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CHAPTER 6
The Peer Context
in Middle Childhood
Willard W. Hartup
Socialization in the peer context varies from culture to culture, with
considerable variation existing in the onset of a child's earliest expe-
riences with other children. In most societies, children begin to socialize
with one another in early childhood; sustained and coordinated social in-
teraction becomes evident in the years between 3 and 6. Both quantitative
and qualitative changes occur in middle childhood, and, between the ages
of 6 and 12, socialization in the peer context becomes a central issue in
children's lives.
The peer system can be represented as a matrix of contexts and compo-
nents (see Figure 6-1~. The vertical axis of this matrix consists of a hier-
archical ordering (Hinde, 1976) of various social contexts. The most basic
of these are interactions, i.e., meaningful encounters between two or more
individuals. Relationships are interactions between individuals (known to
each other) that persist over time and that involve expectations, affects,
and characteristic configurations of interactions. Groups, subsuming both
interactions and relationships, possess structural and normative dimensions
that are not evident in either of the other contexts; most commonly, groups
are polyadic rather than dyadic. Macrostructures are higher-order social
contexts, including entities that we commonly call institutions or societies.
These macrostructures consist of dynamic interrelationships among the in-
teractions, relationships, and groups that constitute them.
Peer contexts involve specific objects and events occurring in specific
times and locations. Three situational components can be identified: the
240
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PEER CONTEXT
Components
Contexts Setting Problem Actors
241
Interactions
Relationships
Groups
Macrostructures
FIGURE 6~1 The peer system.
setting, the "problem," and the actors. Settings consist of the mitieux in
which social activity occurs. Problems consist of the challenges existing in
these settings that activate or energize the individuals involved. The actors
are the individuals with whom the target child interacts.
Using this matrix we can describe the structure, content, affects, and
diversity of the peer system in each case as a function of context and
component. This matrix is not a mode! of the peer system or a theory of
social dynamics; it is a simple schematic that can be used to describe the
peer system as it has been examined empirically. Less a theoretical statement
than a pragmatic device, this matrix focuses attention on the various levels
of the individual's commerce with other children.
Accordingly, in the various sections of this chapter, peer relationships in
middle childhood are discussed with an emphasis on child-child interactions
and their changes with age; close relationships and their significance; group
formation and functioning; and interconnections between the peer system
and two macrostructures the family and the school. Peer interaction and
the socialization of the individual child are examined in relation to con-
ditions of the setting and the identity of the individuals with whom children
interact. Methodological issues are discussed, especially the problems en-
countered in obtaining naturalistic data.
PEER CONTEXTS
Interactions
Child-child interaction differs from adult-child interaction in many ways.
Barker and Wright (1955) observed that children's actions toward adults are
weighted mainly with appeals and submissive acts; actions of adults toward
children consist mainly of dominance and nurturance. These interactions
are thus concentrated in two complementary issues: the child's dependency
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242
DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
on the adult and the adult's need to control the child. In contrast, the most
common actions of children toward child associates are sociability and as-
sertiveness/aggression.
Cross-cultural observations (Whiting and Whiting, 1975) are consistent
with these results, as are recent interviews with American schoolchildren
(Youniss, 1980~. Children see themselves as recipients of adult actions rather
than vice versa. In contrast, child-child interactions are seen as revolving
around equal exchanges between the actors. Concordantly, "kindnesses" in
adult-child interactions are conceived as actions confirming complementary
expectations, whereas kindnesses in child-child interactions consist of ac-
tions confirming more egalitarian expectations. Close relationships (e.g.,
friendships or parent-child relationships) usually involve mixtures of com-
plementary and equal interactions, but this does not negate the thesis that
children differentiate between adult-child and child-child relationships mainly
in terms of this dichotomy.
The time that children spend together and the nature of their interactions
when they are on their own are not well documented. Patterns of interaction
have been most extensively examined in ad hoc settings, mainly schools,
and it is largely on an anecdotal basis that we have concluded that more
and more time is devoted to child-child interactions in middle childhood.
