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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS The Philippines Dennis P. Garrity, David M. Kummer, and Ernesto S. Guiang This profile focuses on the most pressing issues of sustainable natural resource management in the sloping upland areas of the Philippines. It begins with an analysis of the historical and current dimensions of land use in the upland ecosystem, reviews and critiques proposed actions, and recommends solutions within an overarching strategy that builds on the linkages that exist between farming and forestry systems. The upland ecosystem must be addressed as a distinct entity. The uplands are rolling to steep areas where both agriculture and forestry are practiced on slopes ranging upward from 18 percent. The sloping uplands occupy about 55 percent of the land surface of the country (Cruz et al., 1986) and have an estimated population of 17.8 million. The upland population is projected to be 24 million to 26 million in the year 2000, with a density of 160 to 175 persons per km2. Upland inhabitants are primarily poor farming families with insecure land tenure. Subsistence food production rather than forestry is their over- Dennis P. Garrity is an agronomist/crop ecologist with the International Rice Research Institute, Los Baños, Philippines; David M. Kummer is a visiting assistant professor with the Graduate School of Geography, and a research associate with the George Perkins Marsh Institute, Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts; Ernesto S. Guiang is a community forest management specialist with the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, Quezon City, Philippines.
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS riding priority. The paramount objective for public intervention in upland management is that of obtaining the greatest good for the greatest number of people in ways that are consistent with the long-term sustainability of the productive capacity of the ecosystem. Forest denudation is at an advanced stage in the Philippines. Total forest cover shrank from 10.5 million ha in 1968 to 6.1 million ha in 1991. The remaining old-growth forest covered less than 1 million ha in 1991 and possibly as little as 700,000 ha. At current rates of logging, nearly all vestiges of the country's primary dipterocarp forest biota may be depleted in the next 10 to 15 years. The will of the people and government to effectively address the Philippine deforestation problem is growing, but it is still weak. There have been several recent reviews concerning natural resource management in the Philippines. These reviews examined government policy, the political climate, and the institutional framework and made numerous specific recommendations for a major reorientation. In addition, the Master Plan for Forestry Development (Department of Environment and Natural Resources, 1990) has recently been issued by the Philippine government. It lays out a framework for forestland management over the next 25 years. It sets a detailed, optimistic agenda that adopts a strategy of reduced public management in favor of increased private management of forest resources through people-oriented forestry. Although this profile focuses on the dynamics of upland agricultural technology in relation to deforestation, many factors other than agricultural technology have a stronger direct influence on the rate and extent of forest depletion or conversion. These factors include inappropriate forest policy, poor policy implementation, and the insecurity of land tenure among upland farm populations. Commercial logging (legal and illegal) directly caused the majority of old-growth forest depletion during the past half century, and it continues to do so today. The accessibility to remote forestlands brought about by the opening of logging roads stimulated the settlement of small-scale farmers and resulted in the subsequent conversion of depleted forests to farms. The initial sections of this profile examine the present state of the natural resource base of the uplands and past trends in resource degradation. The profile then reviews the importance of land and forest resources to the political economy of the Philippines and the failure of development in the Philippines in the post-World War II period. This is followed by an analysis of potential solutions to the problems identified. The solutions to the upland resource management and subsistence crises fall into a general strategy with three essential com-
