labor 39,550 60.1 26,493 47.2 - 13,057 -38.1 force Children in married- 58,399 100.0 46,829 100.0 -11,570 — couple families Mother in labor 21,982 37.6 24,218 51.7 2,236 -37.5 force Mother not in labor 36,417 62.4 22,611 48.3 - 13,806 -19.4 force Children in families 6,695 100.0 10,327 100.0 3,632 — maintained by women Mother in labor 3,562 53.2 6,445 62.4 2,883 17.3 force Mother not in labor 3,133 46.8 3,882 37.6 749 -19.6 force All children 6-17 years Mother in labor 46,149 19,954 100.0 43.2 40,688 23,196 100.0 57.0 - 5,461 force 3,242 31.9 Mother not in labor 25,627 56.8 16,722 43.0 - 8,905 -24.3 force Children in married- 40,479 100.0 32,150 100.0 - 8,329 — couple families Mother in labor 17,035 42.1 18,032 56.1 997 33.2 force Mother not in labor 23,444 57.9 14,118 43.9 - 9,326 -24.2 force Children in families 5,102 100.0 7,768 100.0 2,666 — maintained by women Mother in labor 2.919 57.2 5,164 66.5 2,245 16.2 force Mother not in labor 2,183 42.8 2,604 33.5 421 -21.7 force All children under 6 19,606 100.0 17,418 100.0 - 2,188 years* Mother in labor 5,590 28.5 7,467 42.9 1,877 50.5 force

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 15 TABLE 2-1 (Continued) 1970 1980 Change from 1970 to 1980 Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Mother not in labor 13,923 71.5 9,771 57.1 - 4,152 -20.1 force Children in married- 17,920 100.0 14,679 100.0 - 3,241 — couple families Mother in labor 4,947 27.6 6,186 42.1 1,239 52.5 force Mother not in labor 12,973 72.4 8,493 57.9 - 4,480 -20.0 force Children in families 1,593 100.0 2,559 100.0 966 — maintained by women Mother in labor force 632 40.4 1,281 50.0 638 23.8 Mother not in labor 950 59.6 1,278 50.0 328 -16.1 force " Excludes children under 18 years old who were maintaining their own families or subfam- ilies or who were living in institutions or with family members other than parents or stepparents. * Statistics for children under 3 years old cannot be computed separately. SOURCES: Special Labor Force Reports (1981), Bureau of Labor Statistics (1980). In recent years, as the number of single-parent families has increased, the number of single mothers in the labor force has also risen rapidly. In 1979 approximately one of every nine women in the work force, five million in all, was maintaining her own family. Single mothers are even more likely to be working or looking for work outside the home if their children are of school age than if they are preschoolers (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1980). Moreover, white mothers in this group are far more likely than black or Hispanic mothers to be in the labor force (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1980). Although the proportion of single-parent families headed by fathers has increased only slightly during the past decade, the labor force par- ticipation rate among men in this group has declined somewhat. In 1970 more than 91 percent of single-parent fathers with children under 18 years of age were in the labor force; in 1979 only 86 percent of them were (unpublished data, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1981). This decline has followed the general pattern of male labor force participation during the past decade. The decrease is largely attributable to longer education, earlier retirement, and longer life spans (Smith, 1979b).

16 A TIME OF TRANSITION TABLE 2-2 Children by Age, Type of Family, Labor Force Status of Mother, and Race and Hispanic Origin: 1980" (Numbers in Thousands) White Black Hispanic Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent All children under 49,057 100.0 7,815 100.0 4,674 100.0 18 years* Mother in labor 25,510 52.0 4,485 57.4 2,064 44.2 force Mother not in 22,780 46.4 3,172 40.6 2,540 54.3 labor force Children in mar- 49,915 100.0 3,864 100.0 3,657 100.0 ried-couple families Mother in labor 21,235 50.7 2,395 62.0 1,611 44.1 force Mother not in 20,680 49.3 1,470 38.0 2,046 55.9 labor force Children in fami- 6,376 100.0 3,792 100.0 947 100.0 lies main- tained by women Mother in labor 4,275 67.0 2,090 55.1 453 47.8 force Mother not in 2,100 32.9 1,702 44.9 494 52.2 labor force All children 6-17 34,295 100.0 5,562 100.0 3,012 100.0 years* Mother in labor 19,380 56.5 3,326 59.8 1,447 48.0 force Mother not in 14,280 41.6 2,121 38.1 1,510 50.1 labor force Children in mar- 28,767 100.0 2,683 100.0 2,323 100.0 ried-couple families Mother in labor 15,891 55.2 1,714 63.9 1,107 47.7 force Mother not in 12,876 44.8 968 36.1 1,216 52.3 labor force Children in fami- 4,894 100.0 2,764 100.0 634 100.0 lies main- tained by women Mother in labor 3,490 71.3 1,613 58.3 340 53.6 force Mother not in 1,404 28.7 1,152 41.7 295 46.5 labor force