Observations of 8 children, each covering an entire day (Barker and Wright,
1955), revealed that approximately 85 percent of the children's activities
were social and that the proportion spent with child associates rose from 10
percent at age 2, to 20 percent at age 4, to slightly over 40 percent between
ages 7 and ~ I. The school-age children engaged in an average of 299 behavior
episodes (i.e., interactive segments marked by constant direction and intent)
with other child associates in a typical school day, 45 of these with siblings
and the remainder with friends. Detailed records based on observations of
one of these children (Barker and Wright, 1951) indicate that most of these
episodes consisted of play or "fooling around" and that the interactions
consisted mainly of sociability and dominance exchanges. Although these
measures are difficult to translate into time units, it can nevertheless be
concluded that time spent with child associates consumed hours rather than
minutes.
More recent time~use studies clarify, to some extent, what children do
with one another on their own. Even so, the frequencies of their activities
and the structures of the social interactions remain unstudied. Using inter-
views with 764 sixth graders in Oakland, California, Medrich et al. (1982)
asked the children to enumerate "what you like to do when you are with
your friends." Responses covered a range indicating that, in contrast to time
spent alone, children spend their time with their friends engaged in physically
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PEER CONTEXT
243
active or "robust" interactions. Team sports accounted for 45 percent and
26 percent of the enumerations of boys and girls, respectively, although
other types of robust interactions such as "general play," "going places,"
and "socializing" were more commonly mentioned by girls than by boys.
These interactions occurred most often outside the home, although close to
home and more often in private than in public places (e.g., parks and
playgrounds), and were segregated by sex.
Overall, it appears that a substantial portion of the schooIchild's daily
existence is spent in peer interaction and that the content of this interaction
consists mainly of play and socializing. Children in many cultures also share
work experiences in which they take rums and substitute for one another
to a greater extent than when they work with adults (Weisner, 1982~. The
proportion of child-child interactions spent in work and in play thus varies
from culture to culture, but the nature of this interaction seems universally
to be more egalitarian than the interaction that occurs between children
and adults.
The two classes of child-child interaction most extensively studied in
developmental terms are aggression and prosocial activity. Overall, aggres-
sion decreases in middle childhood, although both mode and content change
(Parke and Slaby, 1983~. Physical aggression (more common among boys
than among girIs) and quarreling decrease, although abusive verbal ex-
changes increase. Schoolchildren typically engage in instrumental aggression
(directed toward retrieving objects and the like) less frequently than younger
children, although person-directed hostile aggression is more common among
older ones. Increasingly salient in middle childhood are insults, derogation,
and other threats to self-esteem (Hartup, 19741. Between ages 6 and 12,
aggressive boys are more ready to attribute hostile intent to others than are
nonaggressive boys. In addition, their associates more often attribute hostile
intentions to aggressive than nonaggressive boys, and the former are more
often targets of aggression (Dodge, 1980; Dodge and Frame, 1982~. Indi-
vidual differences in aggression among school-age males thus come to be
associated with social cognitive biases (a willingness to perceive hostility in
others), negative experiences with others, and "bad" social reputations.
Certain studies indicate that sharing and other forms of altruism increase
in middle childhood; others suggest that these growth functions are more
complex (Radke-Yarrow et al., 1983~. In one investigation, for example,
no relationship was found between age and the amount of sharing among
kindergarten and second and fourth grade students, but among the older
children more individuals shared, more individuals shared in "complex"
situations, and more advanced reasoning was used to rationalize the altruism
(Bar-Tal et al., 1980~. Still other evidence suggests that age differences in
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244
DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
altruism vary according to context. Kindergarten children were found to
intervene directly in assisting another child with a difficult task, but third
graders differentiated their assistance according to the situation the older
children would usually offer suggestions or assistance before actually giving
it, and sometimes intervention would be withheld altogether (Milburg,
McCabe, and Kobasigawa, unpublished data). Thus, there is evidence that
complex attributions become increasingly involved in prosocial interactions
as well as aggressive interactions in middle childhood.
