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Population Dynamics of Senegal 2 Geographic and Socioeconomic Setting GEOGRAPHIC OVERVIEW Senegal is a mid-size African country located on the western coast of the continent. It is bordered by Mauritania to the north, Mali to the east, Guinea to the southeast, and Guinea-Bissau to the south; The Gambia forms an enclave along the Gambia River. Senegal has a surface area of 196,722 square kilometers (km2), which supports a population estimated at 6.9 million in 1988, making the average density 35 inhabitants/km2. Senegal is a relatively flat country and exhibits few pronounced topographical features, although the southeastern part of the country, on the Guinean border, contains small massifs. The climate varies greatly between the northern and southern portions of the country. Rainfall ranges from less than 400 mm per year in the northern half of the country, which forms part of the Sahel, to more than 1,000 mm per year in parts of the southern half (Moore et al., 1992, data from 1980-1987). Senegal has been experiencing progressively less and less rainfall since early in the century (see Figure 2-1). The rainy season, which takes place roughly between the months of July and November, lasts up to 6 months in the southern part of the country and 3 months in the north. The daily temperature can reach 110 degrees Fahrenheit during the day and fall to 60 degrees at night. Senegal is currently divided into ten administrative regions, each of which is further subdivided into three departments (see Figure 2-2). The
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Population Dynamics of Senegal FIGURE 2-1 Annual average rainfall in Senegal, 1930-1939 and 1980-1987. SOURCE: Moore et al. (1992). subdivisions within Senegal have changed twice since 1960 when there were seven regions: Dakar, Thiès, Saint-Louis, Tambacounda, Diourbel, Sine-Saloum, and Casamance;1 the last three of these regions have each split into two since 1960. In 1976, Diourbel was divided into Louga and Diourbel, so that there were eight regions during the 1976 census. In 1984, Casamance was divided into Kolda and Ziguinchor, and Sine-Saloum was divided into Fatick and Kaolack. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Based on the findings from many archaeological sites, archaeologists have discovered that the geographic area of Senegal was already quite populated 500-1,000 years ago. The distribution of the population was quite different, however, with the interior of the country being relatively more populated than today. The current distribution of the population, which is more heavily concentrated along the Atlantic coast, emerged only after a series of migrations over the last 300 years (see Becker and Mbodji, 1994). Senegal's history is rich with international contacts. As early as the tenth century, the people of Senegal had links with Arab traders from North Africa. In the following century, Islam entered Senegal, and to this day it remains the predominant religion. The Portuguese, the first Europeans to explore Senegal, arrived in 1445, followed shortly thereafter by the French, the Dutch, and the British. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
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Population Dynamics of Senegal FIGURE 2-2 Administrative divisions in Senegal. NOTE: The white area of the map is The Gambia.
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Population Dynamics of Senegal the Europeans were responsible for the export of slaves, ivory, and gold; the export of slaves was outlawed in 1848. By 1840, the French had gained enough control of the area to establish Senegal as a French possession. As the French penetrated the Senegalese hinterland, they came into conflict with the Tukulor Empire of Seku Ahmadu, who ruled in the mid- to late nineteenth century, and the Wolof (Gordon, 1988). The final struggle of the Senegalese against French domination was by the peoples of Casamance in the southern part of the country. This struggle lasted into the twentieth century (Gordon, 1988). In addition, France fought the British for control of the mouth of the Gambia River. Inability to oust the British led to a settlement of boundaries in 1889 between French-controlled Senegal and British-controlled Gambia. Near the end of the nineteenth century, France became increasingly desirous of taking over additional parts of western Africa, which they did using Senegal as a base. By the beginning of the twentieth century, France had control of much of western Africa; this area became known as French West Africa in 1895. There are virtually no demographic data available for Senegal from this period. However, long-term vital registration systems for the cities of Dakar and Saint-Louis were established and have been maintained to the present (Garenne, 1994). The vital registration data indicate that mortality began to decline in these areas in the second decade of the twentieth century (see Diop, 1990, and