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 17 TABLE 2-2 (Continued) White Black Hispanic Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent All children under 14,762 100.0 2,253 100.0 1,662 100.0 6 yearsr Mother in labor 6,130 41.5 1,159 51.4 617 37.1 force Mother not in 8,500 57.6 1,051 46.6 1,030 62.0 labor force Children in mar- 13,148 100.0 1,182 100.0 1,334 100.0 ried-couple famlies Mother in labor 5,344 40.6 681 57.6 504 37.8 force Mother not in 7,804 59.4 SOI 42.4 830 62.2 labor force Children in fami- 1,482 100.0 1,028 100.0 313 100.0 lies main- tained by women Mother in labor 786 53.0 478 46.5 113 36.1 force Mother not in 697 47.0 550 53.5 200 63.9 labor force ° Excludes children under 18 years old who were maintaining their own families or subfam- ilies or who were living in institutions or with family members other than parents or stepparents. * Percentage in this cell do not total 100 because they do not account for children living in single-parent families maintained by fathers. c Data for children under 3 years old cannot be computed separately. SOURCE: Unpublished data from Bureau of Labor Statistics. Of the total number of employed mothers in 1980 (about 31 million), approximately 73 percent worked full time. The remaining 26 percent worked part time, either fewer hours every day or fewer weeks during the year. A significantly greater proportion of single-parent mothers who work than of mothers with husbands present were employed full time. In addition, women with school-age children are somewhat more likely to work full time than women with preschoolers. From available data, however, it appears that marital status rather than the age of the child plays a larger role in determining whether a mother who is em- ployed will work full time or part time (see Table 2-3). As more and more women have joined the labor force in the past

18 A TIME OF TRANSITION TABLE 2-3 Employed Mothers by Full-Time or Part-Time Work Status, Marital Status, and Age of Children: 1980 (Numbers in Thousands) With Children Under 18 Years 6-17 3-5 Under 3 Total Years Years Years Total employed mothers Worked full time" 18,578 13,522 12,365 3,009 2,166 3,204 2,108 9,247 Worked part time" Employed mothers in married-couple families 5,056 12,677 3,118 8,017 843 2,009 1,096 2,651 Worked full time 8,502 5,491 1,335 1,676 Worked part time Employed mothers maintaining their own families* 4,175 5,901 2,526 4,348 674 1,000 975 553 Worked full time 5,020 3,756 831 432 Worked part time 881 592 169 121 " Full-time workers are those who worked 35 or more hours per week; part-time workers are those who worked 1 to 34 hours per week. * Includes married mothers whose husbands were absent, and divorced, widowed, and never-married mothers. SOURCE: Unpublished data from Bureau of Labor Statistics. decade, more have also become unemployed. Although official unem- ployment data are subject to error, they suggest that in 1980 the annual unemployment rate for all women with children under 18 years of age was 6.9 percent compared to 5.9 percent in 1970. Women with preschool children are more likely to be unemployed than are those with school- age children. This suggests that although they do not leave the labor force as they might have a decade ago, many working women become unemployed for some period of time after the birth of a child. Unem- ployment among single-parent mothers is higher than among those with a husband present (6.8 percent compared to 5.7 percent). It is highest, 10.2 percent, among single-parent mothers with children under 3 years (unpublished data, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1981). Unemployment is also significantly higher among blacks and somewhat higher among Hispanics than among whites (unpublished data, Bureau of Labor Sta- tistics). This does not suggest that mothers with husbands present are better able or more likely to get and hold a job. Instead, it probably reflects racial, age, and education differences among the different groups (see Table 2-4).

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 19 The shifting pattern of U.S. labor force participation during the past decade, most notably the dramatic increase in the number of moth- ers who are working outside the home, represents a fundamental change in the activities of many American women. It is attributable in part to the population growth and in part to the dramatic increase during the 1960s and the 1970s in the proportion of women who chose (or were obliged) to seek paid work. This change is undoubtedly linked to broader changing social, cultural, ideological, and economic conditions in this nation. The economic growth of the 1960s, increases in the number of available jobs, growing legal pressures to assure women equal access to the workplace, the spread of the women's movement, and rising rates of inflation that significantly increased the cost of living have all provided major incentives for women to enter the job market and to stay in it. Factors such as the declining income of young men and the mechani- zation of the household have also undoubtedly contributed (O'Neill, 1980). Regardless of the motivation for mothers to go to work, however, their employment has been accompanied by changes in family structure, and their earnings have brought about changes in patterns of family income. TABLE 2-4 Unemployment of Mothers in the Labor Force, by Marital Status and Age of Children: 1980 (Numbers in Thousands) With Children Under 18 Years Total 6-17 Years 3-5 Years Under 3 Years Total mothers 30,927 17,347 5,311 8,269 In labor force 17,493 11,168 2,880 3,445 Labor force participation rate 56.6 64.4 54.2 41.7 Unemployment rate 6.9 5.3 8.1 10.9 Mothers in married-couple families 24,829 13,561 4,201 7,067 In labor force 13,447 8,381 2,161 2,906 Labor force participation rate 54.2 61.8 51.4 41.1 Unemployment rate 5.7 4.3 7.0 8.8 Mothers maintaining their own families" 9,463 6,277 1,672 1,513 In labor force 6,541 4,711 1,120 710 Labor force participation rate 69.1 75.1 67.0 46.9 Unemployment rate 6.8 5.8 7.2 10.2 " Includes married mothers whose husbands were absent, and divorced, widowed, and never-married mothers. SOURCE: Unpublished data from Bureau of Labor Statistics.

20 A TIME OF TRANSITION CHANGES IN FAMILY STRUCTURE Although almost all U.S. children live in families, the form of the family is changing. Today, nearly one of every five children lives with only one parent, a proportion that has increased significantly since 1970 when about one child of every nine lived solely with either a mother or a father. Most of these children live in families that are maintained by mothers. Only a small proportion live in families maintained by fathers, and that proportion has remained relatively constant during the past 10 years (see Table 2-5). While most white and Hispanic children live with two parents, nearly half of all black children do not (see Table 2-6). The increasing number of children in single-parent families largely reflects a rapidly rising divorce rate, although rising illegitimacy, par- ticularly among teenage mothers, also contributes. Nearly one of every three marriages in the United States now ends in divorce. Current es- timates suggest that between 40 and 50 percent of children born in the 1970s will live for at least some period of time in a single-parent family while they are growing up (Bureau of the Census, 1979). Children are also increasingly likely to live in households in which one parent is not the natural parent, since most mothers who divorce become remarried within five years. In 1977 an estimated 10 percent of all children under 18 years of age in two-parent families were living with one natural parent and one stepparent. If current trends continue, more than 30 percent of all children in the United States will be living in such families by the end of the century (personal communication with Arthur Norton, Bu- reau of the Census). There were 7.7 million fewer children under 18 years of age in 1980 than there were in 1970, which represents a 12 percent reduction in the size of the cohort. As a proportion of the total population, the decline was even more significant—from about one-third to one-quarter. The rate of decline during the past 10 years among both the school-age (6 to 17 years) and the preschool-age (under 6 years) groups was approx- imately the same. In the year ending March 1980, however, the number of children under age 6 registered its first increase since 1970. Never- theless, because this growth was more than offset by a greater drop in the school-age group, there was a net decline in the total population under 18 years of age during the decade (see Table 2-7). Not only will there be fewer children in the 1980s, but those children will likely have fewer siblings. The lifetime fertility rate (the average number of lifetime births expected by women), which peaked at 3.8 in 1957, has declined steadily since then. By 1970 it had dropped to 2.5 and by 1979 to approximately 1.7, reflecting a growing preference for

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 21 TABLE 2-5 Living Arrangements and Age of Children Under 18 Years Old: 1970 and 1980" (Numbers in Thousands) All children under 65,755 100.0 58,107 100.0 - 7,648 _ 18 years Living with: Two parents 58,399 88.8 46,829 80.6 -11,570 -9.2 Mother only 6,695 10.2 10,327 17.8 3,632 74.5 Father only 661 1.0 951 1.6 290 60.0 All children 6-17 years 46,149 100.0 40,688 100.0 - 5,461 — Living with: Two parents 40,479 87.8 32,150 79.0 - 8,329 -10.0 Mother only 5,102 11.0 7,768 19.1 2,666 73.6 Father only 568 1.2 771 1.9 203 58.3 All children under 19,606 100.0 17,418 100.0 - 2,188 — 6 years Living with: Two parents 17,920 91.4 14,679 84.3 - 3,241 7.7 Mother only 1,593 8.1 2,559 14.7 966 81.5 Father only 93 0.5 180 1.0 87 100.0 All children under 8,389" 100.0 8,839 100.0 450 — 3 years Living with: Two parents 7,473" 89.1 7,660 86.7 187- -2.7 Mother only 884" 10.5 1,085 12.3 201- 17.1 Father only 31" 0.4 93 1.1 62 70.0 • Excludes children under 18 years old who were maintaining their own families or subfam- ilies or who were living in institutions or with family members other than parents or stepparents. * Data are from 1975, the first available year when data were collected specifying children under 3 years old. ' Change from 1975 to 1980. SOURCES: Special Labor Force Reports (1981), Bureau of Labor Statistics (1980), unpub- lished data from Bureau of Labor Statistics. smaller families as well as an increasing number of women who remain childless or delay childbearing. In 1979, according to Bureau of the Census (1980a) data, 6 percent of married women between 18 and 34 years of age expected to have no children and another 10 percent ex- pected to have only one child.

22 A TIME OF TRANSITION To some extent this trend may be the result of a growing tendency among young women to postpone marriage and childbearing. The me- dian age at first marriage has risen steadily during the past two decades. By 1979 it had reached 22.1 years, compared with 20.8 in 1970. Signif- icantly, the rise in median age at first marriage in this period represents the largest change in any 10-year period since records were first kept in 1890 (Bureau of the Census, 1980c). The average period of time from first marriage to first birth and between second-, third-, and fourth- order births has also increased and was greater in the 1970s than in the preceding 15 to 20 years. Young women who had their first child between 1975 and 1978 did so an average of two years after marriage, about nine months later than women who married a decade earlier. This recent increase in spacing is observed among births to both black and white women (Bureau of the Census, 1980b). TABLE 2-6 Living Arrangements of Children Under 18 Years Old, by Age and Race and Hispanic Origin: 1980" (Numbers in Thousands) Living Arrangements and Age of Child* White Black Hispanic Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent All chidren under 49,057 100.0 7,815 100.0 4,674 100.0 18 years . Living with: Two parents 41,915 85.4 3,864 49.4 3,657 78.2 Mother only 6,376 13.0 3,792 48.5 947 20.3 Father only 767 1.6 158 2.0 70 1.5 All children 6-17 years 34,295 100.0 5,562 100.0 3,012 100.0 Living with: Two parents 28,767 83.9 2,683 48.2 2,323 77.1 Mother only 4,894 14.3 2,764 49.7 634 21.0 Father only 634 1.8 115 2.1 55 1.8 All children under 14,762 100.0 2,253 100.0 1,662 100.0 6 years Living with: Two parents 13,148 89.1 1,182 52.5 1,334 80.3 Mother only 1,482 10.0 1,028 45.6 313 18.8 Father only 132 0.9 44 1.9 15 0.9 " Excludes children under 18 years old who were maintaining their own families or subfam- ilies or who were living in institutions or with family members other than parents or stepparents. * Statistics for children under 3 years old cannot be computed separately. SOURCE: Unpublished data from Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 23 TABLE 2-7 Children by Age: 1970 and 1980" (Numbers in Thousands) Change from 1970 1980 1970 to 1980 Age of Child Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Total U.S. population All children under 18 204,401 65,755 100.0 32.2 227,020 58,107 100.0 25.6 22,619 -7,648 -20.5 years All children 6-17 years All children under 46,149 19,606 22.6 9.6 40,688 17,418 17.9 -5,461 -2,188 -20.8 -19.8 7.7 6 years All children under 3 years 8,389" 3.9 8,839 3.9 450- 0.0 " Excludes children under 18 years old who were maintaining their own families or subfam- ilies or who were living in institutions or with family members other than parents or stepparents. * Data are from 1975, the first available year data were collected specifying children under 3 years old. c Change from 1975 to 1980; percent of population under 3 years old in 1975 is based on a total U.S. population in 1975 of 212.748,000. SOURCE: Special Labor Force Reports (1981). This trend toward smaller families is also associated with changing patterns of labor force participation among women. Whether families are headed by men or women, and whether they are white or black, the average number of children in families is smaller if the mother is in the labor force than if she is not. The number of children ever born to women who are employed or seeking employment outside the home is lower for both whites and blacks in all childbearing age groups (20 to 44 years) (Bureau of the Census, 1980b). Therefore, although causal relationships have not been clearly established, changing patterns of labor force participation and family structure would seem to be linked. CHANGES IN FAMILY INCOME The social and economic environment in which children are reared is the most important predictor of their overall well-being. Almost all available data support the conclusion that children's health, education, later employment, and earnings depend to a great extent on the eco- nomic status of their families (Calhoun et al., 1980; National Research Council, 1976). Children's economic situations usually reflect their fam-