Competition, in contrast to cooperation, increases with age when rewards
are allocated in proportion to the number of points accumulated in a game
(AvelIar and Kagan, 1976) or when points are tallied (McClintock, 19741.
These age gradients occur more clearly in some cultures (the United States,
Japan) than in others (Mexico, Kenya). With outcome controlled, com-
petitive preferences are not as clearly evident, and in some tasks cooperation
increases with age (Kagan et al., 1977; Skarin and Moely, 1976~. Chron-
ological age and goal structure thus seem to interact in children's cooperative
and competitive choices.
Studies of American children reveal that increases in competition under
winner-takes~all conditions occur mainly in the preschool years; cooperation
under shared reward conditions increases mainly between ages 6 and 8; and
age differences in individualistic (proportional reward) conditions vary ac-
cording to the manner in which a child's gains are linked to the gains of
others (McClintock and Moskowitz, 1976; McClintock et al., 1977~. With
time, children differentially use strategies that coincide with the goal struc-
tures associated with obtaining valued outcomes. Children do not simply
become more competitive or cooperative as they grow older. They become
sensitive to the contingencies controlling the incentives that are important
to them. Again, cognitive and social factors seem to determine the nature
of child~child interactions in middle childhood.
More detailed studies, including direct assessment of the attributions made
by children in distress or conflict situations, are relatively rare. We know
that (a) the social cues used in interactions (e.g., facial expression, vocal
intonation) are encoded with increasing accuracy between ages 6 and 10
(Girgus and Wolf, 1975~; (b) visual attention is increasingly utilized in
conversation (Levine and Sutton-Smith, 1973~; (c) increases occur in speak-
ers' abilities to transmit information about simple problems to listeners and
to respond appropriately to queries from their listeners, and listeners' util-
ization of feedback improves (see, e.g., Karabenick and Miller, 1977~; (d)
abilities to infer motivation and intent in simulated social situations increase
in middle childhood, although these trends are most evident in cognitively
complex situations (see Shantz, 1983~; and (e) increases occur in children's
abilities to integrate two sources of information as opposed to one (Brady
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PEER CONTEXT
245
et al., 1983~. These results suggest that a variety of cognitive constraints
on social interaction become less evident in middle childhood. These con-
straints appear to involve the coding, storage, and retrieval of information
as well as the integration and application of information in social situations.
Existing studies thus provide a general characterization of child-child
interactions between ages 6 and 12. First, time spent with child associates
increases. Second, children become more adept at sending and receiving
messages, in utilizing information from a variety of sources to determine
their actions toward other children, in making causal attributions, and in
coordinating their actions with those of others. We are only beginning,
however, to understand the manner in which changes in the content and
structure of child-child interactions reflect changes in cognitive functioning
(Hartup et al., 1983~.
Relationships
Social Attraction
Sociometric techniques have been used to examine the characteristics
that make children attractive to one another. Usually, sociometric interviews
are administered concurrently with personality and intelligence tests or with
behavioral ratings made by teachers, children, or observers, and the various
scores are correlated. We know three things.
First, social attractiveness is associated with sociocultural conditions. So-
cial class is positively correlated with attractiveness (Grossman and Wright-
er, 1948), and recent studies indicate that socioeconomic variations may
exist in the values concomitant with sociometric status. For example, pop-
ularity in middle-cIass schools is correlated with the use of positive verbal
overtures among children, whereas status in working-class schools is asso-
ciated with the use of nonverbal overtures. Middle-ciass children who engage
in nonverbal interactions, even though positive, are actually rejected more
often than children who do not use these techniques (Gottman et al., 1975~.
Second, characteristics of the child are correlated with social attraction.
Being liked is associated with being physically attractive, socially outgoing,
and supportive of others; achievements in school and in sports are also
positively associated with social attractiveness. Being rejected is associated
with being unattractive, immature, disruptive, and aggressive in indirect
ways. Rejected children, however, are not necessarily more aggressive in
general than their nonrejecteU peers (see Hartup, 19831.
Third, children's reputations mirror these differences. Sociometric "stars"
and "average" children have social reputations that are accepting and that
allow them considerable flexibility in dealing with their companions (New
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246
DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
comb and Rogosch, 19821. These children are regarded by their associates
as cooperative, supportive, and attractive (Coie et al., 1982~. Rejected
children are restricted by their reputations and the negative expectations of
their companions. They tend to be perceived as disruptive and indirectly
aggressive (Coie et al., 1982~.
The causal connections underlying these results are presumably bidirec-
tional. That is, the well-liked child appears to possess a repertoire of effective
social skills and a positive social reputation conditions associated with a
high probability that other children will behave supportively. This support
in rum maintains the competent behaviors and the child's social reputation.
Similarly, negative attributes seem to undergird negative social reputations,
nonsupportive feedback from one's associates, and in rum a continuation of
the negative behaviors (see Cole and Kupersmidt, 1983; Dodge and Frame,
1982~.
Certain side effects of these conditions have been documented. Popular
and rejected children, for example, are members of distinctive social net-
works. Rejected children, compared with popular children, socialize on the
playground in small groups and more frequently interact with younger and/
or unpopular companions. The social networks of popular children are more
likely to be composed of mutual friends and to be characterized as cliquish
(Ladd, 19831. These distinctive networks suggest the existence of a self-
maintaining cleavage between popular and rejected children. Social attrac-
tion thus seems to involve a nexus of social skills, social reputations, the
extent to which one socializes with friends, and the extensiveness of one's
social world.
Most likely this nexus is mediated through an intricate set of self~attitudes
and emotions. To date, studies of self-esteem, self-conceptions, and social
acceptance have not been convincing. Several investigators have noted small
correlations between self-esteem and popularity (Horowitz, 1962; Sears and
Sherman, 1964), but other results suggest that any correlation is curvilinear.
Reese (1961) found that children with moderately high self-esteem were
better accepted by their peers than were children with either low or very
high self-esteem. Sixth graders with high self-esteem have been shown to
make more extreme statements about the likability of others than their low
self-esteem counterparts; the extent to which these children believe their
evaluations of others are reciprocal is also positively related to self-esteem
(Cook et al., 1978~. But the self-system is involved in social relationships
in very complex ways. Dodge and Frame (1982), for example, found that
aggressive boys were characterized by hostile attribution biases only when
the provocation was directed toward themselves. These biases were not
evident in situations involving provocations directed at someone else.
/
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PEER CONTEXT
247
Developmental changes in social attraction have been examined relatively
rarely. For one thing, the characteristics associated with sociometric status
do not appear to change with age. Friendliness is as strongly associated with
popularity among older children as among younger children; indirect aggres-
sion is as strongly associated with rejection. Nevertheless, recent investi-
gations reveal that more of the variance in social preferences can be predicted
by fewer variables among young children than among older children. Social
impact, too, rests on fewer attributes among younger children than among
older ones (Coie et al., 1982~. The results thus seem to indicate that person
perception becomes more differentiated as children grow older a conclusion
that is consistent with the results of other investigations in which children's
descriptions of one another were examined in relation to chronological age
(Livesley and Bromiey, 1973~. Also, certain sociometric dimensions may
become increasingly stable in the years between 6 and 12. For example,
rejection status was observed to be stable over a 5-year span when assessment
was initiated in the fifth grade but only over 3 years when initiated in the
third grade (Coie and Dodge, 1983~. These results suggest that a "crystallization"
may occur in social relationships toward the end of middle childhood.
Friendship Selection
Children and their friends usually live in the same neighborhood, a con-
dition that prevails in both early and middle childhood (Epstein, in press;
Fine, 1980~. Young children depend on their caretakers to put them in
contact with other children more than school-age children do, and classroom
proximity becomes salient in friendship selection in middle childhood. Con-
ditions within classrooms, including seating arrangements and classroom
organization, are also reflected in friendship selection.
Children select their friends mainly from among children their own age.
When classroom conditions favor mixed-age choices (as in a one-room
school), more than 67 percent of children in the first 6 grades have one or
more friends of some other age (Allen and Devin-Sheehan, 1976~. Never-
theless, the tendency for children and their friends to be similar in age is
very strong. Whether this concordance derives from the age segregation that
marks most schools and children's institutions or from children's own pref-
erences is not certain. Moreover, there may be no way to resolve this issue,
since age grading is pervasive in Westem cultures.
Children and their friends are most commonly of the same sex (Tuma
and Hallinan, 1977~. This concordance peaks between ages 6 and 12, even
though same-sex choices are more common than other-sex choices from the
preschool years through adolescence. Since sex segregation is not common
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
in schools except in sports activities, the concordance may derive from norms
generated by children themselves rather than from the normative expec-
tations of adults.
Fewer cross~race friendship selections occur in integrated classrooms than
would be expected on the basis of chance, and this cleavage increases be-
tween ages 6 and 12 as determined by longitudinal studies (Singleton and
Asher, 1979~. Racial differentiations are not as strong in children's selection
of playmates or work companions as in friendship choices, and age differences
are not as evident (Asher et al., 1982~.
Behavioral similarities and their role in mutual attraction in middle child-
hood have not been well studied. Handel (1978), on the basis of one study
of a large sample of adolescents, concluded that these similarities are not
especially important in the selection of associates, except for similarities in
significant nonnormative attitudes (e.g., about drug use). Given the im-
portance to children of "doing things together" with their friends, it is
difficult to believe that behavioral concordances are irrelevant in these
selections (Smoliar and Youniss, 1982~. Nevertheless, except for a small
number of investigations using global measures such as I, school achieve-
ment, or sociometric status, which show very modest concordance between
children and their friends, this issue has not been closely examined. This
state of affairs is unfortunate, since it has been known for some time that
school-age children, like adults, demonstrate greater attraction for peers
with whom they share many attitudes than for individuals with whom they
share relatively few (Byme and Griffitt, 1966~.
Acquaintances
Friendship formation begins with acquaintanceship. As two individuals
become familiar with each other, attraction seems to increase (Berscheid
and Walster, 1978~. Mere exposure (Zajonc, 1968) may account for these
effects, and familiarization may also establish a secure base for social inter-
action; moreover, as individuals become acquainted with one another, their
social repertoires become better meshed and more efficient. Various studies
(mostly with younger children) support these ideas. To date, however, these
hypotheses have not been used to any great extent in investigations with
school-age children.
To investigate children's notions about the manner in which two indi-
viduals become friends, SmolIar and Youniss (1982) asked three questions
of subjects between ages 6 and 13: "What do you think might happen to
make X and Y become friends?" "Not become friends?" "To become best
friends?" The children's responses differed according to their ages. Younger
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PEER CONTEXT
249
children indicated that strangers would become friends if they did something
together or did something special for one another. Children would become
best friends, according to the younger children, if they could spend increased
amounts of time together, especially outside school. In contrast, the older
children emphasized getting to know each other ("talk and talk and find
out if they like the same thinnish; discovering similarities between themselves
was considered necessary to becoming best friends. Not becoming friends
was associated among the younger children with negative or inequitable
interaction. This condition was identified among the older children with
the discovery that two individuals are different. What is interesting in these
findings is the revelation that concordance was viewed as essential in friend-
ship formation at all ages; it was mainly the expression of these concordances
that differed with age. Younger children emphasized concrete reciprocities,
while older children emphasized psychological similarities (e.g., in person-
ality, likes, and attitudes).
Microanalytic studies of acquaintance interactions do not extend more
than to the first few encounters between children. Virtually no develop-
mental studies have been executed. First encounters differ with respect to
a number of conditions, including the sociometric status of the children
involved. When both children are of high status, information giving and
seeking are more frequent than when both children are of tow status. Dis-
cussions about school, sports, the children themselves, and their acquaint-
ances are common. Pairs of third- and fourth-grade children that include
one high-status and one low-status child are virtually identical in these
respects to those of two high-ranking children, presumably because the
interaction is driven by the high-status member (Newcomb and Meister,
19821. A second investigation revealed that "stars" and sociometrically
"average" third-grade children engaged in more introductory activity and
information exchange, earlier onset of affective communication, and game-
playing than "isolate" or "rejected" dyads. In contrast, isolates and rejected
children attempted to initiate games more frequently but engaged in more
inappropriate interactions than did stars or average dyads (Newcomb et al.,
1982~. These analyses thus indicate that a major function of the early
encounters between children is assessment of interests and similarities.
Other studies indicate that synchronization is an outcome of the early
encounters between strangers. Brody et al. (in press) observed triads of first-
and third-grade children from different classrooms before and after a series
of five play sessions. Postfamiliarization measures revealed more verbal in-
teraction and improved task performance than among control subjects, in-
dicating better meshing of individual contributions to task solution. Since
mere exposure seems to have variable effects on social attraction among
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250
DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
children (Cantor and Kubose, 1969), early social encounters seem mainly
to provide a basis for interaction via the sharing of information and behav-
ioral coordination. Beyond this, no clear picture of acquaintanceship proc-
esses emerges, and the features of acquaintance interaction that favor the
continuance of an association are unknown.
Friends
School-age children have, on the average, five best friends a number
that is a bit higher than the number of friends acknowledged by preschool
children and adolescents (Hallinan, 19801. In addition, relatively few (2
percent) have no friends when choosing in sociometric interviews, although
a somewhat larger number (between 6 and 11 percent) are not chosen
themselves. These frequencies do not change from age 6 to 12, although
age differences have never been studied adequately (Epstein, in press). School-
age children and their friends tend to be linked in twosomes rather than in
the larger interlocking networks known as cliques or crowds. Relatively few
cliques are observed in most elementary school classrooms, in contrast to
junior and senior high school (Hallinan, 1976~. Considerable interest is
now evident among investigators in the social interaction of friends. Most
of the recent work draws heavily from the theories of Harry Stack Sullivan
(1953), who argued that friendships are hallmarks of the "juvenile era,"
reflecting new needs for interpersonal intimacy and new contexts for their
expression. Recurrent themes in contemporary research are reciprocity, eq-
uity, fairness, mutuality, and intimacy as these mark both children's con-
ceptions of their friends and their behavior with them. Presumably, these
themes become more and more important in middle childhood, so that the
need for developmental studies is especially acute.
Cross-sectional studies confirm that friendship expectations among school-
children revolve around these issues. Development does not involve a change
from the absence of reciprocity expectations among younger children to their
presence. Reciprocity norms are evident among kindergartners (Bem~t, 1977~.
Interviews (Youniss, 1980) end written essays (Bigelow, 1977) confirm that
"reward-cost" reciprocities figure prominently in children's expectations of
their friends at all ages. Bigelow's work suggests a progression from expec-
tations among second and third graders that are based on common activities
to sharing of rewards and other equities to mutual understanding, self-dis-
closure, and the sharing of interests among fifth and sixth graders. Youniss's
studies suggest that young friends "match" each other's contributions to the
interaction; older friends evidence equality and equal treatment in their
relationships with one another; and young adolescents stress interpersonal
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
the events occurred, their content, and their outcomes. One would expect
these observations not to be as "clean" as those of trained observers, but no
one knows the exact strengths and weaknesses of this strategy. Telemetric
techniques can be used, too both to gather time-use information and to
gather information about the attributions and affects experienced in social
interactions. To be sure, these technologies do not solve the issues of access
and privacy that were mentioned, but their use would extend the range of
settings in which we work, thereby justifying an increased effort to use them.
Parents are underused observers of child-child relationships. Restricted to
the events that they can observe and to what their children tell them,
parents nevertheless accumulate a considerable fund of information about
the activities of their children and their companions. Diary records, an
ancient and underused technique, are once again being utilized in studies
of social development (see Radke-Yarrow et al., 1983~. Electronic modes of
data collection can supplement the written record in these efforts. Also,
interviews should not be written off as data-gathering devices.
What about the scientist as observer or experimenter? Participant obser-
vation may be feasible in studying informal groups of adolescents, especially
if the observer is sufficiently youthful (see Sherif and Sherif, 1964~. No 20-
year-old graduate student, however, can pass as a 10-year-old. Only more
creative (and ethical) uses of "lurking" can be encouraged. New work suggests
that we have not exhausted the possibilities (see, for example, Thome's
1982 ethnographic observations centered on cross-sex borderwork occurring
in playgrounds, hallways, and school cafeterias). Shopping malls and other
sites have been used for observations of adolescents. Why not use similar
observational settings to capture certain aspects of peer interaction among
school-age children? These strategies are labor-intensive, but there is little
choice. "Quick-test" classroom assessments must give way to more complex
and time-consuming assessments of child-child interactions outside the cIass
room.
A recurrent theme throughout this chapter is the need for developmental
studies, either through cross-sectional or longitudinal analysis. Unfortu-
nately, more is involved in this effort than the assessment of children at
different ages or tracking the necessary cohorts over time. The construction
of age-appropriate measures is a continuing need and a complicated business.
Sufficient attention is almost never given to psychometric issues and the
appropriateness of research designs for conducting developmental work in
this area (see Fischer and Bullock, in this volume). Investigators cannot
avoid these issues, however, any more than they can avoid the other com-
plexities inherent in developmental research.
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PEER CONTEXT
273
CONCLUSION
Middle childhood is a time of consolidation and extension of peer rela-
tionships rather than a time of beginnings. Children make their initial
contacts with other children in early childhood; commerce with them,
however, increases dramatically between ages 6 and 12. Younger children
understand certain things about the intentions and motives of other children,
but these are elaborated and usecI with increasing effectiveness in middle
childhood. Similarly, communication and the coordination necessary for
engaging in cooperation and competition are establishecl in the preschool
years, but new integrations emerge among schoolchildren. Within the peer
context, new content te.g., sex, enters into chilcI-chilc] interactions, but
these issues are integrated into normative structures whose precursors trace
back to early childhood. Preschool children possess nascent notions about
friendships and their implications, whereas the capacities for engaging in
intimate interactions seem to emerge between 6 and 12. Younger children
interact distinctively with adults as contrasted with age-mates, but more
elaborate differentiations emerge in middle childhood within the social net-
works of the family, the peer context, and the school. Parent-child inter-
actions change to some extent as children increase their activities with other
children. Certain normative oppositions arise between parents and their
children; issues connected with supervision and compliance change. But
parents and children work out accommodations to these differences without
changing the basic nature of their relationships and usually without detach-
ment from one another.
Middle childhood is a distinctive time. The years between 6,and 12 present
new and insistent demands for working out accommodations with other
children i.e., individuals who are similar to the child in cognitive capac-
ities, knowledge, and social experience. Children must construct arrange-
ments for working and playing with similar individuals govemed by rules
that differ, in many ways, from the ruses that govern their exchanges with
dissimilar individuals. Children must construct interactions with others on
an equal basis and sustain them across situations and across time. No theme,
issue, or comer to be fumed may thus be evident in child-child relationships
during middle childhood, but children must construct a wider and more
varied range of accommodations that "work" with age-mates. In short, com-
ing to terms with the peer context is itself a major challenge in the years
between 6 and 12.
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOl)
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/
Representative terms from entire chapter:
peer context
