month makes it clear that the fall and rise in male mortality in the mid-1980s was substantially a result of the effects of the anti-alcohol campaign. However, not only were the gains among Russian males from the late 1970s through 1990 lost between 1990 and 1992, but real mortality among older working-age Russian men in 1992 was higher than in the late 1970s.
Figures 4-3a and b show the implied expectation of life at birth from age-specific mortality rates for residents of Russia and Latvia on the one hand, and ethnic Russians and ethnic Latvians in the Soviet Union as a whole on the other hand. The values for Russians and for Russia are virtually identical. However, the mortality levels in Latvia are somewhat lower than those in Russia. This is because almost half the population of Latvia comprises people—primarily Russians—who are not ethnic Latvians. Ethnic Russians in Latvia have higher mortality rates than ethnic Latvians (Krumin, 1994). As a result, mortality rates for all residents of Latvia are higher than those for ethnic Latvians.
As discussed earlier, age-specific mortality rates are low at the adult ages among all populations. It is important to bear in mind that because mortality rates at some ages are typically very low, those rates even if doubled would cause only a few days' reduction in the average length of life for the population.
Table 4-1 shows the percentage of people in Russia and Latvia alive at age 20 who would be expected to die before reaching age 60 given the age-specific