24 A TIME OF TRANSITION ily structure and ethnic background. Children who live in households headed by women or who are black or Hispanic disproportionately live in families whose incomes are below the median and often below the poverty level. The period since 1970 has been characterized by erratic changes in patterns of family income, resulting in very slow growth in real income. Real median family income increased in the early 1970s, declined during the recessionary period from 1973 to 1975, and then rose in alternate years during the second half of the decade. As a result, median family income in the United States, which reached $21,023 in 1980, was less than 7 percent higher than the 1970 level after adjusting for inflation. Throughout the decade, the average annual increase has been extremely low—0.7 percent, compared to 3.0 percent during the 1960s and 3.3 percent during the 1950s. In addition to the economic problems of reces- sion and high-level inflation during the 1970s, the substantial increase in the number and proportion of female-headed families exerted a down- ward influence on overall median family income (Bureau of the Census, 1981a). It is important to note, however, that although median family income stagnated during the 1970s, average family size also fell, thus creating a rise in per capita income levels within families. Regardless of race or family type, children with mothers in the labor force were in families with higher median incomes than children of nonworking mothers. For all two-parent families with children in 1979, the median income was about $21,900 if the mother was in the labor force and $15,900 if she was not (see Table 2-8). In two-parent families a majority of wives were in the labor force if there were only 1, 2, or 3 children present under 18 years of age. In families with four or more children of school age or preschool age, however, the wife was less likely to be working outside the home (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1980). Although the earnings of wives in black and Hispanic families are not substantially lower than those of their white counterparts, white children in two-parent families benefit from higher median family incomes. This is largely because the average earnings of white husbands are higher. Even though their earnings are generally lower than their husbands', working wives contribute significantly to family income. Between 1960 and 1978 the average proportion of income earned by the wife in two- parent families rose from one-fifth to one-quarter. That proportion, of course, varied among individual families, depending on work experi- ence, education, and full- or part-time employment. Wives who worked full time all year contributed an average of 39 percent of family income; those who worked part time or who worked full time for 26 weeks or less contributed only 11 percent (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1980). The

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 25 TABLE 2-8 Median Family Income for Children by Age, Type of Family, Labor Force Status of Mother, and Race and Hispanic Origin: 1980° Two-Parent Families Single-Parent Families Maintained by Women* White Black Hispanic White Black Hispanic All children under 18 years Mother in labor force Mother not in labor force All children 6-17 years Mother in labor force Mother not in labor force All children under 6 years' Mother in labor force Mother not in labor force 22,900 24,800 20,800 25,300 27,000 22,900 19,800 21,200 18,700 17,800 20,800 13,500 18,300 21,200 13,800 16,400 19,800 13,100 16,600 20,100 13,400 18,900 22,600 15,200 14,200 17,500 11,800 8,400 11,200 4,600 10,200 12,300 5,600 5,200 8,300 3,800 6,200 8,200 4,700 7,200 8,900 5,400 4,500 6,300 3,500 5,500 8,200 4,700 6,400 9,400 5,300 4,500 6,400 4,200 • Excludes children under 18 years who were maintaining their own families or subfamilies or who were living in institutions. * Includes only divorced, widowed, or never-married parents. 'e Statistics for children under 3 years old cannot be computed separately. SOURCE: Special Labor Force Reports (1980). monetary advantage of having additional earners in the family has be- come apparent during this decade, which has been marked by the deep- est recession since the 1930s and the highest rate of inflation since World War II. The median income of married-couple families rose more than for any other family type from 1960 to 1978. Between 1970 and 1978 alone, the median income of these families increased by about 10 percent in constant dollars (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1980a). Children in single-parent families maintained by women were mate- rially better off if their mothers were in the labor force than if they were not. However, they were not on the average as economically advantaged as children in two-parent families, regardless of their mothers' labor force status. In 1980, among children in single-parent families in which the mother worked, the median family income was less than half that of all married-couple families and less than $2,000 above the poverty threshold for a nonfarm family of four ($7,412) (see Table 2-8). It was higher for white children than it was for black and Hispanic children. In general the earnings of single mothers are the most important source of income to their families, providing on the average between 60 and 70 percent of all family monetary resources (Masnick and Bane, 1980). As we have previously noted, although their rate of labor force partic-