Garenne et al., 1993, as cited in Garenne, 1994). Administrative counts of the whole population are also available from the beginning of the century, although they tend to be of doubtful quality (see Becker and Mbodji, 1994). The French also conducted a census in these areas and in Rufisque and the island of Gorée in 1907 (Verrière, 1965:17). After World War II, the Senegalese were given additional rights and representation, partly in appreciation of their support for the de Gaulle government during the war (Gordon, 1988). Moreover, during the early part of the twentieth century, political groups began organizing in Senegal. The combination of increased rights and the growing strength of these political groups led to Senegal's eventual independence from France, which was achieved on April 4, 1960. One of the political groups that was active prior to Senegalese independence was formed in 1948 by Léopold Sédar Senghor, who became the country's first president in 1960 and served in that position until December 31, 1980, when he voluntarily resigned. In accordance with the Senegalese constitution, the Prime Minister, Abdou Diouf, became the president upon Senghor's resignation. Two years later, in February 1983, Diouf was elected president in his own right. He was reelected in 1988 and again in 1993 and remains Senegal's president today. Senegal has had a relatively stable government since independence,
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Population Dynamics of Senegal unlike many of its neighbors. This has made the country relatively attractive to foreign investors; it continues to benefit from substantial foreign investment, particularly from France, with which Senegal has maintained close ties. EDUCATION Educational statistics point to a successful history of educational expansion in Senegal. Between 1960 and 1983, primary school enrollment quadrupled from 129,00 to approximately 533,000 (World Bank, 1988). Gross primary school enrollment rose from 27 percent in 1960 to 53 percent in 1983. Although girls still lag far behind boys, their gross primary enrollment ratios rose impressively from 18 percent in 1960 to 42 percent in 1983; the comparable figures for boys were 37 and 63 percent, respectively (World Bank, 1988). Secondary school expansion has been equally impressive. The total number of children in secondary school rose from a meager 13,000 in 1960 to over 113,000 in 1983. Here, females made less significant gains: females as a percentage of total enrollment increased from 27 to 33 percent over this 23-year period (World Bank, 1988).2 The above rapid gains may have been achieved partly at the expense of the quality of education offered. Recent data indicate that Senegal spends only $3.60 per pupil on educational materials, although the World Bank recommends that a minimum of $5 is necessary (World Bank, 1988). Unfortunately, the gains in enrollment rates are now being threatened. Recent predictions indicate that gross primary enrollment rates in Senegal will fall from around 50 percent in 1983 to around 40 percent by the year 2000. A combination of demographic, fiscal, and social factors is responsible. Rapid population growth has placed strong demographic pressures on a system that is feeling the fiscal constraints of structural adjustment policies. In addition, some African parents may be becoming increasingly disillusioned about the quality of education being offered and its usefulness for their children, given the reduced prospects of obtaining employment in the formal sector after graduation (International Labour Organization, 1989). ECONOMIC BACKGROUND Overview Like most African countries, Senegal has undergone a series of economic reversals and changes of policy in the last three decades. The overall picture is one of stagnation in personal income. The gross domestic product (GDP), expressed in constant Communauté Financière d'Afrique (CFA) francs,
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Population Dynamics of Senegal TABLE 2-1 Senegal Population Size and Growth Rates at Various Points over Time Year Population Interval Average Annual Growth Rate 1960 3,110,000 — — 1970 3,906,000 1960-1970 2.3 1976 4,998,000 1970-1976 4.2 1988 6,897,000 1976-1988 2.7 — — 1960-1988 2.9 — — 1970-1988 3.2 NOTE: See Appendix A for description of surveys. SOURCES: 1960: République du Sénégal (1964) 1970: République du Sénégal (1974) 1976:1976 census (unpublished tables) 1988:1988 census (unpublished tables) increased at a rate of 3.5 percent per year during the 1960s and 2.2 percent per year between 1970 and 1990 (Duruflé, 1994). Population growth kept pace at an average annual rate of 2.9 percent between 1960 and 1988 (see Table 2-1). The per capita gross national product (GNP) was not much higher in 1991, when it was estimated to be US $720 (World Bank, 1993b), than it had been in 1965, just after independence (Duruflé, 1994). Despite this weak performance in 1991, Senegal's per capita GNP was still more than twice the average for sub-Saharan African countries (see Table 2-2). This long-term stagnation masks considerable short-term fluctuation. There was some growth in the early 1960s, followed by a decline in GDP per capita in 1968-1973. Favorable prices for groundnuts and phosphates (the country's chief exports) helped produce a short-lived boom in the mid-1970s, followed by a deterioration in 1978-1981 due in large part to drought and the rapid increase in oil prices (Montalieu and Plane, 1993). While overall GDP growth has been weak since the 1960s, there has been an increase through most of the period in public-sector expenditures, private consumption, and imports. The result has been persistent deficits in the public-sector budget and the balance of payments (Rouis, 1994; World Bank, 1993b). During the 1980s and 1990s, Senegal implemented structural adjustment and stabilization policies aimed at liberalizing markets, reducing public-sector employment and the role of government in the economy, and reducing subsidies on inputs such as fertilizers. These policies have resulted in a reduction in the public-sector deficit and in urban-rural income differentials, but virtually no growth in per capita GNP (Berg, 1990; Montalieu
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Population Dynamics of Senegal and Plane, 1993; World Bank, 1993b). During 1980-1991, real GNP per capita grew by only 0.1 percent per year. This was a higher rate of increase than for sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, but lower than for other countries classified by the World Bank as ''middle-income" (see Table 2-2). One consequence of the economic downturn has been that the government has had to cut back in the health sector. Despite an increase in real health spending between 1975 and 1987, government expenditures on health as a percentage of total government expenditures dropped from 5.9 percent in 1975-1979 to 3.3 percent in 1986-1987 (Ogbu and Gallagher, 1992). These changes were partly offset by an increase in health care from the private sector. The Structure of Production The share of services in Senegal's domestic production has grown over time, from 56 percent of GDP in 1970 to 62 percent in 1991 (Duruflé, 1994). Industry's share has been roughly constant during the same period, at 19-20 percent. The share of agriculture has fallen from 24 to 20 percent (Duruflé, 1994). However, the amount of land cultivated has increased somewhat since independence, and the agricultural sector still employs the majority of the labor force (60 percent of working adults according to a recent World Bank [1993a] estimate). Groundnuts are Senegal's main cash and export crop, providing inputs for processing industries and accounting for a significant portion of export earnings. Yields have been very erratic, varying from 1.4 million tons in 1975-1976 to 0.2 million in 1980-1981, and 0.7 million in 1990-1991 (Figure 2-3) (Caicedo, 1990; Duruflé, 1994). Millet and sorghum are Senegal's main food crops; their production (now around 700,000 tons per year) has been expanding on average by 1 percent per year (Berg, 1990). About one-third to one-half of the rice consumed in Senegal is produced locally, although imports have been increasing. Vegetable production has been increasing rapidly, as has small animal husbandry around the urban centers. Cattle production is erratic because of the country's climatic fluctuations. Senegalese agriculture has suffered from deteriorating soil quality, erratic rainfall, and low prices to producers (Duruflé, 1994). These problems have been exacerbated by a decline in the use of fertilizer, which has fallen to one-third of its level in 1980, as well as decreased use of other inputs (World Bank, 1993a). Since 1986, as part of the adjustment program discussed above, the country has announced new agricultural policies intended to free prices, liberalize markets, and eliminate subsidies for inputs such as fertilizers. The fishery sector makes up only 2.3 percent of GDP but contributes
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Population Dynamics of Senegal TABLE 2-2 Social, Economic, and Demographic Indicators for Senegal and Other Countries and Regions Indicator Senegal Côte d'Ivoire Low Incomea Economies Excluding China and India Middle Incomeb Economies Sub-Saharan Africa Population (in millions), 1991 7.6 12.4 1,111.2 1,401.0 488.9 Total fertility rate, 1991 6.1 6.6 5.2 3.2 6.4 Infant mortality rate, 1991 81 95 91 38 104 GNP per capita (1980 dollars)c 450 1,150 230 1,400 — (1991 dollars)d 720 690 350 2,480 350 World Bank rankingd 43 42 — — — Average annual growth rate of GNP per capita, 1980-1991d 0.1 -4.6 1.0 0.3 -1.2 Annual change in real wages (%) (1980-1985)e,f -6.9 -4.4 — — — Total external debt as percentage of GNPd 1980 50.5 58.8 33.5 31.9 28.6 1991 63.1 222.6 85.7 41.2 107.9 Percentage living in urban areasd 39 40 28 62 29
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Population Dynamics of Senegal Females per 100 males in primary school, 1990d 72 71 76 91 76 Primary school net enrollment, 1990d,g 48 — 72 89 46 Primary pupil/teacher ratio, 1990d 58 36 39 25 41 Secondary school enrollment, 1990d,h 16 — 28 126 17 Tertiary school enrollment, 1990d,h 3 — 4 16 2 a The World Bank defines low-income economies as those with a GNP per capita of US $635 or less in 1991 (World Bank, 1993b). b The World Bank defines middle-income economies as those with a GNP per capita of more than US $635, but less than US $7,911 in 1991 (World Bank, 1993b). c Data from World Bank (1982). d Data from World Bank (1993b). e Data from Vandemoortele (1991). f Data for Côte d'Ivoire refer to 1980-1988. g Percentage of school-age children enrolled in school, 1990. h Percentage of age group enrolled in education. SOURCES: World Bank (1982, 1993b); Vandemoortele (1991)
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Population Dynamics of Senegal FIGURE 2-3 Groundnut production (in thousand tons) in Senegal, 1970-1993. SOURCE: Duruflé (1994). substantially (22 percent) to Senegal's merchandise export earnings (World Bank, 1993a). The rate of growth in the quantity of fish caught has declined over the past decade from 3.9 percent per year in the 1980s to 2.5 percent in the early 1990s. This decline is due in part to overfishing off the coast of Senegal and has resulted in the closing of five fish-canning factories since 1988 (World Bank, 1993a). Senegal has a relatively diversified industrial sector that is geographically concentrated in the Dakar region (Boone, 1993; Valette, 1991). Manufacturing consists mainly of food and agricultural processing (groundnut oil mills, sugar mills, seafood processing), textiles, and petroleum products. The industrial sector grew an average of 5.3 percent per year during 1970-1980 and 3.8 percent per year during 1980-1991 (World Bank, 1993b). Phosphates, the most important product of the mining sector, accounted for 7 percent of Senegal's exports of goods in 1991 (International Monetary Fund, 1993a). Import-substituting industries still benefit from considerable government
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Population Dynamics of Senegal protection, despite measures undertaken since 1986 to liberalize trade and exchange rates. The overvaluation of the CFA franc, until the 50 percent devaluation in January 1994, increased costs for import-using industries and hurt the competitiveness of Senegalese manufacturers. A new industrial policy includes subsidies to exports, relaxation of some provisions of the labor code, and managerial reform (Barro, 1991; Logeay, 1990). Officially, Senegal's service sector produced 62 percent of the GDP in 1991 (World Bank, 1993b). Figures for informal-sector output in particular are very unreliable, but there is evidence that an increasing proportion of new entrants to the labor force in Senegal work in small-scale informal service enterprises in the cities (Barro, 1991). In 1986, there were 173,000 workers in the "modern private sector," compared with 537,000 in the "informal sector," mainly in services and retail trade (Barro, 1991). Dependency, External Shocks, and Adjustment In the years following World War II and for a time after independence, Senegal's exports expanded rapidly, and their structure changed as the proportion of manufacturing increased from 3 percent in 1965 to 22 percent in 1990 (Hugon, 1993). Dependence on groundnuts fell from 44 percent of exports in 1966-1973 to 16 percent in 1989-1991 (International Monetary Fund, 1993a). However, deterioration in the terms of trade and a failure to maintain the competitiveness of exports have resulted in a chronic trade deficit, which has been financed by grants and loans, membership in the CFA franc zone, and remittances from abroad (Duruflé, 1994). Official development assistance made up 12 percent of the GDP in 1991 (Rouis, 1994). Total official development assistance increased by 7.4 percent per year during the decade 1980-1989, and on a per capita basis was two-thirds higher than for other sub-Saharan African countries between 1984 and 1988 (World Bank, 1993a). In 1991, "official unrequited transfers," as measured in balance-of-payments statistics, equaled US$374 million (of which $105 million was represented by cancellation of debt), or about $50 per inhabitant (International Monetary Fund, 1993a). Before the mid-1980s, remittances from Senegalese abroad appeared to roughly balance remittances from foreigners working in Senegal. (Remittances are typically one of the most difficult elements to measure in balance-of-payments statistics.) However, remittances from Senegalese abroad have since increased—to $83 million in 1991, compared with $51 million remitted out of Senegal (International Monetary Fund, 1993a). In 1980, Senegal's external debt was 50.5 percent of GNP. This proportion rose to 63.1 percent in 1991 (see Table 2-2). Debt service amounted to 20 percent of the value of goods and services exported in 1991, which was down somewhat from 29 percent a decade earlier (World Bank, 1993b).
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Population Dynamics of Senegal At the end of the 1970s, the economic situation in Senegal had deteriorated to the point that significant economic reforms were considered necessary. Between 1978 and 1981, the rate of GDP growth slowed to 0.8 percent per year. Two reasons posited for this decline are that (1) during 1978-1981 there were two major droughts in Senegal, and (2) the world price for groundnuts, Senegal's most important export, declined (Rouis, 1994). At the same time, the public-sector deficit was 12.5 percent of GDP, savings were negative, inflation was at 12 percent, and debt service represented 18.5 percent of total exports. In December 1979, economic reforms were announced. The goals of these reforms were to raise public savings, increase investment in the productive sector, liberalize trade, and reduce the government's role in the economy. Funds to implement the reforms were provided by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank; however, they were withdrawn when implementation of the reforms was judged unsatisfactory (Rouis, 1994). Since 1986, there have been renewed efforts to implement reforms, with mixed results. Either none of the announced reforms were implemented, or those that were implemented were later halted or changed in mid-course. Lack of government commitment to the reforms has also been a problem, particularly since the 1988 election (Rouis, 1994). Fiscal policy reform was one of the primary goals of the economic reforms. There were attempts to reform the tax system and widen the tax base and to control public expenditures, primarily by reducing public-sector employment and transfers to public enterprises. As a result, 21 public enterprises were closed and 26 others partially or fully privatized; however, these firms represented only 19 and 11 percent, respectively, of government assets and equity (Rouis, 1994). The number of civil servants was reduced from 69,000 in 1986 to approximately 62,000 in 1992 (the figure in 1973 had been 40,000). These measures met with some success, as the public-sector deficit fell from 8 percent in 1982 to 1 percent a decade later, though there was criticism that the revenue increases were due not to taxes, but to windfalls from petroleum, and that the expenditure decreases came from cuts in investment and maintenance (Rouis, 1994:302-303, 328). Monetary policy has also been a target of reform. Senegal is a member, with six other West African nations, of the West African Monetary Union, established in 1962. Each member country uses the same currency (the CFA franc), which is tied to the French franc at a fixed rate of exchange. Interest rates in member countries are uniform. In 1989, the Monetary Union countries adopted a plan to decrease the administrative controls of the economy and increase the role of the markets. In Senegal, banking reforms since 1989 have led to the closing of some insolvent banks, privatization of other banks, and steps to curb abuses of government-guaranteed loans.
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Population Dynamics of Senegal Interest rate controls have been removed. Financial-sector reform has been considered a success, with a stronger banking system, and inflation rates averaging less than 3 percent in recent years (Guillaumont, 1992). In January 1994, the CFA franc was devalued by 50 percent. The devaluation decreased purchasing power for consumers of imported goods, primarily among the urban salaried population. Trade policies have also been revised to reduce protection for import-competing industries and increase the competitiveness of Senegal's exports. These policies were implemented in two phases between 1986 and 1988, the main objectives being to eliminate most of the quantity restrictions on imported goods and to decrease tariffs. Under pressure from industry, the government reintroduced some protective measures in 1989, but the effective rate of protection averaged across commodities is still down from 165 percent in 1985 to 98 percent in the early 1990s (Rouis, 1994:308). Policies have also been implemented to reduce government intervention in the domestic economy. By the end of 1988, progress had been made toward reducing or phasing out government subsidies for agricultural inputs. Producer prices for cash crops were reduced somewhat, but the price for groundnuts is still controlled (Rouis, 1994). At the same time, prices for consumer goods were decontrolled for all but 16 goods (those goods remaining under control included such staples as sugar, salt, tea, flour, tomatoes, and cooking oil) Rouis, 1994). The most effective reforms dealing with the civil service were implemented in 1990. The number of ministries was cut from 23 to 15, and almost 3,800 civil service jobs were eliminated (Rouis, 1994). The macroeconomic outcomes of the adjustment policies indicate only mixed success (see Table 2-3). The greatest macroeconomic success of the decade was the reduction of the inflation rate to 2.7 percent, down from 9.1 percent and 10.0 percent during the crisis and stabilization periods, respectively. Growth of GDP increased from 2.3 percent per year during the precrisis period to 3.2 percent per year during 1986-1991. However, with the population growing at an annual rate of 2.9 during the same period, GNP per capita increased by only around 0.3 percent per year. Gross domestic investment and savings still accounted for a smaller proportion of the GDP during 1986-1991 than during the precrisis period 1970-1978 (Rouis, 1994). Data on the distribution of income among social classes, between rural and urban residents, and across regions are very deficient. Earnings in the informal sector and subsistence farming, especially, are difficult to measure; most published studies refer only to earnings of formal-sector workers and cannot readily be generalized or compared over time. The gap between urban and rural incomes probably narrowed during the adjustment period. The minimum wage in the formal sector (SMIG)3 was about at the same
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Population Dynamics of Senegal TABLE 2-3 Selected Macroeconomic Indicators, 1970-1991 Indicator Precrisis 1970-1978 Crisis 1979-1981 Stabilization 1982-1985 Partial Adjustment 1986-1991 GDP growth (%) 2.3 1.8 4.3 3.2 Gross domestic investment/GDP (%) 17.7 13.9 11.9 12.8 Gross domestic savings/GDP 10.5 -1.2 0.6 7.6 Growth in exports (%) 6.0 -0.7 5.5 3.3 Inflation rate (%) 7.4 9.1 10.0 2.7 Real effective exchange rate (1985 = 100)a 101.8 100.1 93.7 122.6 Current account deficit/GDPb -10.4 -19.3 -18.2 -10.0 a An increase indicates appreciation. b Excluding official transfers. SOURCE: Rouis (1994)
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Population Dynamics of Senegal level in real terms in 1990 as it was in 1972. Average wages of civil servants fell relative to the SMIG from a ratio of 5.2 in 1969-1970 to 4.7 in 1988-1989. There is some evidence that the economic crisis has led to decreases in monetary transfers from young people to older family members (Antoine and Mbodji, 1991). Regional Disparities in Socioeconomic Indicators Socioeconomic levels vary greatly from one region to another in Senegal. This section examines regional and departmental differences in six indicators of socioeconomic status, based on data from the 1988 census: percentage of the population aged 6 and older with some schooling; school enrollment rates for children aged 7-12; percentage of households obtaining their water supply from a faucet or standpipe, whether placed inside or outside the home; percentage of households with electricity; percentage of households with toilets or latrines; and percentage of households whose houses have been built using good construction techniques.4 A final indicator, the arithmetic mean of the last four indicators, termed the "composite facilities indicator," provides a crude measure of overall living conditions by administrative department. These indicators are presented in Table 2-4. Their associations with fertility and mortality rates are discussed in Chapters 4 and 5, respectively. Some geographic differences are clear. The socioeconomic contrasts between the relatively populated west and the less populous east—or between the regions surrounding Dakar and those farther from the capital—exist to a greater or lesser degree for all of these socioeconomic indicators. The percentage of the population aged 6 and older with some schooling ranges from 17 to 56 percent, depending on the region (see Figure 2-4). Two regions—Dakar and Ziguinchor—have rates that are clearly higher than the national average. School enrollment rates for children aged 7-12 show similar geographic variations (see Figure 2-5). Three regions do not fall within the general pattern that delineates between the western areas close to Dakar and the eastern regions farther from the capital: Ziguinchor, despite its distance from Dakar, has high rates of school attendance; and Louga and Diourbel, though relatively close to Dakar, have low attendance rates. Whereas census data on educational differences are available only at the regional level, indicators measuring access to running water, electricity,
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Population Dynamics of Senegal TABLE 2-4 Selected Socioeconomic Indicators, Senegal, 1988 (in percent) Region and Department Households with Good Constructiona Households with Electricity Households with Latrines Households with Access to Running Waterb Composite Indicatorc Population in Urban Areas Population Aged 6 and Older That has had Some Schooling School Enrollment Rate for Males Aged 7-12 School Enrollment Rate for Females Aged 7-12 Dakar 88 63 75 92 79 97 56 79 64 Dakar 89 80 79 95 86 96 Pikine 88 49 77 88 75 100 Rufisque 84 49 50 90 68 90 Diourbel 38 11 26 51 31 22 17 35 16 Bambey 31 4 11 24 18 8 Diourbel 35 17 23 43 29 42 Mbacké 45 11 39 75 42 17 Fatick 30 4 12 23 17 10 24 45 35 Fatick 32 5 11 19 17 9 Foundiougne 34 3 16 15 17 8 Gossas 23 5 10 34 18 14 Kaolack 29 11 22 32 24 23 25 43 28 Kaffrine 14 1 9 18 11 5 Kaolack 49 25 38 55 42 53 Nioro du Rip 20 3 17 13 13 6 Kolda 16 4 23 4 11 11 18 39 19 Kolda 13 6 25 3 12 19 Sédhiou 19 2 18 5 11 5 Vélingara 12 4 29 3 12 11 Louga 24 9 16 36 21 15 17 34 18 Kébémer 20 5 14 32 18 6 Linguère 17 4 9 31 15 7 Louga 34 15 23 43 29 27 Saint-Louis 37 14 25 29 26 27 24 39 25 Dagana 60 30 40 50 45 56 Matam 25 3 15 21 16 8 Podor 15 4 13 6 9 5 Tambacounda 14 7 22 9 13 16 18 26 17 Bakel 20 5 24 14 16 7 Kédougou 6 4 5 6 5 15 Tambacounda 15 10 27 8 15 21 Thiès 58 20 25 47 37 34 32 55 38 Mbour 57 17 22 43 35 34 Thiès 69 30 33 60 48 50 Tivaouane 44 11 18 36 27 13 Ziguinchor 34 9 14 12 17 38 45 81 65 Bignona 26 3 6 3 10 12 Oussouye 19 4 6 14 11 11 Ziguinchor 47 17 25 21 27 70 a A composite indicator combining proportion of houses with permanent floor, wall, and roof materials. b Running water wither within the house or outside. c Average of water, electricity, latrine, and good construction indicators. SOURCE: 1988 census (unpublished tables)
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Population Dynamics of Senegal FIGURE 2-4 Percentage of population aged 6 and older with some schooling, Senegal, 1988. SOURCE: 1988 census (unpublished tables). toilets or latrines, and well-constructed housing are available for each of the 30 administrative departments within Senegal. There is great variation throughout Senegal in access to running water and electricity (see Table 2-4). Urban dwellers have the greatest access to running water and electricity. More than 90 percent of households in the region of Dakar have access to clean water, compared with only 4 percent in the Kolda region. Likewise, over 60 percent of households in Dakar have access to electricity, but no other region exceeds 20 percent. The disparity between east and west in the percentage of households with toilets or latrines is not as great as that for the other socioeconomic indicators; however, the gradient reappears when we analyze the good construction indicator. Over 85 percent of the houses in the region of Dakar are considered to be of good construction, but less than 15 percent in Tambacounda. The quality of housing construction is better in urban than in rural areas (see Table 2-4). The composite facilities indicator makes it possible to see the overall socioeconomic status of the regions (see Figure 2-6). As expected, in general the departments with higher socioeconomic status are those closest to Dakar. The most underprivileged regions are Kolda and Tambacounda,
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Population Dynamics of Senegal FIGURE 2-5 Percentage of males and females aged 7-12 enrolled in school, Senegal, 1988. SOURCE: 1988 census (unpublished tables).
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Population Dynamics of Senegal FIGURE 2-6 Composite facility indicator (average of percentage of houses with good construction, electricity, toilet, and access to water), Senegal, 1988. SOURCE: 1988 census (unpublished tables). which have indicators of less than 15 (see also Table 2-4). The three regions with the highest indicators are Dakar (79), Thiès (37), and Diourbel (31), all located in the western part of the country. In summary, geographic variations in socioeconomic status seem to be linked primarily to distance from the capital. Overall, the regions most distant from Dakar are those least densely populated, least urbanized, least developed, and with the lowest school-attendance rates. People living in these regions are less likely to have access to running water, electricity, and good housing. This finding must, however, be qualified. First, among those regions equidistant from the capital, the northern regions are better served with water and electricity than those in the south. Second, despite its distance from Dakar, the Ziguinchor region to the south has one of the highest school-enrollment rates in the country. Furthermore, it has the most effective health-care system, particularly in the areas of child health and vaccinations (see Chapter 5). Finally, although relatively close to Dakar,
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Population Dynamics of Senegal the regions of Louga and Diourbel have relatively low levels of school enrollment. NOTES 1. The names of some of the regions have changed. In this report we use the current names to eliminate confusion. 2. Though not strictly comparable because they cover different age groups, the 1976 and 1988 census figures show that school enrollment probably stagnated during the period between the two censuses. In 1976, 44.7 percent of males aged 5-14 were enrolled in school; this proportion increased to 45.7 percent of males aged 6-14 in 1988. In 1976, 28.4 percent of females aged 5-14 were enrolled in school; this increased to 30.7 percent of females aged 6-14 in 1988. 3. SMIG stands for "salaire minimum garanti," the lowest salary authorized by the law. 4. "Good construction" is the arithmetic mean of the percentage of households having cement brick walls; tiled or cement floors; and a concrete, zinc, tile, or slate roof.
Representative terms from entire chapter: