10
Good Practice: Community-Based Interventions and Services

As detailed throughout this report, many of the major institutions, or settings, in which adolescents are growing up are unable to provide the guidance and support young people need for positive development. Policies that might change high-risk settings into ones that promote adolescent development have been neglected, and existing policies often diminish the viability of families and neighborhoods. The urgent need for increased support of the major settings of adolescent life as well as very basic changes within these institutions has been argued throughout the report. The primary institutions that serve youth—health, schools, employment, training—are crucial and we must begin with helping them respond more effectively to contemporary adolescent needs. Effective responses will involve pushing the boundaries of these systems, encouraging collaboration between them and reducing the number of adolescents whose specialized problems cannot be met through primary institutions.

Even if categorical systems become more effective, however, some adolescents will continue to experience problems that transcend the response capacities of primary institutions. For these adolescents and their families, specialized service programs may fill the gaps or compensate for failures in major life settings (Schorr et al., 1991). This chapter reviews the experience of service programs that attempt to meet the needs of adolescents experiencing complex, often health-or life-compromising problems. Information



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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings 10 Good Practice: Community-Based Interventions and Services As detailed throughout this report, many of the major institutions, or settings, in which adolescents are growing up are unable to provide the guidance and support young people need for positive development. Policies that might change high-risk settings into ones that promote adolescent development have been neglected, and existing policies often diminish the viability of families and neighborhoods. The urgent need for increased support of the major settings of adolescent life as well as very basic changes within these institutions has been argued throughout the report. The primary institutions that serve youth—health, schools, employment, training—are crucial and we must begin with helping them respond more effectively to contemporary adolescent needs. Effective responses will involve pushing the boundaries of these systems, encouraging collaboration between them and reducing the number of adolescents whose specialized problems cannot be met through primary institutions. Even if categorical systems become more effective, however, some adolescents will continue to experience problems that transcend the response capacities of primary institutions. For these adolescents and their families, specialized service programs may fill the gaps or compensate for failures in major life settings (Schorr et al., 1991). This chapter reviews the experience of service programs that attempt to meet the needs of adolescents experiencing complex, often health-or life-compromising problems. Information

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings for the chapter was developed through a special symposium held in New York City and attended by the directors of adolescent programs that are thought to be particularly successful in turning around the lives of young people who are caught in a web of failure. The panel also heard from a number of adolescents served by the programs. This chapter summarizes what was learned at the symposium as well as through our review of the growing literature on this subject. There are numerous examples of locally designed and operated programs through which communities are beginning to address the risks that face many of America's adolescents. Many local efforts aim at supporting families and strengthening communities. The commonality among such efforts is that they seek to enable and empower parents and community residents to increase their capabilities to nurture young people. Communities have also implemented a range of innovative initiatives in response to the risks that often arise from service systems themselves. The innovative strategies, and the experiences of the local practitioners that created them, may provide models for national programs and policies in the years ahead. They certainly offer a rich lode of examples that should be drawn upon by primary systems as they evolve in response to current needs. All of the examples of "good practice" exhibit a number of common characteristics. First and foremost, their services for adolescents are comprehensive: the programs transcend categorical labels, organizations, and funding sources to bring together a coherent package of service to young people. Whether programs are offered in a single site or through interagency collaboration, the goal is to provide services that ensure that the emotional, recreational, academic, and vocational needs of adolescents are explicitly addressed. Comprehensiveness also means that these programs provide adolescents from high-risk settings with the developmental opportunities that are too often missing in their lives. This chapter describes innovative programs in three broad categories: (1) strengthening families and communities; (2) improving institutional services; and (3) comprehensive service for adolescent development. We use the label "good practice" to identify those programs and interventions that have strong research and theoretical justification. Such judgments should also be supported by evaluation research, but few of the programs have been rigorously evaluated. In other cases, new evaluation methodologies must be developed that adequately assess the quality and outcomes

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings of multipurpose programs or comprehensive service systems (see Chapter 11). STRENGTHENING FAMILIES AND NEIGHBORHOODS Assisting adolescents requires attention to the settings—families and neighborhoods—that they experience on a daily basis. In good practice initiatives, community residents—both adults and, increasingly, adolescents—are viewed as integral resources who can contribute substantially to the change process. That is, good practice programs focus on the conditions for change—engagement and empowerment—rather than the problems per se of families, neighborhoods, and young people. They provide participants with legitimate opportunities to contribute in ways that are directly relevant to their concerns and interests. Supporting Parents If parents are not supported, they have a diminished capacity to support their children (Bronfenbrenner, 1978). In response to the conditions described in Chapters 3 and 4, many communities have implemented family support programs directed toward low-income parents. Such parents not only suffer from economic hardship, but also face additional challenges arising from the lack of personal networks—friends, coworkers, and extended family members—that contributes directly to emotional distress and continued isolation from the labor market (Cochran, 1990). Family support programs vary tremendously, but one common feature is an attempt to "extend" families by helping parents form both functional and emotional attachments to other parents. Most programs also have educational components, aimed at enhancing parenting skills, and many have training components to help parents enter, or progress within, the labor market. Traditionally, family support programs focused on parent education, as in the case of Head Start, with the goal of teaching parents effective caregiving skills. Over time, the goals broadened to include a range of activities and strategies, the development of personal networks, and peer supports for childrearing and employment. Evaluation research indicates the potential strengths of family support programs: when programs are well implemented, they are found to enhance the emotional well-being of parents, broaden their social networks, and facilitate child development (Cochran, 1990; Kagan et al., 1987; Weiss, 1987).

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings There are an estimated 2,000 family support programs across the country, most of which are implemented by nonprofit organizations (Zigler and Black, 1989). Unfortunately, only a small minority provide family support for parents with adolescent children, especially those in high school, and these programs tend to be taught in class-like settings and aimed at middle-class families. Some of the more innovative programs not only focus on imparting caregiving skills, but also help parents cope with stress in their lives—such as fear for children's well-being—and difficulties in funding appropriate services for their children. Such programs help parents develop personal networks through which parents can help solve problems of guidance, monitoring, and communication (Small, 1990). The increasing number of parents unable to care for their children has overwhelmed the child welfare system (see Chapter 9). Absent economic supports and employment training (which are often unavailable), a number of "family preservation" or "home-builder" programs seek to prevent the placement of children in foster care or other supervised settings. Typically, a trained case manager provides a family with intense short-term counseling and parent education, arranging for a broader spectrum of child welfare, health, and mental health services as needed. Evaluations of family preservation programs remain open to multiple interpretations, and their effectiveness is disputed. Some studies suggest that the program works better with families with young children, rather than families with adolescents (Rossi, 1991; Farrow, 1987). Interagency collaboration is often necessary to provide comprehensive service to families and their children. In Ventura County, California, for example, a project seeks to strengthen families' ability to manage and to care for adolescents with behavioral and emotional disorders by linking schools and agencies that provide mental health services—welfare, juvenile justice, and health. Staff and funding are integrated across agencies to support the program, and case management ensures continuity of care. Evaluation indicates that the project decreased rates of out-of-home placement and facilitated earlier return of adolescents to their home and school when placement did occur: since 1985, out-of-county juvenile justice and social services placements have been reduced by 46 percent in Ventura County (U.S. Office of Technology Assessment, 1991). Teenage mothers are often poor and lack the knowledge, skills, and social support needed to be good parents. Further, they commonly lack the education, training, and connections to employment

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings that would enable them to obtain jobs and become self-sufficient. One result is the high proportion of welfare dependency among adolescent mothers discussed in Chapter 2. Exemplary programs directed toward teenage mothers are therefore unusually comprehensive—seeking to impart the parenting skills discussed above, but also to assist the mothers over the numerous hurdles standing between them and self-sufficiency, such as job training, child care, and transportation. Some family resource centers—for example, those operated by Friends of the Family (Commission on Chapter 1, 1992)—have had some success in providing essential services in a single site and offering referrals for services that cannot be provided. Two exemplary programs—project Redirection and New Chance—have been successful in the complex task of arranging necessary services. Project Redirection operated at 11 sites, delivering services to very low-income teenagers who were either pregnant or parents of young children. It linked participants with existing educational and support services in the community and also provided direct services, including parenting workshops, peer group support sessions, counseling, and mentoring. In a 5-year follow-up, Project Redirection participants had better outcomes than a comparison group on measures of weekly wages, welfare recipiency, and parenting skills. In addition, their children showed better cognitive skills and fewer behavioral problems. Nonetheless, disadvantage was still prevalent: fewer than one-half of the participants had completed high school, only one-third were working full time, and one-half were receiving Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) (Polit et al., 1985). Building on the Project Redirection experience, New Chance offers similar services to highly disadvantaged young mothers. Rather than using a ''brokered service" or "case management" model, New Chance provides the majority of services in a program setting, with an emphasis on direct services to children in a developmental day care setting. Although studies of project effects are not yet available, lessons have been learned regarding the implementation of family support programs. For example, while the parenting programs are relatively easy to put into place, the implementation of employment and training and family planning components is more difficult. Participant absenteeism remains a significant problem, requiring extensive outreach with highly skilled staff (Quint et al., 1991).

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings Mobilizing Neighborhoods Other local initiatives aim not to strengthen specific families, but instead, to rebuild and strengthen neighborhoods. This approach is based on historical evidence indicating that sustained change occurs most readily when local residents invest themselves and their resources in the effort (Cochran, 1990; McKnight and Kretzman, 1992; Davies, 1991). Successful neighborhood mobilization has occurred through at least four mechanisms: (1) community organizing and development, (2) collaboration in service delivery, (3) the implementation of community-based programs, and (4) the involvement of families in school governance and instruction. Fundamental to each strategy is the importance of building on existing resources and engaging the people—adult and adolescent residents—typically excluded from such efforts. Community organizing and development initiatives run the gamut from simple networking and coalition building to resource leveraging. The common focus is an effort to realign the political, financial, and institutional forces in neighborhoods. In the most distressed neighborhoods, there is often a need for residents to coordinate traditional grassroots organizing with larger initiatives in the form of community development corporations (CDCs). CDCs, often organized and funded by public-private collaborations, provide service not currently supported by government. For example, a CDC might undertake a housing rehabilitation program that renovates existing housing stock, which it then rents to citizens. Another housing program might seek to turn the program into a community-based effort that requires potential homeowners to participate in the renovation program in many ways, from management to remodeling (Leavitt and Saegert, 1989; Rivlin, 1991). CDCs often seek to enhance the beauty and safety of neighborhoods as a strategy for retaining residents and businesses. In one area of New York City, for example, the Grand Central Partnership supplements municipal services with a 50-percent security force, a 40-person sanitation force, and an extensive program for homeless persons. Another partnership has renovated a major park in Manhattan, providing a place for adults and young people to relax and play in safety. Other CDC programs broaden the array of services available to parents through the provision of family support and education, child care, and after-school programs (Edelman and Radin, 1991; Leinberger, 1992).