26 A TIME OF TRANSITION ipation is higher, unemployment is also higher among women in single- parent families than among women living with a spouse. Hence, many of these families are in or near poverty. The median income in single-parent families in which the mother was not working was only $4,700 in 1980, more than $2,700 below the poverty level (as specified above). The extremely high rates of unemployment among single-parent mothers, especially among blacks and Hispanics; the fact that many of these women work part time; and the fact that many hold low-paying clerical, domestic, or operative positions explain why their median income was the same as or in some cases less than that of all families maintained by unemployed women (see Table 2-8). In 1980 more than 11 million children, approximately 18 percent of all children in this nation, lived in families with an income below the official poverty level. The poverty rate for children, although signifi- cantly lower than in 1960, remained about the same from 1970 to 1979 (about 15 to 16 percent), but has increased since then. Not surprisingly, children in female-headed families are far more likely than those in two- parent families to be poor—more than 50 percent compared to 10 per- cent in 1980 (Bureau of the Census, 1981a). Black and Hispanic children are significantly more likely to grow up in poverty than their white counterparts. More than 42 percent of all black children under 18 years of age and more than 33 percent of all Hispanic children live in poor families. Although the rate of poverty has declined substantially during the past decade among both white and minority children living in two- parent families, among black and Hispanic children in female-headed families the problems of poverty have become more pronounced. Ap- proximately 66 percent of all black and Hispanic children in single-parent families maintained by women live in poverty, compared to almost 42 percent of white children in this type of family (Bureau of the Census, 1981a). Again, this is largely attributable to the fact that white single mothers are somewhat more likely to be in the labor force than their black or Hispanic counterparts. They are also somewhat more likely to have sources of income other than earnings. Children constituted about the same proportion of the poor popula- tion in 1980 as they did 10 years earlier. Among all families, however, there was a significant increase during these years in the proportioh of poor families with children. This occurred despite a simultaneous decline in the proportion of families with children among families generally.1 ' It is important to note that during this period, increases in Social Security benefits and the establishment of the Supplemental Security Income program significantly reduced the number of elderly below the poverty level, thus increasing the proportion of younger families with children who were below the poverty level.

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 27 Furthermore, in contrast to 1969 when most poor children were likely to live in a two-parent family with an employed head, in 1980 most poor children were likely to live in a single-parent family maintained by a nonworking mother. Children in two-parent families benefit from higher family income. Regardless of whether they live in one-parent or two-parent families, however, children are materially better off if their mothers are working than if they are not, even though the mother's contribution varies from one household to another. In many middle-class two-parent families, the mother's earnings may do little more than alter savings and spending decisions. In many others her earnings may be essential to maintaining a comfortable though modest standard of living. In female-headed fam- ilies, women's employment frequently means the difference between poverty and an adequate existence and between independence or de- pendence on public assistance. For the most part, female-headed fam- ilies, especially those with children, are able to survive on their own only when the mother has regular employment (Masnick and Bane, 1980). CHANGES IN THE SETTINGS WHERE CHILDREN SPEND TIME As family structure and work patterns have changed, so do the settings where children spend time. Traditionally, children below the age of six have spent their days at home, in the care and company of their mothers or other family members; older children have typically returned home at the end of the school day, greeted by their mothers. However, in- creasing numbers of preschool children are spending some portion of the day outside their own homes in day-care centers, in preschool pro- grams in and outside of schools, or in the homes of other families. School-age children are spending more of their nonschool time in a variety of settings, many of which we know little or nothing about. Many other very young children remain at home with family members or nonrelatives while their mothers are at work, or their parents share their care by working different shifts. In 1978 about 68 percent of 3- to 5- year olds spent some portion of the day in out-of-home care: 54 percent in school-based and other preschool programs, 14 percent in day care centers and family day care homes, and about one-third of the latter group in both types of programs. About 12 percent of children under 3 are cared for in day care centers and family day care homes (Kamerman and Kahn, 1981). By 1977 more than 300,000 children spent time in 100,000 family day care homes licensed by state agencies (Abt Associates, 1978). In these

28 A TIME OF TRANSITION homes an adult cares for a maximum of six children, often her own and a few others. A variety of sources suggest that these figures severely underestimate the number of children in family day care, since many, if not most, family day-care homes remain unlicensed. Still other children spend all or part of their day in more formal day- care centers, which must meet state health and safety requirements. These settings typically are larger than family day-care homes, so that the child is spending time in the company of many peers (usually at least 12) as well as several adults. It is estimated that there are about 18,300 licensed day-care centers in the United States, most located in urban or suburban areas (Abt Associates, 1978). In 1978 about 900,000 children, largely aged 3 to 5, were served by these centers, often year-round. Preprimary school programs—nursery schools and kindergartens— also are growing more popular (see Table 2-9). In 1979 more than 54 percent of all children between the ages of 3 and 5 attended preprimary schools (Bureau of the Census, 1981b). Nursery school enrollment in- creased by almost 71 percent between 1970 and 1979. School (and pre- school) enrollment for children aged 3 to 5 increased by 44 percent during the same years. Although the young children of working mothers are significantly more likely to be enrolled in a preschool program than the children of nonworking mothers, enrollment for all children, in- cluding those with nonworking mothers, has in fact risen very substan- tially. Most nursery school programs are privately sponsored, while the majority of kindergartens are public. Many characteristics of the child and the family help determine where the child will spend time and how much care will be provided by others. Younger children (those under the age of three) are more likely than three- to five-year-olds to receive care in their own homes or in family TABLE 2-9 Preschool Enrollment by Age of Child Percentage Enrolled in School Age of Child 1969 1979 3 9 23 4 23 46 5 69 93" " 80 percent in kindergarten, 4 percent in nursery school, 9 percent in first grade. SOURCE: Bureau of the Census (1981b).

