who can marry, who is financially responsible for the care of children, and what reproductive control methods are permissible. Governments also use less coercive policies to guide or reward family-related behavior. They use tax laws and welfare programs to recognize the needs and costs of those living in certain family configurations and to validate their acceptability. They use public health and school programs to encourage people to engage in behaviors considered socially desirable.
When the AIDS epidemic began, many U.S. policies bearing on families and other intimate relationships were in a period of transition, and AIDS raised difficult, often inconvenient, questions of family policy of at least three sorts. First, because AIDS is transmitted by sexual acts, governments had to come to grips with widely varying public attitudes about sexual behavior and about the appropriate role of government in influencing behavior. Everyone knew that many young people have sex (Hayes, 1987) and that many men have sex with other men (Fay et al., 1989). Some officials were not alarmed by these behaviors or, if they were, were willing to acknowledge they existed and urge precautions. Others, however, were unwilling to appear to condone the behaviors at all. School boards wrestled and are still wrestling with whether to distribute condoms to high school students (Galst, 1992), and states and the federal government responded variously to requests for support of programs that sought to eroticize safer sexual practices among gay men (Barnes, 1989). States have similarly wrestled with the degree to which they should rely on compulsory rules to induce desired sexual behaviors. Thus, many states considered and two states adopted and then repealed legislation requiring HIV antibody testing before marriage (Joseph, 1989).1 And many states adopted statutes making it a felony for persons who knew that they carried the virus to engage in sex without informing their partner (Hermann, 1990; see also Chapter 2).
Second, since AIDS is also transmitted perinatally, it necessarily involves the relationship between a woman and a fetus she is carrying. Government officials have thus struggled with the appropriate advice to give HIV-infected women regarding decisions about birth control and abortion (Bayer, 1990). Many women with HIV have been offered tortured advice wrapped in euphemisms to "postpone" having children (Centers for Disease Control, 1985). And, as described in Chapter 4, scientists who have wanted to administer AZT to HIV-infected pregnant women to learn whether they could prevent transmission of the virus to the fetus have encountered hostility from women's advocates seeking to ensure that the pregnant woman's health is in no way compromised in the name of trying to protect the unborn child.
Third, since AIDS is a protracted illness and invariably leads to death, family-related policy issues arise during the last stages of the disease and at the point of death. Disputes have erupted between gay men's lovers and