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings Increasingly, programs for young people are also seen as an integral part of community organizing and development efforts. The rationale is two-sided: on one side, youth are viewed as a threat to the viability of housing and community cohesion; on the other side, young people are untapped resources for positive change and can often make irreplaceable contributions to their own neighborhoods. For these reasons, some CDCs operate day care, after-school tutoring programs, child-family activities, recreational programs, employment and training programs, and counseling (Sullivan and DeGiovanni, 1991). The provision of services through collaboration between federal, state, and community-based entities is another method of neighborhood mobilization. Programs of the U.S. Office of Economic Opportunity were developed on this model. One barrier is that government agencies are hesitant to share authority with neighborhood residents, who are too often viewed only as prospective clients. Nonetheless, collaboration has long been the mechanism for delivering employment and training services, and in recent years similar programs have successfully delivered youth-oriented services traditionally provided by the police, justice system, social services, and health and mental health agencies (Spergel, 1976; Sauber, 1983; Eisenhower Foundation, 1990). Collaborative or jointly organized services can offer tangible benefits not easily accomplished through more traditional modes. However, successful implementation demands concrete knowledge of the neighborhoods in which programs operate, including resource availability, past history and present conditions, income mix, and cultural norms and beliefs. Consequently, using neighborhood residents as professional staff and as members of governing bodies better ensures that the problems defined and the solutions offered are consistent with local conditions. Collaboration also appears to enhance the attachment of the involved adults to the neighborhood, and in some studies services have been provided more efficiently and with improved client outcomes (Camino, 1992; Cochran, 1990; Suttles, 1972). It must be remembered, however, that the most beneficial effect of community initiatives is likely to be on the individuals involved in the effort. The tangible, but modest, achievements of CDCs benefit a small number of people and are easily overwhelmed by the major structural changes in neighborhoods as discussed in Chapter 4. We know far too little about the ecology of urban change—why certain neighborhoods implode into disorganization and disintegration while others do not.

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings As a response to the unsuccessful efforts of the juvenile justice system in decreasing crime and hostility, many community organizations have become directly involved in providing services to offenders. Often, community and justice system collaborations focus on juvenile restitution programs, in which young people are ordered by the court to pay restitution to their victims or to engage in community service to pay back the neighborhood. While these programs have benefits for young people and crime victims, their potential may be even greater as a vehicle for mobilizing neighborhoods. In the Juvenile Justice Alliance in Oregon, government officials and community organizations have created a model for services to all young people. The restitution program, for instance, has led to coalitions between business and labor organizations, trained a large cadre of paid and volunteer staff, and developed ties to organizations not traditionally associated with juvenile justice or youth service, such as forestry, fish and game, and wildlife groups (Bazemore, 1988). Other interventions have focused on providing new opportunities for young people, mediating with schools and law enforcement agencies to change policies, and developing job and community service programs. On the whole, programs that emphasize advocacy and institutional mediation appear to be more effective than approaches based on mobilizing residents to provide traditional educational and social services (Fagan, 1987). Community-based youth programs are often implemented to fill the void in adolescents' lives that results from extremely stressed families and to provide developmental experiences typically offered by schools, health programs, or employment training agencies. Such programs play a key role in development by giving young people a sense of membership, a chance to develop supportive relationships with a range of adults and peers, and an opportunity to develop functional and interpersonal skills necessary for healthy adolescent development (Pittman and Wright, 1991). Not surprisingly, community-based youth programs have been found to be an integral factor contributing to resiliency and positive self-identities among young people (Werner and Smith, 1982; Heath and Mclaughlin, 1991). Viewed as neighborhood institutions, these diverse organizations—ranging in size from volunteer-run organizations to multimillion-dollar entities—can collectively provide young people with a critical array of opportunities and services, as well as a place to form interpersonal relations with adults and peers. Because community-based services typically make little or no distinction between

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings clients that are served, they are able to implement programs that remove stigmatizing distinctions like "undeserving" or "high risk." Often staffed by neighborhood residents and volunteers, these programs have sought to fill the gaps by providing services not extensively supported by government and not readily available elsewhere: group counseling, life-skills training, family counseling, substance abuse education, and supportive services for abused children (Sauber, 1983; Pittman and Cahill, 1992; Independent Sector, 1992; Littell and Wynn, 1989; Wynn et al., 1987). They can also serve as protective institutions that promote adolescent development and prevent entry into the child welfare and criminal justice systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Garbarino, 1985; Pittman and Wright, 1991). Neighborhoods can also be directly strengthened through the contributions of young people. Community action youth programs demonstrate the value of using local residents in the effort to rebuild neighborhoods. In El Puente, for example, they have initiated a recycling program, formed an advocacy/action group ("The Toxic Avengers") to oppose the concentrations of toxic wastes in their neighborhood, established an AIDS education drama group, and conducted a measles immunization campaign. At YouthBuild, participants have organized a construction company that renovates city-owned buildings and are developing a local child care center. In other programs that employ youth service, youth are conducting community needs assessments, renovating housing, serving as tutors, and providing service to elders, to list only a few examples (Nathan and Kielsmeir, 1991; Quinn, 1992). The school building is an integral part of all communities. Not only is it the setting in which the majority of young people spend each day, but ideally, it is also a place where parents, other neighborhood adults, and service providers can form personal relationships and collaborate in the change process. Hence, changing schools can help strengthen neighborhoods. Furthermore, the active involvement of parents can help to transform the culture of the school itself (Lightfoot, 1975; Davies, 1991). Family involvement in all phases of schooling—from governance to the instructional process—provides direct mechanisms of parent empowerment. Several recent initiatives seek to engage parents and school staff in a collaborative efforts: The social development model creates organizational structures whereby stakeholders (students, parents, teachers) meet on a regular basis to make decisions regarding the climate of schools,

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings with an emphasis on ensuring that the academic and social needs of all students are explicitly addressed in all school activities (Comer, 1988). In the accelerated schools model, school stakeholders collaborate in creating school structures and instruction consistent with "new" school norms, with an emphasis on reflection, trust, risk taking, and communication (Levin, 1987). The schools reaching out model emphasizes experimentation and "participatory inquiry" among stakeholders, aimed at identifying the major barriers to quality education in schools, and developing consensus and plans to address priority issues (Davies, 1991). Moreover, family involvement has direct benefits for students. Program evaluations consistently find that such involvement enhances the academic achievement of students, particularly when parents take an active role as classroom tutors or engage in structured home-based instruction that is complementary to, and reinforces, classroom instruction (Epstein, 1991a; Swap, 1990; Eastman, 1988). Regardless of the type of involvement, schools must confront the fact that low-income and minority parents are often isolated from and distrustful of schools. In part, this lack of involvement is because it is difficult for parents to arrange for child care for younger children or time off from work. But it also stems from the structure of schools: teachers are granted little time to work with parents and are given little training to learn how to engage parents. It is also due in part to explicit and implicit messages from the school that parents are not welcome (Lightfoot, 1975; Lareau, 1989; McLaughlin and Shields, 1987; Slaughter and Schneider, 1986; Boutte, 1992). Yet for each of these barriers, many communities and school districts have implemented programs with demonstrated effectiveness. A fundamental ingredient for success is that schools must create opportunities for partnership—teachers need time for collaboration, and principals need to instill an organizational ethos that encourages the development of sustained relationships. For example, studies of Chapter 1 and Head Start have shown that teachers and parents will engage in governance activities if they are given genuine opportunities to participate in key decision-making forums. Studies of home-school partnership consistently demonstrate that parents will become involved if teachers expect participation and provide parents with sufficient interpersonal and

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings technical support (Epstein, 1991b; Zeldin, 1990; Krasnow, 1991; Swap, 1990). IMPROVING INSTITUTIONAL SERVICES In this section we highlight some good practice initiatives—in the areas of health, education, and employment training—that seek to replace current institutional practice with alternatives better suited to the developmental needs of adolescents. New Settings for Health Services The U.S. health system, built around and financially sustained by the treatment of pathology and physical disorders, provides strong incentives for service to be provided in traditional settings, such as hospitals and physician offices. But these settings are not well suited to the provision of comprehensive health services and are often inaccessible for low-income adolescents and their families. A number of communities have attempted to fill this gap by developing alternative school-and community-based centers—some are linked to and supported by hospitals, others are freestanding. There are only about 400 school-linked health programs in the country, which serve less than 1 percent of all adolescents. School-linked health centers convey a number of benefits. They are readily accessible and provide a confidential setting in a familiar environment, and they integrate health and education to promote preventive interventions. Sports and health examinations and immunizations are often the most frequently offered services. School-linked health centers rarely provide contraception or refer pregnant teenagers for abortions; reviewers often note that the weakest components of school-based adolescent health centers are their family planning programs (Kirby and Waszak, 1989; Dryfoos, 1988; Levy and Shepardson, 1992). Research indicates that the centers reach a large percentage of the student population in the schools where they are located and that they identify significant numbers of untreated or unrecognized health conditions. Some centers have demonstrated positive effects in delivering preventive services with measurable outcomes, such as reduction in pregnancy rates, delay in onset of sexual activity, increased contraceptive use, and improved school attendance (Dryfoos, 1990; Packard Foundation, 1992). The heaviest demand on school-linked health services is for individual counseling to address adolescent depression, stress, and

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings Becker, H.J. 1987 Addressing the Needs of Different Groups of Early Adolescents: Effects of Varying School and Classroom Organizational Practices on Students from Different Social Backgrounds and Abilities. Report No. 16. Center for Research on Elementary and Middle Schools. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University. Bidwell, C. 1970 Students and schools: some observations on client trust in client-serving institutions. In W.R. Rosengren and M. Lefton, eds. Organizations and Clients. Columbus, Ohio: Merrill. Bishop, J.H. 1989 Incentives for learning: why American high school students compare so poorly to their counterparts overseas. Investing in People: A Strategy to Address America's Workforce Crisis. Background papers, Vol. 1, Commission of Workforce Quality and Labor Market Efficiency. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor. Boutte, G.S. 1992 Frustrations of an African-American parent: a personal and professional account. Phi Delta Kappan 73(10):786-788. Braddock, J.H., and J. McPartland 1992 Education of At-Risk Youth: Recent Trends, Current Status, and Future Needs. Commissioned paper for the Panel on High-Risk Youth, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Brandt, R., ed. 1992 Readings from Educational Leadership. Alexandria, Va.: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Brindis, C., R. Barth, and A. Loomis 1987 Continuous counseling: case management with teenage parents. Social Casework: The Journal of Contemporary Social Work March: 164-172. Bronfenbrenner, U. 1978 Who needs parent education? Teachers College Record 79(4):767-787. 1979 The Ecology of Human Development: Experiments by Nature and Design. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Bryk, A., and M.W. Driscoll 1988 The High School as Community: Contextual Influences and Consequences for Students and Teachers. National Center on Effective Secondary Schools, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Bryk, A., V.E. Lee, and J.L. Smith 1990 High school organization and its effects on teachers and students: an interpretive summary of the research. Pp. 135-226 in W.H. Cline and J.F. Witte, eds., Choice and Control in American Education, Vol. 1. New York: Falmer Press. Bucknam, R.B., and S.G. Brand 1983 EBCE really works: a meta-analysis on experience based career education. Educational Leadership 40(6):66-71. CSR, Inc. 1981 Report on Impacts Study of New Youth Initiatives in Apprenticeship. Washington, D.C.: CSR, Inc.

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings Calabrese, R.L., and H. Shumer 1986 The effects of service activities on adolescent alienation. Adolescence 21:675-687. Camino, L. 1992 Racial, Ethnic, and Cultural Differences in Youth Development Programs. Commissioned paper prepared for the Task Force on Youth Development and Community Programs, Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, Washington, D.C. Carnevale, A.P. 1991 America and the New Economy. Alexandria, Va.: The American Society for Training and Development. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor. Cave, G., and F. Doolittle 1991 Assessing Jobstart: Interim Impacts of a Program for School Dropouts. New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation. Cave, G., and J. Quint 1990 Career Beginnings Impact Evaluation: Findings from a Program for Disadvantaged High School Students . New York: Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation. Charner, I. 1988 Employability credentials: a key to successful youth transition to work. Journal of Career Development 15:30-40. Children's Defense Fund 1988 What About the Boys? Teenage Pregnancy Prevention Strategies. Washington, D.C.: Adolescent Pregnancy Prevention Clearinghouse. Civic Achievement Award Program (The) n.d. Close Up Foundation. Unpublished manuscript, Arlington, Va. Cochran, M. 1990 Personal networks in the ecology of human development. Pp. 3-34 in M. Cochran, M. Larner, D. Riley, L. Gunnarsson, and C.R. Henderson, Jr., eds., Extending Families: The Social Networks of Parents and Their Children. New York: Cambridge University Press. Cohen, E.G. 1986 Designing Groupwork: Strategies for the Heterogeneous Classroom. New York: Teachers College Press. Cohen, P.A., J.A. Kulik, and C.L. Kulik 1982 Educational outcomes of tutoring: a meta-analysis of findings. American Educational Research Journal 19:237-248. Comer, J.P. 1988 Educating poor minority children. Scientific American 259(5):42-48. 1989 Racism and the education of young children. Teachers College Record 90(3):352-361. Commission on Chapter 1 1992 Making Schools Work for Children in Poverty. Washington, D.C.: American Association for Higher Education. Conrad, D., and D. Hedin, eds. 1982a The impact of experiential education on adolescent development. Youth Participation and Experiential Education. New York: Haworth Press. 1982b The impact of experiential education on adolescent development. Child and Youth Services 4:57-76.

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Losing Generations: Adolescents in High-Risk Settings Costantino, G., R. Malgady, and L. Rogler 1988 Folk hero modeling therapy for Puerto Rican adolescents. Journal of Adolescence (special issue D) 11:155-175. Davidson, W., and R. Redner 1988 The prevention of juvenile delinquency: diversion from the juvenile justice system. In R. Price, E. Cowen, R. Lorion, and J. Ramos-McKay, eds., 14 Ounces of Prevention. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. Davies, D. 1991 Schools reaching out: family, school, and community partnerships for student success. Phi Delta Kappan 72(5):376-382. Dayton, C., M. Raby, D. Stern, and A. Weisberg 1992 The California partnership academies: remembering the "forgotten half." Phi Delta Kappan 73(7):539-545. Dryfoos, J. 1988 School-based health clinics: three years of experience. Family Planning Perspectives 20(4):193-200 1990 Adolescents at Risk: Prevalence and Prevention. New York: Oxford University Press. 1991 School-based social and health services for at-risk students. Urban Education 26(1):118-137. Earle, J. 1989 Adolescent Pregnancy and Dropout Prevention Project of NASBE. Unpublished report, National Association of State Boards of Education, Washington, D.C. Eastman, G. 1988 Family Involvement in Education. Madison, Wis.: Department of Public Instruction. Edelman, P., and B. Radin 1991 Serving Children and Families Effectively: How the Past Can Help Chart the Future. Washington, D.C.: Education and Human Services Consortium. Education Development Center 1989 Preventing Interpersonal Violence Among Teens: Field Test and Evaluation. Final report of Grant No. 87-IJ-CX-0009, National Institute of Justice, Washington, D.C. Eisenhower Foundation (Milton S.) 1990 Youth Investment and Community Restructuring: Street Lessons on Drugs and Crime for the Nineties. Washington, D.C.: Milton S. Eisenhower Foundation. Elias, M.J., M. Gara, M. Ubriaco, et al. 1986 Impact of a preventive social problem solving intervention on children's coping with middle-school stressors. American Journal of Community Psychology 14:259-275. Epstein, J.L. 1991a Paths to partnership: what we can learn from federal, state, district, and school initiatives. Phi Delta Kappan 72(5):344-349. 1991b School and family partnerships. Pp. 1139-1151 in M. Alkin, ed., Encyclopedia of Educational Research, 6th ed. New York: Macmillan. Epstein, J.L., and K.C. Salinas 1991 Promising Practices in Major Academic Subjects in the Middle Grades. Reston, Va.: National Association of Secondary School Principals.

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