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 29 day-care homes than in larger day care centers, regardless of whether their mothers work full or part time (Kamerman and Kahn, 1981). Throughout the preschool years, however, mothers who work 10 to 29 hours a week (part time) are more likely than those who work 30 or more hours a week (full time) to rely on care in their own homes (35.3 percent versus 23.5 percent). In contrast, children of full-time working mothers are more likely to spend time in day-care centers (18.8 percent versus 29.8 percent). Center-based care is also more common for chil- dren of employed single mothers. Further, 1978 data from the Bureau of the Census (1981b) indicate that 3-year-olds are more likely to attend nursery school when their mothers are employed than when they are housewives (30 percent versus 19 percent). Maternal employment also appears related to how much time 3- to 5-year-olds spend in a preschool setting. Children whose mothers work full time are more likely to spend the entire day in nursery school or kindergarten than those whose mothers work only part time. As a result of these differences, children involved in home-based care spend an average of about nine hours a week in the care of adults other than their mothers. Children participating in preprimary programs av- erage about 18 hours of care, although about one-third of 3- to 5-year- olds attend full-day programs, implying about 30 hours per week in out- of-home group programs. Both supply studies and household consumer surveys report the pri- mary mode of care. None of these data, however, reveals what may be the most significant aspect of the care arrangements of children of work- ing mothers: the multiplicity, complexity, and diversity of arrangements most parents organize in order to ensure adequate care. Thus, some parents work different shifts or part time in order to share in caring for their child. School-age children spend a substantial portion of the day in school, clearly the major child-care institution outside the family; the majority of preschool-age children (three- to five-year-olds) do so also. In addition, the overwhelming majority of families regularly supplement parental and school care with at least one and usually several other types of care. And these arrangements become still more extensive when there is more than one child in the family. Included among these arrangements may be in-home care by a relative or a nonrelative; out-of-home care by relatives, friends, neighbors, or other paid caretakers; and special arrangements when a usual routine is interrupted. Children under the compulsory school age are especially likely to experience multiple forms of care by multiple caretakers during the course of a normal week if their parents are working. Little information exists on how primary school-age children are cared for when school is closed for vacations

30 A TIME OF TRANSITION and parents work (Bane et al., 1979; Kamerman, 1980). Those enrolled in day-care centers may average the most time in external care, about 28 hours a week (UNCO, 1975), but the numbers of children in such programs are far smaller than the numbers in full-day preprimary pro- grams. Decisions about where the child should spend time also differ among racial and ethnic groups. White families are much more likely than black or Hispanic families to rely on child care in their own homes provided by nonrelatives (24 percent versus 6 percent and 8 percent). In contrast, 69 percent of Hispanic children receive care from their relatives. Mi- nority families, especially blacks, are more likely to depend on insti- tutional rather than home-based care. As a Congressional Budget Office (1978) report suggests, these relationships are likely the result of the association between race, income, and government subsidy. Govern- ment subsidies restricted to licensed child-care arrangements (i.e., day- care centers and some family day-care homes) certainly affect eligible families' decisions about where their children will spend time, as does the cost of various types of external care. Children with full or partial subsidies make up approximately 25 percent of day-care center enroll- ments; racial minorities account for 28 percent of day-care center en- rollments, although they represent only 18 percent of the 3- to 5-year- old population (Bureau of the Census, 1981b). Racial differences extend beyond child care to school participation. Hispanic children below the age of five are less likely to be enrolled in school than black or white children. Black children between the ages of three and four are the most likely to be enrolled in preprimary school; by the age of five, when kindergarten typically begins, black and white participation is about the same (Bureau of the Census, 1981b). Income differences in the types of schools children attend are also noteworthy. High-income families generally choose private preschools, while families with fewer resources generally rely on publicly funded preprimary ed- ucation. There are geographic differences in preprimary school enrollment as well. Three- and four-year-olds living in the central city and the suburbs are much more likely than rural children to attend nursery school (37- 41 percent versus 25 percent). The percentages of preschool enrollment are highest in the northeastern United States; enrollment rates for all racial and ethnic groups are lower in other regions. Available data suggest that the number of children in a family also influences the choice of care. The larger the family size, the lower the cost of care selected. Thus, for all racial groups, combinations of care by family members and nonrelatives increase along with the number of

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 31 children. When one child in the family reaches the age of 14, that child often assumes responsibility for the care of siblings. For families with children under the age of 6, use of caretakers outside the home drops from about 60 percent to about 30 percent when there is an older sibling (Shortlidge and Brito, 1977). Given the decline in family size, however, the availability of older siblings to care for young children is not as common as 10 to 20 years ago. Between 1970 and 1978, the sheer number of children attending grades 1 through 8 fell, while the number of high school students rose (see Table 2-10). However, during those years, the percentages of 16- to 17- year-old white males attending school fell slightly (92 percent to 89 percent), while the percentages of black 16- to 17-year-olds of both sexes rose (85 percent to 93 percent for males; 86 percent to 90 percent for females). More teenagers than ever before are combining school with part-time employment. While in 1940 only 4 percent of 16-year-old boys and 17 percent of 16-year-old girls combined work and school, in 1980, esti- mates indicate that 30 percent of 9th and 10th graders and 50 percent of llth and 12th graders work for pay during all or part of the school year. Students are also spending more hours at work. In 1970, 56 percent of 16-year-old male workers and 46 percent of 16-year-old female work- ers spent 14 hours or more on the job each week. Finally, the age of college attendance has also shifted over the years; in 1947, 8.1 percent of all college students were between the ages of 14 and 17, while in 1978 only 2.8 percent of college students were under 18. TABLE 2-10 School Enrollment by Level of School, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1970 and 1980° (Numbers in Thousands) Percent Change White Black Hispanic 1970-1980 School Level 1970 1980 1970 1980 1970 1980 White Black Hispanic Nursery School 893 1 ,637 178 294 62 146 83.3 65.2 51.4 Kindergarten 2 2 ,706 ,595 426 490 263 184 -4.1 15.0 42.9 28 22 Elementary ,638 ,510 4,868 4,259 1,805 2,363 -21.4 -12.5 30.9 School High School 12 ,723 12 ,056 1,834 2,200 608 1,048 -5.2 20.0 72.4 " Civilian noninstitutional population. SOURCES: Bureau of the Census (1971, 1981); 1970 Census of Population, Vol. 1, 1C, Persons of Spanish Origin; and unpublished data from the Bureau of the Census Current Population Survey.

32 A TIME OF TRANSITION IMPLICATIONS FOR THE NEXT DECADE: EMERGING ISSUES FOR POLICY AND RESEARCH The dramatic increases in the labor force participation of mothers with school-age and preschool-age children during the past decade have been accompanied by changes in family structure. The number and proportion of single-parent families headed by women has grown rapidly. There has been a significant decline in the proportion of families with children and a decline in the numbers of children such families have. Family income has risen for married-couple families in which the wife-mother has entered or reentered the labor force. In single-parent families where the mother is the sole or primary source of support, however, income has remained the same in constant dollars. Thus, many of these families have incomes at or near the poverty level and constitute a growing proportion of the population in poverty. Children of working mothers spend a greater amount of time each day in the care and company of individuals other than their mothers. Moreover, each child is likely to experience a greater range and diversity of care than is generally rec- ognized. The United States has entered the decade of the 1980s facing severe economic problems, including inflation, recession, and uncertainty about the cost and availability of its energy supply. The economic conditions of the 1970s which permitted the strong and rapid labor force growth of women is changing. Already there are signs that the rate of growth may be slowing. Nevertheless, projections suggest that particularly for women in the 25- to 34-year-old age group, increases can be expected to continue during the next 15 years, although at a slower pace (Smith, 1979b). It is women in this age group who are also most likely to couple their employment responsibilities with parenting responsibilities. If re- cent trends in marital and family characteristics continue, an increasing number of these women will be single parents for some portion of time and they will have only one or two children. As Smith (1979b) points out, women with family responsibilities but without a husband present in the household are more likely than their married counterparts to be working or looking for work. Similarly, women with husbands present, but with fewer or no young children, are also more likely to be in the labor force. What seems clear from available data is that women are in the labor force to stay and that in the future they will increasingly combine work and family responsibilities. For children, regardless of whether they live in single-parent or two-parent families, there are likely to be important consequences. Children, of course, will be affected in different ways,

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 33 depending upon a variety of factors, including differences in the age and occupational status of parents and the nature of their employment, their attitudes toward work and their reasons for working, their income, their level of job satisfaction, their work schedules, and their proximity to the workplace. Roles, relationships, and attitudes among family mem- bers may also be important, as well as the normative behavior and attitudes of the community, the availability and access to various com- munity-based supports and services, and the policies and practices of employers. Moreover, the consequences of changing patterns of work and family structure for children may vary for those of different ages, sexes, races, and ethnic backgrounds; for those living with one parent and those living with two parents; for only children and those with siblings; for children in families that are poor and those that are affluent; and for children in families that are socially and physically isolated and those with close ties to the community and with relatives and friends nearby. The issues of how changing patterns of work and related changes in family structure affect children are complex and interrelated. They con- verge on how children spend their time, where, and with whom. The roles of formal and informal institutions in our society—families, various community institutions, the workplace, and the marketplace—and the interactions between and among them influence the environments in which children live and the experiences they have. Many of these in- stitutions are still based on a traditional notion of family forms, roles, and relationships. Adaptations among institutions, both individually and in combination, to recent social phenomena are just beginning to be identified, analyzed, and understood. Questions inevitably arise about (1) the extent of change by various formal and informal institutions (e.g., how are working parents arranging child care), (2) the direction of causality (e.g., to what extent is the added income of mothers in two- parent families contributing to decisions to send children to private schools or vice-versa), (3) the degree of complementarity or conflict between what goes on in one setting and what goes in others (e.g., how do school schedules adapt to permit participation by working parents), and (4) the extent to which evolving arrangements provide necessary supports for children and their families (e.g., to what extent do substitute care arrangements meet the physical and emotional needs of the child). The family is widely regarded as the most fundamental institution in our society. Although families are changing in form, they are still the primary systems for bearing and raising children, and no competing institution is in view. How have emerging patterns of work and family structure affected roles and relationships within families? To what extent

