through Medicaid. However, there is nothing in Title X law that forbids the use of these funds for men (Danielson, 1988).

Even though most family planning clinics report serving few male clients, they do not ignore condoms. Virtually all of the clinics surveyed by Burt et al. (1994)—99.6 percent—reported that they provide condoms, but it was more often for supplementary protection, not as the primary method. In fact, a recent survey revealed that three-fourths of family planning clinic workers say that they encourage most or all of their clients to use condoms regardless of the primary method chosen for contraception. Although many try, however, only one-fifth think that they are successful with most or all of their clients. Some family planning clinics also do outreach to male clients. Thirty percent of the clinics are reported by their administrators to have recruiting efforts targeted to males (Burt et al., 1994).

These various data sets portray a family planning system that for the most part does not serve male clients, although condoms are made available to the female clients. Because various data suggest that men believe contraception is a joint responsibility, future efforts to involve men may well be successful. For example, in the 1988 National Survey of Adolescent Males (aged 15–19), 97 percent of the young men responding agreed that ''before a young man has sexual intercourse with someone, he should know or ask whether she is using contraception," and 95 percent agreed that "if a young man does not want to have a child, he should not have intercourse without contraception" (Sonenstein and Pleck, 1994).

Opposition to Abortion

The Supreme Court ruling in 1973 that declared abortion legal in all 50 states and the District of Columbia spawned a vigorous movement to restrict access to and the legality of abortion in the United States. Variously labeled the "anti-abortion" or "right-to-life" movement, this force has had a marked presence in local, state, and national political campaigns, including the last few presidential elections, in family planning service programs and funding, and in the process by which funds are appropriated for research and for reproductive health services generally. The movement exists despite the fact that a majority of Americans continue to support the availability of safe, legal abortion, albeit with a variety of restrictions (Blendon et al., 1993), as noted earlier in this chapter. Organized opposition to abortion has led to legislative restrictions in numerous states on access to abortion (National Abortion and Reproductive Rights Action League, 1994), along with efforts to maintain blockades and other barriers at facilities where abortions are performed. In addition, some of those who oppose abortion now extend their opposition to other issues as well, such as school-based sex education, and are increasingly active at the local level,

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