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS ponents: land tenure, resource management technology, and infrastructure delivery. The final section outlines a proposed action strategy in terms of these three components. THE STATE OF THE PHILIPPINE UPLAND ECOSYSTEM This section analyzes the important factors that have determined the development of land use systems in the Philippines uplands. The major forces and constraints that directly affect upland agriculture and forestry are emphasized. Physical Environment The Philippines is an archipelago with a total land area of 30 million ha. Although it encompasses more than 7,000 islands, the majority of these are insignificant in terms of size and population. The 15 largest islands make up 94 percent of the total land area. Luzon and Mindanao occupy about 35 and 32 percent of total land area, respectively. The Philippines is a physically fragmented state, and separateness is a major feature of its geography and culture. The island nature of the country gives it a very long coastline relative to its size. No inland area is far from the ocean. The country has a complex geology and physiography. Although Luzon and Mindanao have major lowland areas, most of the islands have relatively narrow coastal plains. The Philippines as a whole is characterized by high relief. Steep upland areas with greater than 18 percent slope make up about 55 percent of the total area (Cruz et al., 1986). The climate is humid tropical. However, because of the mountainous terrain, the occurrence of typhoons in the northern half of the country, and the effects of two separate monsoon seasons, there is striking micro-and macrovariation in the seasonal distribution and amount of precipitation. Within-season droughts and the limited length of the growing season are common constraints, but the total quantity of precipitation is abundant: 90 percent of the country receives at least 1,780 mm per year (Wernstedt and Spencer, 1967). The high relief, the relatively high levels of precipitation, and the frequent extreme concentration of rainfall in short periods because of typhoons contribute to serious soil erosion problems. Given the complex geology and geologic history, the soils of the Philippines are varied but are generally not as weathered as most humid tropical soils because of their relatively younger age. The inherent soil properties are limiting in many sloping upland areas (particularly where extensive
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS erosion and land degradation have occurred), but the Philippines has a comparatively favorable soil base for a country in the humid tropics. Land Use In the Philippines today, about half the land is classified as alienable and disposable. This land may be privately owned. The other half, which mostly has slopes of greater than 18 percent, is classified as public forestland. Only 6 million ha has significant tree cover and less than 1 million ha of old-growth or primary forest remains (Table 1). In comparison, there was 10 million ha of old-growth forest in the 1950s. The extent of this forest conversion has reduced to critically TABLE 1 Forest Cover in the Philippines as Determined by Various Inventories (in Thousands of Hectares) Forest Cover Swedish Space Corporation (1988) German Inventorya LANDSAT 1980b Official 1981c Pine 81 239 227 193 Mossy or unproductive 246 1,681 1,320 1,759 Dipterocarp 6,629 4,403 6,304 6,588 Closed 2,435 1,042 2,940 2,794 Open 4,194 3,361 3,363 3,794 Mangrove 149 — 175 112 Other — — 121 — Total 7,105 6,323 8,146 8,652 a The Philippine–German Forest Resources Inventory Project (Forest Management Bureau, 1988) covers only lands it has classified as forestlands, which would exclude as much as 1.4 million ha of “forest” on alienable and disposable lands. Forest cover in mangroves was not reported. b Open canopy was synonymous with “residual stands” or “young growth.” Mangrove includes both mature and residual stands, as does pine. “Brushland” was not counted as “forest.” c Official data were based on continuous updating of earlier estimates of inventory data, including older aerial photos. “Brushland” was excluded from “forest.” SOURCES: Swedish Space Corporation. 1988. Mapping of the NaturalConditions of the Philippines. Solna: Swedish Space Corporation;German inventory: Philippine-German Forest Resources Inventory Project.1988. In Results of the Forest Resources Inventory Project, C.V.Gulmatico, ed. Unpublished paper. Forest Management Bureau, Dilimän, Quezon City, Philippines; LANDSAT: Unpublished computer printout.Forest Management Bureau, Dilimän, Quezon City, Philippines; Official:World Bank. 1989a. Annex 3, Table 1, in Philippines: Environment and Natural Resource Management Study.Washington, D.C.: World Bank.
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS TABLE 2 Land Use in the Philippines (in Thousands of Hectares) Land Cover Area Forest 7,226 Pine 81 Mossy or unproductive 246 Dipterocarp 6,629 Closed 2,435 Open 4,194 Mangrove 149 Other 121 Extensive cultivation 11,958 Open in forest 31 Grassland 1,813 Mixeda 10,114 Intensive cultivation 9,729 Plantation 5,336 Coconut 1,133 Other 90 Coconut and cropland 3,748 Other and cropland 365 Cropland 4,393 Fish ponds 205 Fish ponds created from mangroves 195 Other fishponds 10 Other land or lakes 542 Unclassified area 546 Total 30,206 a Mixed grass, brush, plantation, and other crops. SOURCE: Swedish Space Corporation. 1988. Mapping of the Natural Conditionsof the Philippines. Solna: Swedish Space Corporation. low levels the habitat of the many species of flora and fauna endemic to the Philippines. Recently, the Swedish Space Corporation (1988) completed a study—the first and only one to cover all types of land uses—of the natural vegetation in the Philippines (Table 2). On the basis of that survey, the World Bank (1989a) calculated that cultivated land covers 11.3 million ha, or 38 percent of the total land area. Cultivated area in the uplands is about 3.9 million ha. The 1980 Census of Agriculture (National Census and Statistics Office, 1985) estimated the area of cultivated land to be 9.7 million ha in 1980. If these data and World Bank estimates are correct, then the