34 A TIME OF TRANSITION is the division of labor and responsibility shifting? What are the sources of stress and strength? What variations are found among families living in different social, cultural, and economic circumstances? And with what effects on children? The community institutions with which children interact in their daily lives are many and varied. They include schools, churches, community social service agencies, recreational facilities, libraries, day-care facili- ties, and neighborhood groups and associations. The character of com- munities also varies greatly from one location to another. In particular localities, certain of these institutions may be more or less dominant than others. In addition the past decade has witnessed important social and demographic shifts that have affected the nature of communities and their capacity to meet the needs of their residents. The movement in the early 1960s and 1970s of the middle class to the suburbs of large metropolitan centers left the inner cities with a largely poor black and Hispanic population. Suburban communities became insulated and largely segregated by age, race, and income level. Work and home were phys- ically separated, with adult men leaving the community to women and children during the daytime hours. Inner cities were similarly isolated; the problems of poverty, unemployment, and crime intensified. Al- though the late 1970s saw some reversal of this exodus to the suburbs, the relevance and effectiveness of many community institutions is never- theless being questioned. In light of recent social phenomena, how well do these institutions perform their traditional functions (for example, schools in educating children, churches in communicating fundamental moral and religious values, and social service agencies in helping their client populations)? What new demands are being placed on these in- stitutions? What capacities do they have to respond, especially in light of shrinking revenue bases? How does an adjustment in the role of one institution affect the roles of others? Employers have been confronted with a new work force. The dramatic influx of women, many with children, into the labor market and the increased number of male employees with working wives have placed new demands on employers to provide family-oriented benefits and supports to employees. Simultaneously, rising inflation and declining growth of productivity have caused many employers to reassess their policies and practices. What demands are being placed on employers and how are they responding? What organizational constraints exist in different types and sizes of firms that affect the capacity of employers to provide innovative benefits and services? How do adaptations in the workplace affect working families and their children? How do those adaptations relate to those made by other formal and informal com- munity institutions?

Dimensions of Change: Trends and Issues 35 The marketplace has perhaps been the fastest to respond to changing patterns of work and family structure. A variety of conveniences, such as prepared foods, cleaning aids, and disposable diapers, have been introduced to facilitate the tasks of housework and child care. Similarly, new services have emerged, not the least of which is a multimillion dollar per year private day-care industry. What other changes, such as the growth of private education, are being made in the marketplace and how do these changes affect what goes on in other institutions in our society? How well do they meet the needs of working families and their children? At what costs? The capacity of our society to nurture the next generation productively and effectively is of fundamental concern to researchers, policy makers, service providers, and parents alike. What are the consequences of recent social phenomena and what are the implications of knowing? Clearly, some would argue that society is always changing, institutions adapt, and children and their families get along. Nevertheless, change takes place through a series of planned and unplanned events. In order to develop appropriate policies (both public and private) to support children's normal development and to mediate harmful outcomes, we need first to understand the nature and consequences of changing pat- terns of work and family life on children. In Part II of this volume, we review the relevant social science research on the effects of changes in the work patterns arid work status of parents and related changes in family structure; on how families function, both as a socialization system and as an economic system; on how employers have adapted to the changing family responsibilities of their employees; and on how children themselves have been affected, both in their school performance and in their attitudes about the world in which they live. REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Abt Associates (1978) National Day Care Study: Preliminary Findings and Their Impli- cations. Prepared for Administration for Children, Youth, and Families, Day Care Division, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Associates. Bane, M. J., Lein, L., O'Donnell, L., Stueve, C.A., and Wells, B. (1979) Child-Care Arrangements of Working Parents. Monthly Labor Review 102(9):50-57. Bureau of the Census (1979) Divorce, child custody, and child support. Current Population Reports, Series P-23, No. 84. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census (1980a) American families and living arrangements. Current Pop- ulation Reports. Series P-23, No. 104. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Com- merce. Bureau of the Census (1980b) Fertility of American women: June 1979. Current Population Reports, Series P-23, No. 358. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce.

36 A TIME OF TRANSITION Bureau of the Census (1980c) Marital status and living arrangements: March 1979. Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 349. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census (1981a) Money income and poverty status of families and persons in the United States: 1980. Current Population Reports, Series P-60, No. 125. Wash- ington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of the Census (1981b) School enrollment—social and economic characteristics of students: October 1979. Current Population Reports, Series P-20, No. 360. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of Labor Statistics (1980) Perspectives on Working Women: A Databook. Bulletin 2080. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor. Calhoun, J., Grotberg, E., and Rockley, W. R. (1980) The Status of Children, Youth, and Families. No. (OHDS) 80-30274. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Congressional Budget Office (1978) Childcare and Preschool: Options for Federal Support. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Kamerman, S. (1980) Parenting in an Unresponsive Society: Managing Work and Family. New York: The Free Press. Kamerman, S., and Kahn, A. (1981) Childcare, Family Benefits, and Working Parents. New York: Columbia University Press. Masnick, G., and Bane, M. J. (1980) The Nation's Families: 1960-1990. Boston: Auburn House. National Research Council (1976) Toward a National Policy for Children and Families. Report of the Advisory Committee on Child Development. Washington, D.C.: National Academy of Sciences. O'Neill, J. (1980) Trends in the labor force participation of women. Pp. 28-38 in C. Hayes, ed., Work, Family, and Community: Summary Proceedings of an Ad Hoc Meeting. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Shortlidge, R. L., and Brito, P. (1977) How Women Arrange for the Care of Their Children While They Work: A Study of Child Care Arrangements, Costs, and Preferences in 1971. Columbus: Center for Human Resource Research, Ohio State University. Smith, R., ed. (1979a) The Subtle Revolution: Women at Work. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute. Smith, R. (1979b) Women in the Labor Force in 1990. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute. Special Labor Force Reports (1981) Working mothers and their children. Monthly Labor Review 104(5):49-54. UNCO, Inc. (1975) National Child Care Consumer Study. No. (OHD) 76-31096. Wash- ington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.