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS area of cultivated land increased by more than 1.6 million ha between 1980 and 1987, an annual increment of 229,000 ha/year. The average annual rate of deforestation between 1980 and 1987 was 157,000 ha/year. Although direct conversion from forestlands to croplands cannot be inferred, it appears that large areas of grasslands are now being converted to agricultural uses, increasing the pressure on the limited land resources. Population Growth Rapid population growth in the past half century is widely acknowledged as a major force in the accelerated deterioration in the country 's natural resources (Porter and Ganapin, 1988). The 1990 population of the Philippines was estimated to be 66.1 million and was increasing at an annual rate of 2.6 percent (Population Reference Bureau, 1990). Table 3 presents Philippine population data since 1948. Although the rate of growth of the Philippine population declined slowly from the 1948 –1960 period to the 1975–1980 period, the population growth rate remains the highest of any country in Southeast Asia. The current population density is second only to that of Singapore (Population Reference Bureau, 1990). The rural population, as a percentage of the total population, has been declining, but at a slow rate (from 73 percent in 1948 to 63 percent in 1980). Urban growth is predominantly in the city of Manila (Pernia, 1988). The Philippines has a serious population growth problem, but acceptance of this fact has been fairly recent. As late as 1969, Duckham TABLE 3 Philippines Population Data, 1948–1980 Year Population(1,000s) Average Annual Rate of Increase over Previous Date(percent) Population Density(Number of persons/km2) Urban Population(1,000s) Rural Population(1,000s) 1948 19,254 — 64.1 5,184 14,050 1960 27,085 3.06 90.3 8,072 19,015 1970 36,681 3.01 122.3 11,678 25,007 1975 42,070 2.79 140.2 14,047 28,024 1980 48,097 2.71 160.3 17,944 30,155 SOURCE: National Census and Statistics Office. 1980. Population,Land Area, and Density: 1970, 1975, and 1980. Manila: National Censusand Statistics Office.
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS and Masefield stated that the Philippines had a low population density and “no real pressure of population on resources” (p. 417). This assessment seems almost naive today, suggesting how fast the settlement frontier closed in recent years and the inertia in public recognition of the current situation. The availability of areas with low population densities and available agricultural lands has induced interregional migration in the Philippines since World War II (Abad, 1981; Abejo, 1985; Concepcion, 1983; Institute of Population Studies, 1981; Zosa-Feranil, 1987). Since 1948 the major migration patterns have been toward the frontier, primarily to Mindanao, and toward urban areas, particularly the metropolitan Manila area. Although migration to urban areas has been particularly pronounced since 1960, movement to frontier or upland areas continues (Cruz et al., 1986). Between 1975 and 1980, the destination of almost one-fourth of all interregional migrants was the uplands (Cruz and Zosa-Feranil, 1988). The major out-migration areas have been the Visayas and the Bicol and Ilocos regions of Luzon. Although substantial differences persist among some areas, the population has become more evenly distributed since 1948 (Herrin, 1985). The upland population was estimated by Cruz and Zosa-Feranil (1988) to have reached about 17.8 million by 1988. This included an estimated population of 8.50 million people who reside on public forestlands. This population includes 5.95 million members of indigenous cultural communities and 2.55 million migrants from lowland groups (Department of Environment and Natural Resources, 1990). One-third of the upland forest inhabitants are displaced lowland farmers who do not have long-standing land use traditions such as those commonly observed among indigenous communities, which have a better grasp of the fragile nature of the ecology of their lands (Sajise, 1979). The displaced population is also growing faster. The University of the Philippines Population Institute projects that the upland population will grow at a rate of 2.72 to 2.92 percent during the next 25 years, increasing by the year 2015 to a density of 371 persons per km2, which is a high population for sloping marginal lands. Current and projected trends in the economy, social attitudes, and government commitment to effective delivery of family planning services may succeed in reducing national population growth rates. Even so, there is little likelihood that the upland population will participate significantly in this transition. The upland rural population has the least access to family planning programs and is least likely to accept the notion that limiting family size is in its best interest. Wherever open access to public lands prevails, children are viewed as additional labor to clear and cultivate more land.
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS Agriculture and the Uplands Agriculture continues to play a major role in the Philippine economy. The Agricultural Policy and Strategy Team (1986) states: [N]o significant structural transformation has taken place over the past 25 years. Despite the strong industrial orientation of past economic policies, agriculture, fisheries, and forestry continue to employ half of the labor force, contribute about a quarter of the gross domestic production, and earn two-fifths of export revenues. Over 60 percent of our population lives in the rural areas. Our country remains today as it has been in the past, a predominately rural society composed of small farmers, agricultural laborers, fishermen, pedicab drivers, and others. Agriculture's share of the total economy declined slowly in the postwar period, from 36 percent of net value added in 1955 to 29 percent in 1980 (David, 1983). Agriculture's share of the Philippine gross domestic product in 1987 (28.5 percent) was almost the same as it was in 1970 (World Bank, 1989b). Between 1972 and 1980, the ratio between the price of rice and the non-food price index declined from 1.0 to 0.59 (Hill and Jayasuriya, 1984). The growth that did occur in the agricultural sector came not as the result of but despite government policies (David, 1982; Rocamora, 1979). Landlessness and near landlessness in rural areas has been reported to be more than 75 percent (Rosenberg and Rosenberg, 1980), and landlessness among the agricultural farm population is almost 50 percent (Agricultural Policy and Strategy Team, 1986; Porter and Ganapin, 1988). Land reform has largely been ineffective in transfer-ring land to the tenant cultivators because of bureaucratic delays and widespread erosion of the spirit of the agrarian reform laws (Carroll, 1983; International Labour Office, 1974; Kerkvliet, 1974; Tiongzon et al., 1986; Wurfel, 1983). Has the limited effectiveness of land reform resulted in further concentration of control over agricultural lands? In Mindanao, commercial agricultural plantations are expanding. This expansion forces poorer farmers onto marginal lands, particularly in association with the banana and pineapple industries (Agricultural Policy and Strategy Team, 1986; Costello, 1984; Tiongzon et al., 1986; van Oosterhout, 1983). Krinks (1974) showed that there was an increasing concentration of poor farmers in a frontier region in southern Mindanao. Commercial use of agricultural land and the increased concentration of poor farmers on agricultural lands in lowland areas in Leyte has decreased the amount of land available for poor farmers, forcing poor
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS farmers to initiate farming in upland areas (Belsky and Siebert, 1985). The expansion of land for raising sugarcane in the western Visayas from 1960 to 1975 was also primarily at the expense of small-scale upland rice and maize production (Luning, 1981). As effective control of agricultural land becomes more concentrated in the hands of wealthier farmers and corporations, small farms are becoming smaller (Luning, 1981), a process that has been accelerated by the subdivision of property through inheritance. The end result has been increasing landlessness for the rural poor (Cruz and Zosa-Feranil, 1988). Arable land that can be sustainably farmed on an annual basis with minimal investment in land conservation covers 8.4 million ha, or 28 percent of the country (Bureau of Soils, 1977). Most of the increase in farm area since 1960 has been on nonarable land, as defined by the Bureau of Soils (1977). Kikuchi and Hayami (1978) argued that the Philippines shifted from extensive to intensive cultivation between 1950 and 1969. As the land/labor ratio declined, the rate of increase in the amount of cultivated land slowed and the Philippine government was forced to invest in irrigation. Hooley and Ruttan (1969) proclaimed the closing of the land frontier in the 1960s. There was widespread agreement that by the late 1960s or early 1970s, the Philippines had reached the limits of its land frontier and that future growth of agricultural output would have to come from increases in productivity rather than from increases in the area of production. Agricultural output and productivity did increase, but the area under cultivation also increased considerably. From 1970 to 1980, the number of farms increased by 1.06 million (45.3 percent) and farm area ( Table 4) increased by 1.23 million ha (14.5 percent). As a result, the average farm size decreased 21 percent, from 3.61 to 2.84 ha. The continued decrease in forest area in the 1980s also implies that the area of farmland continues to increase. Thus, the notion of a land frontier based on arable, safely cultivated land is not appropriate for conditions in the Philippines (Cruz and Zosa-Feranil, 1988; Gwyer, 1977; National Economic Development Authority, 1981). In 1982, 2.5 million ha of cropland was on upland areas (Agricultural Policy and Strategy Team, 1986). Upland Migration Cruz et al. (1986) estimated that 14.4 million people lived in the uplands in 1980, and 77 percent of those people lived on lands officially classified as public forestlands. From 1948 to 1980, the upland population grew at a rate of 2.5 to 2.8 percent per year. This is less
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS TABLE 4 Deforestation and Its Relationship to Increases in Population and Farmland in the Philippines, 1948–1980 Period Increase in Farmland (km2) Increase in Population (millions) Loss of Forest Cover (km2) Area Deforested per Person Increase in Population (km2) Ratio of Area Deforested Per Increase in Farm Area 1948–1960 20,459 7,813 25,073 0.32 1.2 1960–1970 7,212 9,596 22,465 0.23 3.1 1970–1980 12,315 11,416 21,032 0.18 1.7 NOTE: The area of forest cover in 1948 was assumed to be 150,000 km2. Forest cover in 1960 was determined by the straight-line method by using National Economic Council (1959) data for 1957 and Forest Management Bureau (1988) data for 1969. Forest cover for 1970 was determined by the straight-line method by using Forest Management Bureau (1988) data for 1969 and 1980. SOURCES: Forest Management Bureau. 1988. Natural Forest Resourcesof the Philippines. Manila: Philippine–German Forest Resources InventoryProject; National Economic Council. 1959. The Raw Materials ResourcesSurvey: Series No. 1, General Tables. Manila: Bureau of Printing. than the national rate because of the higher mortality and the lower birth rates in the upland areas than in the lowland areas (M. C. Cruz, College of Development Economics and Management, University of the Philippines, Quezon City, personal communication, 1990). Migration accounted for the bulk of the population growth in the upland areas (Cruz et al., 1986). Of the 18.6 million people who lived in the uplands in 1988, 6 million had lived there before 1945, 2 million had migrated there between 1945 and 1948, and 10 million had migrated there since 1948 (Lynch and Talbott, 1988). In addition, high rates of migration to the uplands continued in the 1980s (World Bank, 1989a). The highest rates of population growth in the uplands were in municipalities with logging concessions (Cruz and Zosa-Feranil, 1988). Most observers agree that migration occurs because of the lack of opportunities in the lowlands. Poor people are forced to the uplands because they have no other suitable choices. Cruz and Zosa-Feranil (1988) estimated that 70 percent of all upland migrants were landless lowlanders. These poor farmers may be referred to as shifting or slash-and-burn cultivators (Westoby, 1981).
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Sustainable Agriculture and the Environment in the HUMID TROPICS Intensification of Rice Production in the Lowlands Lowland rice fields in the Philippines are about half irrigated and half rainfed. Initially, the green revolution (the breakthroughs in rice varietal technology in the late 1960s) increased labor use intensity in rice production (Otsuka et al., 1990). More rice crops were produced each year (two instead of one), and more intensive management was applied. But rainfed rice farming did not experience the extent of technical change that occurred in irrigated rice farming or the same gain in productivity. Therefore, the economic disparity between the irrigated and rainfed rice fields increased (Otsuka et al., 1990). The increased labor demand for irrigated rice accelerated the migration of labor from rainfed to irrigated areas. The intensity of labor use in irrigated rice production plateaued, however, and in many areas it declined as labor-displacing technologies gained widespread use. The technologies included broadcast seeding rather than transplanting of seedlings and herbicide application rather than weeding by hand. This reduced the labor absorption potential and the returns to labor, particularly landless labor. The income-earning prospects of the landless labor pool has declined, as exemplified by the evolution of labor arrangements that are progressively less favorable. There is some potential for further intensification of rice cropping in irrigated areas and diversification to alternative higher income crops, including grain legumes, and tree crops. It is unlikely, however, that these changes will proceed fast or far enough to substantially increase the amount of labor that can be absorbed in lowland rice farming activities in the future, suggesting a continued rapid increase in the number of underemployed or unemployed families in lowland rural areas. Upland Farming Systems One of the most serious gaps in understanding land use in the uplands, particularly agriculture-forest interactions, relates to shifting (slash-and-burn) cultivation. Agriculture in the uplands consists of traditional shifting cultivation (long fallow periods), nontraditional or migrant shifting cultivation (short fallow periods), permanent or intensive agriculture, backyard gardens, pastoral systems, or any combination of these. There is no reliable information on the extent of these forms of agriculture or the proportion of shifting cultivation in grasslands or secondary or primary forests. There are also no data at the national or provincial level on how often farmers shift their plots, although case studies do exist (Barker, 1984; Conklin, 1957). Vandermeer
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Representative terms from entire chapter: