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CHAPTER 6 The Peer Context in Middle Childhood Willard W. Hartup Socialization in the peer context varies from culture to culture, with considerable variation existing in the onset of a child's earliest expe- riences with other children. In most societies, children begin to socialize with one another in early childhood; sustained and coordinated social in- teraction becomes evident in the years between 3 and 6. Both quantitative and qualitative changes occur in middle childhood, and, between the ages of 6 and 12, socialization in the peer context becomes a central issue in children's lives. The peer system can be represented as a matrix of contexts and compo- nents (see Figure 6-1~. The vertical axis of this matrix consists of a hier- archical ordering (Hinde, 1976) of various social contexts. The most basic of these are interactions, i.e., meaningful encounters between two or more individuals. Relationships are interactions between individuals (known to each other) that persist over time and that involve expectations, affects, and characteristic configurations of interactions. Groups, subsuming both interactions and relationships, possess structural and normative dimensions that are not evident in either of the other contexts; most commonly, groups are polyadic rather than dyadic. Macrostructures are higher-order social contexts, including entities that we commonly call institutions or societies. These macrostructures consist of dynamic interrelationships among the in- teractions, relationships, and groups that constitute them. Peer contexts involve specific objects and events occurring in specific times and locations. Three situational components can be identified: the 240

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PEER CONTEXT Components Contexts Setting Problem Actors 241 Interactions Relationships Groups Macrostructures FIGURE 6~1 The peer system. setting, the "problem," and the actors. Settings consist of the mitieux in which social activity occurs. Problems consist of the challenges existing in these settings that activate or energize the individuals involved. The actors are the individuals with whom the target child interacts. Using this matrix we can describe the structure, content, affects, and diversity of the peer system in each case as a function of context and component. This matrix is not a mode! of the peer system or a theory of social dynamics; it is a simple schematic that can be used to describe the peer system as it has been examined empirically. Less a theoretical statement than a pragmatic device, this matrix focuses attention on the various levels of the individual's commerce with other children. Accordingly, in the various sections of this chapter, peer relationships in middle childhood are discussed with an emphasis on child-child interactions and their changes with age; close relationships and their significance; group formation and functioning; and interconnections between the peer system and two macrostructures the family and the school. Peer interaction and the socialization of the individual child are examined in relation to con- ditions of the setting and the identity of the individuals with whom children interact. Methodological issues are discussed, especially the problems en- countered in obtaining naturalistic data. PEER CONTEXTS Interactions Child-child interaction differs from adult-child interaction in many ways. Barker and Wright (1955) observed that children's actions toward adults are weighted mainly with appeals and submissive acts; actions of adults toward children consist mainly of dominance and nurturance. These interactions are thus concentrated in two complementary issues: the child's dependency

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242 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD on the adult and the adult's need to control the child. In contrast, the most common actions of children toward child associates are sociability and as- sertiveness/aggression. Cross-cultural observations (Whiting and Whiting, 1975) are consistent with these results, as are recent interviews with American schoolchildren (Youniss, 1980~. Children see themselves as recipients of adult actions rather than vice versa. In contrast, child-child interactions are seen as revolving around equal exchanges between the actors. Concordantly, "kindnesses" in adult-child interactions are conceived as actions confirming complementary expectations, whereas kindnesses in child-child interactions consist of ac- tions confirming more egalitarian expectations. Close relationships (e.g., friendships or parent-child relationships) usually involve mixtures of com- plementary and equal interactions, but this does not negate the thesis that children differentiate between adult-child and child-child relationships mainly in terms of this dichotomy. The time that children spend together and the nature of their interactions when they are on their own are not well documented. Patterns of interaction have been most extensively examined in ad hoc settings, mainly schools, and it is largely on an anecdotal basis that we have concluded that more and more time is devoted to child-child interactions in middle childhood. Observations of 8 children, each covering an entire day (Barker and Wright, 1955), revealed that approximately 85 percent of the children's activities were social and that the proportion spent with child associates rose from 10 percent at age 2, to 20 percent at age 4, to slightly over 40 percent between ages 7 and ~ I. The school-age children engaged in an average of 299 behavior episodes (i.e., interactive segments marked by constant direction and intent) with other child associates in a typical school day, 45 of these with siblings and the remainder with friends. Detailed records based on observations of one of these children (Barker and Wright, 1951) indicate that most of these episodes consisted of play or "fooling around" and that the interactions consisted mainly of sociability and dominance exchanges. Although these measures are difficult to translate into time units, it can nevertheless be concluded that time spent with child associates consumed hours rather than minutes. More recent time~use studies clarify, to some extent, what children do with one another on their own. Even so, the frequencies of their activities and the structures of the social interactions remain unstudied. Using inter- views with 764 sixth graders in Oakland, California, Medrich et al. (1982) asked the children to enumerate "what you like to do when you are with your friends." Responses covered a range indicating that, in contrast to time spent alone, children spend their time with their friends engaged in physically

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PEER CONTEXT 243 active or "robust" interactions. Team sports accounted for 45 percent and 26 percent of the enumerations of boys and girls, respectively, although other types of robust interactions such as "general play," "going places," and "socializing" were more commonly mentioned by girls than by boys. These interactions occurred most often outside the home, although close to home and more often in private than in public places (e.g., parks and playgrounds), and were segregated by sex. Overall, it appears that a substantial portion of the schooIchild's daily existence is spent in peer interaction and that the content of this interaction consists mainly of play and socializing. Children in many cultures also share work experiences in which they take rums and substitute for one another to a greater extent than when they work with adults (Weisner, 1982~. The proportion of child-child interactions spent in work and in play thus varies from culture to culture, but the nature of this interaction seems universally to be more egalitarian than the interaction that occurs between children and adults. The two classes of child-child interaction most extensively studied in developmental terms are aggression and prosocial activity. Overall, aggres- sion decreases in middle childhood, although both mode and content change (Parke and Slaby, 1983~. Physical aggression (more common among boys than among girIs) and quarreling decrease, although abusive verbal ex- changes increase. Schoolchildren typically engage in instrumental aggression (directed toward retrieving objects and the like) less frequently than younger children, although person-directed hostile aggression is more common among older ones. Increasingly salient in middle childhood are insults, derogation, and other threats to self-esteem (Hartup, 19741. Between ages 6 and 12, aggressive boys are more ready to attribute hostile intent to others than are nonaggressive boys. In addition, their associates more often attribute hostile intentions to aggressive than nonaggressive boys, and the former are more often targets of aggression (Dodge, 1980; Dodge and Frame, 1982~. Indi- vidual differences in aggression among school-age males thus come to be associated with social cognitive biases (a willingness to perceive hostility in others), negative experiences with others, and "bad" social reputations. Certain studies indicate that sharing and other forms of altruism increase in middle childhood; others suggest that these growth functions are more complex (Radke-Yarrow et al., 1983~. In one investigation, for example, no relationship was found between age and the amount of sharing among kindergarten and second and fourth grade students, but among the older children more individuals shared, more individuals shared in "complex" situations, and more advanced reasoning was used to rationalize the altruism (Bar-Tal et al., 1980~. Still other evidence suggests that age differences in

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244 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD altruism vary according to context. Kindergarten children were found to intervene directly in assisting another child with a difficult task, but third graders differentiated their assistance according to the situation the older children would usually offer suggestions or assistance before actually giving it, and sometimes intervention would be withheld altogether (Milburg, McCabe, and Kobasigawa, unpublished data). Thus, there is evidence that complex attributions become increasingly involved in prosocial interactions as well as aggressive interactions in middle childhood. Competition, in contrast to cooperation, increases with age when rewards are allocated in proportion to the number of points accumulated in a game (AvelIar and Kagan, 1976) or when points are tallied (McClintock, 19741. These age gradients occur more clearly in some cultures (the United States, Japan) than in others (Mexico, Kenya). With outcome controlled, com- petitive preferences are not as clearly evident, and in some tasks cooperation increases with age (Kagan et al., 1977; Skarin and Moely, 1976~. Chron- ological age and goal structure thus seem to interact in children's cooperative and competitive choices. Studies of American children reveal that increases in competition under winner-takes~all conditions occur mainly in the preschool years; cooperation under shared reward conditions increases mainly between ages 6 and 8; and age differences in individualistic (proportional reward) conditions vary ac- cording to the manner in which a child's gains are linked to the gains of others (McClintock and Moskowitz, 1976; McClintock et al., 1977~. With time, children differentially use strategies that coincide with the goal struc- tures associated with obtaining valued outcomes. Children do not simply become more competitive or cooperative as they grow older. They become sensitive to the contingencies controlling the incentives that are important to them. Again, cognitive and social factors seem to determine the nature of child~child interactions in middle childhood. More detailed studies, including direct assessment of the attributions made by children in distress or conflict situations, are relatively rare. We know that (a) the social cues used in interactions (e.g., facial expression, vocal intonation) are encoded with increasing accuracy between ages 6 and 10 (Girgus and Wolf, 1975~; (b) visual attention is increasingly utilized in conversation (Levine and Sutton-Smith, 1973~; (c) increases occur in speak- ers' abilities to transmit information about simple problems to listeners and to respond appropriately to queries from their listeners, and listeners' util- ization of feedback improves (see, e.g., Karabenick and Miller, 1977~; (d) abilities to infer motivation and intent in simulated social situations increase in middle childhood, although these trends are most evident in cognitively complex situations (see Shantz, 1983~; and (e) increases occur in children's abilities to integrate two sources of information as opposed to one (Brady

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PEER CONTEXT 245 et al., 1983~. These results suggest that a variety of cognitive constraints on social interaction become less evident in middle childhood. These con- straints appear to involve the coding, storage, and retrieval of information as well as the integration and application of information in social situations. Existing studies thus provide a general characterization of child-child interactions between ages 6 and 12. First, time spent with child associates increases. Second, children become more adept at sending and receiving messages, in utilizing information from a variety of sources to determine their actions toward other children, in making causal attributions, and in coordinating their actions with those of others. We are only beginning, however, to understand the manner in which changes in the content and structure of child-child interactions reflect changes in cognitive functioning (Hartup et al., 1983~. Relationships Social Attraction Sociometric techniques have been used to examine the characteristics that make children attractive to one another. Usually, sociometric interviews are administered concurrently with personality and intelligence tests or with behavioral ratings made by teachers, children, or observers, and the various scores are correlated. We know three things. First, social attractiveness is associated with sociocultural conditions. So- cial class is positively correlated with attractiveness (Grossman and Wright- er, 1948), and recent studies indicate that socioeconomic variations may exist in the values concomitant with sociometric status. For example, pop- ularity in middle-cIass schools is correlated with the use of positive verbal overtures among children, whereas status in working-class schools is asso- ciated with the use of nonverbal overtures. Middle-ciass children who engage in nonverbal interactions, even though positive, are actually rejected more often than children who do not use these techniques (Gottman et al., 1975~. Second, characteristics of the child are correlated with social attraction. Being liked is associated with being physically attractive, socially outgoing, and supportive of others; achievements in school and in sports are also positively associated with social attractiveness. Being rejected is associated with being unattractive, immature, disruptive, and aggressive in indirect ways. Rejected children, however, are not necessarily more aggressive in general than their nonrejecteU peers (see Hartup, 19831. Third, children's reputations mirror these differences. Sociometric "stars" and "average" children have social reputations that are accepting and that allow them considerable flexibility in dealing with their companions (New

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246 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD comb and Rogosch, 19821. These children are regarded by their associates as cooperative, supportive, and attractive (Coie et al., 1982~. Rejected children are restricted by their reputations and the negative expectations of their companions. They tend to be perceived as disruptive and indirectly aggressive (Coie et al., 1982~. The causal connections underlying these results are presumably bidirec- tional. That is, the well-liked child appears to possess a repertoire of effective social skills and a positive social reputation conditions associated with a high probability that other children will behave supportively. This support in rum maintains the competent behaviors and the child's social reputation. Similarly, negative attributes seem to undergird negative social reputations, nonsupportive feedback from one's associates, and in rum a continuation of the negative behaviors (see Cole and Kupersmidt, 1983; Dodge and Frame, 1982~. Certain side effects of these conditions have been documented. Popular and rejected children, for example, are members of distinctive social net- works. Rejected children, compared with popular children, socialize on the playground in small groups and more frequently interact with younger and/ or unpopular companions. The social networks of popular children are more likely to be composed of mutual friends and to be characterized as cliquish (Ladd, 19831. These distinctive networks suggest the existence of a self- maintaining cleavage between popular and rejected children. Social attrac- tion thus seems to involve a nexus of social skills, social reputations, the extent to which one socializes with friends, and the extensiveness of one's social world. Most likely this nexus is mediated through an intricate set of self~attitudes and emotions. To date, studies of self-esteem, self-conceptions, and social acceptance have not been convincing. Several investigators have noted small correlations between self-esteem and popularity (Horowitz, 1962; Sears and Sherman, 1964), but other results suggest that any correlation is curvilinear. Reese (1961) found that children with moderately high self-esteem were better accepted by their peers than were children with either low or very high self-esteem. Sixth graders with high self-esteem have been shown to make more extreme statements about the likability of others than their low self-esteem counterparts; the extent to which these children believe their evaluations of others are reciprocal is also positively related to self-esteem (Cook et al., 1978~. But the self-system is involved in social relationships in very complex ways. Dodge and Frame (1982), for example, found that aggressive boys were characterized by hostile attribution biases only when the provocation was directed toward themselves. These biases were not evident in situations involving provocations directed at someone else. /

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PEER CONTEXT 247 Developmental changes in social attraction have been examined relatively rarely. For one thing, the characteristics associated with sociometric status do not appear to change with age. Friendliness is as strongly associated with popularity among older children as among younger children; indirect aggres- sion is as strongly associated with rejection. Nevertheless, recent investi- gations reveal that more of the variance in social preferences can be predicted by fewer variables among young children than among older children. Social impact, too, rests on fewer attributes among younger children than among older ones (Coie et al., 1982~. The results thus seem to indicate that person perception becomes more differentiated as children grow older a conclusion that is consistent with the results of other investigations in which children's descriptions of one another were examined in relation to chronological age (Livesley and Bromiey, 1973~. Also, certain sociometric dimensions may become increasingly stable in the years between 6 and 12. For example, rejection status was observed to be stable over a 5-year span when assessment was initiated in the fifth grade but only over 3 years when initiated in the third grade (Coie and Dodge, 1983~. These results suggest that a "crystallization" may occur in social relationships toward the end of middle childhood. Friendship Selection Children and their friends usually live in the same neighborhood, a con- dition that prevails in both early and middle childhood (Epstein, in press; Fine, 1980~. Young children depend on their caretakers to put them in contact with other children more than school-age children do, and classroom proximity becomes salient in friendship selection in middle childhood. Con- ditions within classrooms, including seating arrangements and classroom organization, are also reflected in friendship selection. Children select their friends mainly from among children their own age. When classroom conditions favor mixed-age choices (as in a one-room school), more than 67 percent of children in the first 6 grades have one or more friends of some other age (Allen and Devin-Sheehan, 1976~. Never- theless, the tendency for children and their friends to be similar in age is very strong. Whether this concordance derives from the age segregation that marks most schools and children's institutions or from children's own pref- erences is not certain. Moreover, there may be no way to resolve this issue, since age grading is pervasive in Westem cultures. Children and their friends are most commonly of the same sex (Tuma and Hallinan, 1977~. This concordance peaks between ages 6 and 12, even though same-sex choices are more common than other-sex choices from the preschool years through adolescence. Since sex segregation is not common

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248 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD in schools except in sports activities, the concordance may derive from norms generated by children themselves rather than from the normative expec- tations of adults. Fewer cross~race friendship selections occur in integrated classrooms than would be expected on the basis of chance, and this cleavage increases be- tween ages 6 and 12 as determined by longitudinal studies (Singleton and Asher, 1979~. Racial differentiations are not as strong in children's selection of playmates or work companions as in friendship choices, and age differences are not as evident (Asher et al., 1982~. Behavioral similarities and their role in mutual attraction in middle child- hood have not been well studied. Handel (1978), on the basis of one study of a large sample of adolescents, concluded that these similarities are not especially important in the selection of associates, except for similarities in significant nonnormative attitudes (e.g., about drug use). Given the im- portance to children of "doing things together" with their friends, it is difficult to believe that behavioral concordances are irrelevant in these selections (Smoliar and Youniss, 1982~. Nevertheless, except for a small number of investigations using global measures such as I, school achieve- ment, or sociometric status, which show very modest concordance between children and their friends, this issue has not been closely examined. This state of affairs is unfortunate, since it has been known for some time that school-age children, like adults, demonstrate greater attraction for peers with whom they share many attitudes than for individuals with whom they share relatively few (Byme and Griffitt, 1966~. Acquaintances Friendship formation begins with acquaintanceship. As two individuals become familiar with each other, attraction seems to increase (Berscheid and Walster, 1978~. Mere exposure (Zajonc, 1968) may account for these effects, and familiarization may also establish a secure base for social inter- action; moreover, as individuals become acquainted with one another, their social repertoires become better meshed and more efficient. Various studies (mostly with younger children) support these ideas. To date, however, these hypotheses have not been used to any great extent in investigations with school-age children. To investigate children's notions about the manner in which two indi- viduals become friends, SmolIar and Youniss (1982) asked three questions of subjects between ages 6 and 13: "What do you think might happen to make X and Y become friends?" "Not become friends?" "To become best friends?" The children's responses differed according to their ages. Younger

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PEER CONTEXT 249 children indicated that strangers would become friends if they did something together or did something special for one another. Children would become best friends, according to the younger children, if they could spend increased amounts of time together, especially outside school. In contrast, the older children emphasized getting to know each other ("talk and talk and find out if they like the same thinnish; discovering similarities between themselves was considered necessary to becoming best friends. Not becoming friends was associated among the younger children with negative or inequitable interaction. This condition was identified among the older children with the discovery that two individuals are different. What is interesting in these findings is the revelation that concordance was viewed as essential in friend- ship formation at all ages; it was mainly the expression of these concordances that differed with age. Younger children emphasized concrete reciprocities, while older children emphasized psychological similarities (e.g., in person- ality, likes, and attitudes). Microanalytic studies of acquaintance interactions do not extend more than to the first few encounters between children. Virtually no develop- mental studies have been executed. First encounters differ with respect to a number of conditions, including the sociometric status of the children involved. When both children are of high status, information giving and seeking are more frequent than when both children are of tow status. Dis- cussions about school, sports, the children themselves, and their acquaint- ances are common. Pairs of third- and fourth-grade children that include one high-status and one low-status child are virtually identical in these respects to those of two high-ranking children, presumably because the interaction is driven by the high-status member (Newcomb and Meister, 19821. A second investigation revealed that "stars" and sociometrically "average" third-grade children engaged in more introductory activity and information exchange, earlier onset of affective communication, and game- playing than "isolate" or "rejected" dyads. In contrast, isolates and rejected children attempted to initiate games more frequently but engaged in more inappropriate interactions than did stars or average dyads (Newcomb et al., 1982~. These analyses thus indicate that a major function of the early encounters between children is assessment of interests and similarities. Other studies indicate that synchronization is an outcome of the early encounters between strangers. Brody et al. (in press) observed triads of first- and third-grade children from different classrooms before and after a series of five play sessions. Postfamiliarization measures revealed more verbal in- teraction and improved task performance than among control subjects, in- dicating better meshing of individual contributions to task solution. Since mere exposure seems to have variable effects on social attraction among

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250 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD children (Cantor and Kubose, 1969), early social encounters seem mainly to provide a basis for interaction via the sharing of information and behav- ioral coordination. Beyond this, no clear picture of acquaintanceship proc- esses emerges, and the features of acquaintance interaction that favor the continuance of an association are unknown. Friends School-age children have, on the average, five best friends a number that is a bit higher than the number of friends acknowledged by preschool children and adolescents (Hallinan, 19801. In addition, relatively few (2 percent) have no friends when choosing in sociometric interviews, although a somewhat larger number (between 6 and 11 percent) are not chosen themselves. These frequencies do not change from age 6 to 12, although age differences have never been studied adequately (Epstein, in press). School- age children and their friends tend to be linked in twosomes rather than in the larger interlocking networks known as cliques or crowds. Relatively few cliques are observed in most elementary school classrooms, in contrast to junior and senior high school (Hallinan, 1976~. Considerable interest is now evident among investigators in the social interaction of friends. Most of the recent work draws heavily from the theories of Harry Stack Sullivan (1953), who argued that friendships are hallmarks of the "juvenile era," reflecting new needs for interpersonal intimacy and new contexts for their expression. Recurrent themes in contemporary research are reciprocity, eq- uity, fairness, mutuality, and intimacy as these mark both children's con- ceptions of their friends and their behavior with them. Presumably, these themes become more and more important in middle childhood, so that the need for developmental studies is especially acute. Cross-sectional studies confirm that friendship expectations among school- children revolve around these issues. Development does not involve a change from the absence of reciprocity expectations among younger children to their presence. Reciprocity norms are evident among kindergartners (Bem~t, 1977~. Interviews (Youniss, 1980) end written essays (Bigelow, 1977) confirm that "reward-cost" reciprocities figure prominently in children's expectations of their friends at all ages. Bigelow's work suggests a progression from expec- tations among second and third graders that are based on common activities to sharing of rewards and other equities to mutual understanding, self-dis- closure, and the sharing of interests among fifth and sixth graders. Youniss's studies suggest that young friends "match" each other's contributions to the interaction; older friends evidence equality and equal treatment in their relationships with one another; and young adolescents stress interpersonal

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272 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD the events occurred, their content, and their outcomes. One would expect these observations not to be as "clean" as those of trained observers, but no one knows the exact strengths and weaknesses of this strategy. Telemetric techniques can be used, too both to gather time-use information and to gather information about the attributions and affects experienced in social interactions. To be sure, these technologies do not solve the issues of access and privacy that were mentioned, but their use would extend the range of settings in which we work, thereby justifying an increased effort to use them. Parents are underused observers of child-child relationships. Restricted to the events that they can observe and to what their children tell them, parents nevertheless accumulate a considerable fund of information about the activities of their children and their companions. Diary records, an ancient and underused technique, are once again being utilized in studies of social development (see Radke-Yarrow et al., 1983~. Electronic modes of data collection can supplement the written record in these efforts. Also, interviews should not be written off as data-gathering devices. What about the scientist as observer or experimenter? Participant obser- vation may be feasible in studying informal groups of adolescents, especially if the observer is sufficiently youthful (see Sherif and Sherif, 1964~. No 20- year-old graduate student, however, can pass as a 10-year-old. Only more creative (and ethical) uses of "lurking" can be encouraged. New work suggests that we have not exhausted the possibilities (see, for example, Thome's 1982 ethnographic observations centered on cross-sex borderwork occurring in playgrounds, hallways, and school cafeterias). Shopping malls and other sites have been used for observations of adolescents. Why not use similar observational settings to capture certain aspects of peer interaction among school-age children? These strategies are labor-intensive, but there is little choice. "Quick-test" classroom assessments must give way to more complex and time-consuming assessments of child-child interactions outside the cIass room. A recurrent theme throughout this chapter is the need for developmental studies, either through cross-sectional or longitudinal analysis. Unfortu- nately, more is involved in this effort than the assessment of children at different ages or tracking the necessary cohorts over time. The construction of age-appropriate measures is a continuing need and a complicated business. Sufficient attention is almost never given to psychometric issues and the appropriateness of research designs for conducting developmental work in this area (see Fischer and Bullock, in this volume). Investigators cannot avoid these issues, however, any more than they can avoid the other com- plexities inherent in developmental research.

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PEER CONTEXT 273 CONCLUSION Middle childhood is a time of consolidation and extension of peer rela- tionships rather than a time of beginnings. Children make their initial contacts with other children in early childhood; commerce with them, however, increases dramatically between ages 6 and 12. Younger children understand certain things about the intentions and motives of other children, but these are elaborated and usecI with increasing effectiveness in middle childhood. Similarly, communication and the coordination necessary for engaging in cooperation and competition are establishecl in the preschool years, but new integrations emerge among schoolchildren. Within the peer context, new content te.g., sex, enters into chilcI-chilc] interactions, but these issues are integrated into normative structures whose precursors trace back to early childhood. Preschool children possess nascent notions about friendships and their implications, whereas the capacities for engaging in intimate interactions seem to emerge between 6 and 12. Younger children interact distinctively with adults as contrasted with age-mates, but more elaborate differentiations emerge in middle childhood within the social net- works of the family, the peer context, and the school. Parent-child inter- actions change to some extent as children increase their activities with other children. Certain normative oppositions arise between parents and their children; issues connected with supervision and compliance change. But parents and children work out accommodations to these differences without changing the basic nature of their relationships and usually without detach- ment from one another. Middle childhood is a distinctive time. The years between 6,and 12 present new and insistent demands for working out accommodations with other children i.e., individuals who are similar to the child in cognitive capac- ities, knowledge, and social experience. Children must construct arrange- ments for working and playing with similar individuals govemed by rules that differ, in many ways, from the ruses that govern their exchanges with dissimilar individuals. Children must construct interactions with others on an equal basis and sustain them across situations and across time. No theme, issue, or comer to be fumed may thus be evident in child-child relationships during middle childhood, but children must construct a wider and more varied range of accommodations that "work" with age-mates. In short, com- ing to terms with the peer context is itself a major challenge in the years between 6 and 12.

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274 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOl) REFERENCES Achenbach, T.M., and Edelbrock, C.S. 1981 Behavioral problems and competencies reported by parents of normal and disturbed children aged 4 through 16. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development 46(1, Entire No. 188). Aiello, J.R., Nicosia, G., and Thompson, D.E. 1979 Physiological, social, and behavioral consequences of crowding on children and adoles- cents. Child Development 50:195-202. Allen, V.L. 1976 Children as Teachers: Theory and Research on Tutoring. New York: Academic Press. Allen, V.L., and Devin-Sheehan, L. 1976 Cross-Age Interaction in One-Teacher Schools. Madison: University of Wisconsin, Research and Development Center for Cognitive Learning. Aronson, E. 1978 The Jigsaw Classroom. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Asher, S.R., Singleton, L.C., and Taylor, A.R. 1982 Acceptance Versus Friendship: A Longitudinal Study of Racial Integration. Paper pre- sented at the meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York. Avellar, ]., and Kagan, S. 1976 Development of competitive behaviors in Anglo-American and Mexican-American chil- dren. Psychological Reports 39: 191 - 198. Banks, W.C. 1976 White preference in blacks: A paradigm in search of a phenomenon. Psychological Bulletin 83:1179-1186. Barker, R.G., and Wright, H.F. 1951 ()ne Boy's Day. New York: Harper Brothers. 1955 Midwest and Its Children. New York: Harper & Row. Bar-Tal, D., Raviv, A., and Leiser, T. 1980 The development of altruistic behavior: empirical evidence. Developmental Psychology 16:516-524. Berndt, T.J. 1977 The eKect of reciprocity norms on moral judgment and causal attribution. Child Devel- opment 48: 1322- 1330. 1979 Developmental changes in conformity to peers and parents. Developmental Psychology 15:608-616. 1981a Age changes and changes over time in prosocial intentions and behavior between friends. Developmental Psychology 17:408-416. 1981b Effects of friendship on prosocial intentions and behavior. Child Development 52:636- 643. Bemdt, T.J., Caparulo, B.K., McCartney, K., and Moore, A. 1980 Processes and Outcomes of Social Influence in Children's Peer Groups. Unpublished manuscript, Yale University. Berscheid, E., and Walster, E.H. 1978 Interpersonal Attraction. Second ed. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley. Bessell, H., and Palomares, V. 1970 Methods in Human Development: Theory Manual. Revised ed. San Diego, Calif.: Human Development Training Institute. Bigelow, B.J. 1977 Children's friendship expectations: A cognitive developmental study. Child Development 48:246-253.

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PEER CONTEXT 275 Bixenstine, V.E., DeCorte, M.S., and Bixenstine, B.A. 1976 Conformity to peer-sponsored misconduct at four grade levels. Developmental Psychology 1 2:226-236. Brady, ].E., Newcomb, A.F., and Hartup, W.W 1 9f<3 ( f~nt~vt OnAl rnm^~r~ir~r~ tic l^~; ~. ~7 %_~JIIL~AL ~1lU ~`J~Ipalttul~ ab a~crlnlnanEs 01 Cooperation and competition in middle childhood. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 36:396-412. Britt, D.W., and Campbell, E.Q. 1977 Assessing the linkage of norms, environments, and deviance. Social Forces 56:532-550. Brody, G.H., Graziano, W.G., and Musser, L.M. In Familiarity and children's behavior in same-age and mixed-age peer groups. Developmental press Psychology. Broody, G.H., Stoneman, Z., and MacKinnc~n, C.E. 1982 Role asymmetries in interactions among schc~ol-aged children, their younger siblings, and their friends. Child Development 53: 1364- 1370. Byrne, D., and Griffitt, W.B. 1966 A developmental investigation of the law of attraction. ]oumal of Personality and Social Psychology 4:699-702. Cantor, G.N., and Kubose, S.K. 1969 Preschool children's ratings of familiarized and non-familiarized visual stimuli. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology 8:74-81. Curie, J.D., and Dodge, K.A. 1983 Continuities and changes in children's social status: A five-year longitudinal study. Mewill-Palmer Quarterly 29:261-282. G,ie, J.D., and Kupersmidt, J.B. 1983 A behavioral analysis of emerging social status in boys' groups. Child Development 54:1400- 1416. Cole, J.D., Dodge, K.A., and Coppotelli, H. 1982 Dimensions and types of social status: A cross-a~e perspective. Devek~bmenral Pc~chol~ 18:557-570. Coleman, Jab. 1961 TL ~A 1, 1 1 l~ rkuu~-ent oc~clely. mew 1 ore: tree press. Combs, M.L., and Slaby, D.A. 1977 Social skills training with children. In B. Lahey and A. Kazdin, eds., Advances in Clinical Child Psychology. Vol. 1. New York: Plenum Press. Conger, ].D., and Keane, S.P. 1981 Social skills intervention in the treatment of isolated or withdrawn children. Psychotic Bulletin 90:478-495. Conger, J.J., and Miller, W.C. so - r ---a ~-her ~J-~ Aim _ _, _. I__ 1966 Personality, Social Class, and Delinquency. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Cook, T.P., Goldman, J.A., and Olczak, P.V. 1978 The relationship between self-esteem and interpersonal attraction in children. Joumal of Genetic Psychology 132: 149- 150. Cooper, C.R., Ayers-Lopez, S., and Marquis, A. 1982 Children's discourse during peer learning in experimental and naturalistic situations. Discourse Processes 5: 177-191. Cowen, E.L., Pederson, A., Babijian, H., Izzo, L.D., and Trost, M.A. 1973 Long-term follow-up of early detected vulnerable children. Journal of Consuking and Cynical Psychology 41:438-446. Cox, S.H. 1966 Family Background Effects on Personality Development and Social Acceptance. Un- published doctoral dissertation, Texas Christian University.

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Epstein, J.L. 1983 In 276 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD Dembo, R., Schmeidler, J., and Burgos, W. 1979 Factors in the drug involvement of inner city junior high youths: A discriminant analysis. International Joumal of Social Psychology 25:92- 103. Devereux, E.C. 1970 The role of peer-group experience in moral development. In ].P. Hill, ea., Minnesota Symposia on Child Psychology. Vol. 4. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. DeVries, D.L., and Edwards, K.~. 1972 Learning Games and Student Teams: Their Effects on Classroom Processes. Report no. 142. Baltimore, Md.: Center for School Organization of Schools, Johns Hopkins University. Dodge, K.A. 1980 Social cognition and children's aggressive behavior. Child Development 51:162-170. Dodge, K.A., and Frame, C.l-. 1982 Social cognitive biases and deficits in aggressive boys. Child Development 53:620-635. Dodge, K.A., Schlundt, D.C., Schocken, I., and Delugach, ].D. 1983 Social competence and children's sociometric status: The role of peer group entry strat- egies. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 29:309-336. Eifermann, H.R. Determinants of Children's Game Styles. Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences. 1971 Elder, G. 1974 Children of the Great Depression. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Elkins, D. 1958 Some factors related to the choice status of ninety eighth-grade children in a school society. Genetic Psychology Monographs 58:2076-2272. Emmerich, W., Goldman, K.S., and Shore, R.E. 1971 Differentiation and development of social norms. Journal of Personality and Social Psy- chology 18:323-353. Selection of friends in differently organized schools and classrooms. In J.L. Epstein and N. Kareweit, eds., Friends in School: Patterns of Selection and Influence in Secondary Schools. New York: Academic Press. Choice of friends over the life-span: Developmental and environmental influences. In press E. Mueller and C. Cooper, eds., Peer Relations: Process and Outcomes. New York: Ac- ademic Press. FesEhach, N.D. 1979 Empathy training: A field study in affective education. In S. Feshbach and A. Frazek, eds., Aggression and Behavior Change: Biological and Social Processes. New York: Praeger. Fine, G.A. 1980 The natural history of preadolescent friendship groups. In H. Foot, A. Chapman, and J. Smith, eds., Friendship and Social Relations in Children. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Foot, H.C., Chapman, A.J., and Smith, J.R. 1977 Friendship and social responsiveness in boys and girls. ]oun~al of Personality and Social Psychology 35:401-411. Girgus, J.S., and Wolf, J. 1975 Age changes in the ability to encode social class. Developmental Psychology 11:118. Gottman, ]., Gonzo, J., and Rasmussen, B. 1975 Social interaction, social competence, and friendship in children. Child Development 45:709-718. Graziano, W., French, D., Brownell, C., and Hartup, W.W. 1976 Peer interaction in same and mixed-age triads in relation to chronological age and incentive condition. Child Development 47:707-714.

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PEER CONTEXT 277 Graziano, W., Musser, L.M., and Brody, G.H. 1980 Children's Social Cognitions and Preferences Regarding Younger and Older Peers. Un- published manuscript, University of Georgia. Gresham, F.M., and Nagle, R.J. 1980 Social skills training with children: Responsiveness to modeling and coaching as a func- tion of peer orientation. Journal of Consuking and Clinical Psychology 48:718-729. Grossman, B., and Wrighter, ]. 1948 The relationship between selection rejection and intelligence, social status, and person- ality among sixth-grade children. Sociometry 11:346-355. Gump, P., Schoggen, P., and Redl, F. 1957 The camp milieu and its immediate effects. Journal of Social Issues 13:40-46. Hallinan, M.T. 1976 Friendship patterns in open and traditional classrooms. Sociology of Education 49:254 265. 1980 Patterns of cliquing among youth. In H.C. Foot, A.]. Chapman, and ].R. Smith, eds., Friendship and Peer Relations in Children. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Hare, A.P. 1953 Small group discussions with participatory and supervisory leadership. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 48:273-275. Harris, D.B., and Tseng, S. 1957 Children's attitudes towards peers and parents as revealed by sentence completions. Child Development 28:401-411. Hartup, W.W. 1974 Aggression in childhood: Developmental perspectives. American Psychologist 29:226-341. 1983 Peer relations. In P. H. Mussen, ea., Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 4, E. M. Heth- erington (Vol. ed.), Socialization, Personality and Social Developrr~nt. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Hartup, W.W., Brady, ].E., and Newcomb, A.F. 1983 Social cognition and social interaction in childhood. In E.T. Higgins, D.N. Ruble, and W.W. Hartup, eds., Social Cognition and Social Development. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hetherington, E.M. 1979 Divorce: A child's perspective. American Psychologist 34:851-858. Hinde, R.A. 1976 On describing relationships. Jourrml of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 17:1-19. Hoffman, L.W. 1961 The father's role in the family and the child's peer-group adjustment. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 7:97-105. Horowitz, F.D. 1962 The relationship of anxiety, self-concept, and sociometric status among fourth, fifth and sixth grade children. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 65:212-214. Huba, G.]., Wingard, ].A., and gentler, P.M. 1979 Beginning adolescent drug use and peer and adult interaction patterns. Journal of Con- sulting and Clinical Psychology 47:265-276. Johnson, D.W., Johnson, R.T., Johnson, J., and Anderson, D. 1976 Effects of cooperative versus individualized instruction on student prosocial behavior, attitudes toward learning, and achievement. Journal of Educational Psychology 68:446- 452. Kagan, S., Zahn, G.L., and Gealy, ]. 1977 Competition and school achievement among Anglo-American and Mexican-American children. Journal of Educational Psychology 69:432-441.

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278 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD Kandel, D.B. 1978 Similarity in real-life adolescent friendship pairs. Journal of PeTsonaLty and Social Psychology 36:306-312. Karabenick, ].D., and Miller, S.A. 1977 The effects of age, sex, and listener feedback on grade school children's referential communication. Child Development 48:678-683. Keasey, C.B. 1971 Social participation as a factor in the moral development of preadolescents. Developmental Psychology 5:216-220. Kinsey, A.C., Pomeroy, W.B., and Martin, C.E. 1948 Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders. Ladd, G.W. 1983 Social networks of popular, average, and rejected children in school settings. Merrill- Palmer Qumerly 29:283-308. Ladd, G.W., and Oden, S. 1979 The relationship between peer acceptance and children's ideas about helpfulness. Child Development 50:402-408. Leimbach, M.P., and Hartup, W.W. 1981 Forming cooperative coalitions during a competitive game in same-sex and mixed-sex triads. Joumal of Genetic Psychology 139:165-171. Lever, J. 1976 Sex differences in the games children play. Social Problems 23:479-487. Levine, M.H., and Sutton-Smith, B. 1979 Effects of age, sex, and task on visual behavior during dyadic interaction. Developments Psychology 9:400-405. Livesley, Ad., and Bromley, D.B. 1973 Person Perception in Childhood and Adolescence. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Lockwood, A. 1978 The effects of values clarification and moral development curricula on school age subjects: A critical review of recent research. Renew of Educational Research 48:325-381. Lohman, ].E. 1969 Age, Sex, Socioeconomic Status and Youths' Relationships With Older and Younger Peers. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan. Lubin, D., and Forbes, D. 1981 Motivational and Peer Culture Issues in Reasoning Behavioral Reactions. Paper presented at the meetings of the Society for Research in Child Development, Boston, April. Ludeke, R.~., and Hartup, W.W. 1983 Teaching behaviors of nine- and eleven-year-old girls in same- and mixed-age situations. Journal of Educational Psychology 75:908-914. Maltz, D.N., and Barker, R.A. In A cultural approach to male-female miscommunication. In J.A. Gumperz, ea., Com press murucaion, Language, and Social Inequality. McClintock, C.G. 1974 Development of social motives in Anglo-American and Mexican-American children. Journal of Persor~ry and Social Psychology 29:348-354. McClintock, C.G., and Moskowitz, ].M. 1976 Children's preferences for individualistic, cooperative, and competitive outcomes. Jourruzl of Personality and Social Psychology 34:543-555. McClintock, C.G., Moskowitz, ].M., and McClintock, E. 1977 Variations in preferences of individualistic, competitive, and cooperative outcomes as a function of age, game class, and task in nursery school children. Child Development 48:1080-1085.

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PEER CONTEXT 279 Medrich, E.A., Rosen, I., Rubin, V., and Buckley, S. 1982 The Serious Business of Growing Up. Berkeley: University of California Press. Minuchin, P. 1976 Differential Use of the Open Classroom: A Study of Explanatory and Cautious Children. Final Report, National Institute of Education. Minuchin, P.P., and Shapiro, E.K. 1983 The school as a context for social development. In P. PI. Mussen, ea., Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 4, E.M. Hetherington (Vol. ed.), Socialization, Personality, and Social Development. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Montemayor, R., and Van Komen, R. 1980 Age segregation of adolescents in and out of school. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 9:371-381. Newberg, N. 1980 Affective Education Addresses the Basics. Paper presented at the meetings of the Amen ican Education Research Association, Boston. Newcomb, A.F., and Brady, J.E. 1982 Mutuality in boy's friendship relations. Child Development 53:392-395. Newcomb, A.F., Brady, J.E., and Hartup, W.W. 1979 Friendship and incentive condition as determinants of children's task-oriented social behavior. Child Development 50:878-881. Newcomb, A.F., Junenemann, A., and Meister, N. 1982 Acquaintanceship Formation Among Popular and Rejected Children. Unpublished manuscript, Michigan State University. Newcomb, A.F., and Meister, N. 1982 Acquaintanceship Processes as a Function of Sociometric Status in School-Age Children. Unpublished manuscript, Michigan State University. Newcomb, A.F., and Rogosch, F. 1982 The Influence of Social Reputation on the Social Relations of Rejected and Isolated Children. Unpublished manuscript, Michigan State University. Nucci, L. 1979 Conceptual Development in the Moral and Social-Conventional Domains: Implications for Social Education. Paper presented at the meetings of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco. Nucci, L., and Nucci, M.S. 1979 Social Interactions and the Development of Moral and Societal Concepts. Paper pre- sented at the meetings of the Society for Research in Child Development, San Francisco. Nucci, L.P., and Turiel, E. 1979 Social interactions and the development of social concepts in preschool children. Child Development 49:400-407. Oden, S., and Asher, S.R. 1977 Coaching children in social skills for friendship making. Child Development 48:494-506. Parke, R.D., and Slaby, R.G. 1983 The development of aggression. In P.H. Mussen, ea., Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 4, E.M. Hetherington (Vol. ed.), Socialization, Personality, and Social Development. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Piaget, ]. 1932 The Moral J7 - vent of the Child. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press. Putallaz, M., and Gottman, J.M. 1981 An interactional model of children's entry into peer groups. Child Development 52:986- 994.

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280 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD Radke-Yarrow, M., Zahn-Waxler, C., and Chapman, M. 1983 Children's prosocial dispositions and behavior. In P. H. Mussen, ea., Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 4, E.M. Hetherington (Vol. ed.), Socializ.ation, Personality and Social Development. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Reese, H.W. 1961 Relationship between self-acceptance and soci`,metric choice. Journal calf Abnormal and Social Psychology 62:472-474. Renshaw, P.D., and Asher, S.R. 1983 Children's goals and strategies for social interaction. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 29:353- 374. Richman, N., Stevenson, ].E., and Graham, P.~. 1982 Preschool to School: A Behavioral Study. London: Academic Press. Ripoff, M. 1963 Childhood social interaction and young adult psychosis. Journal of Clinical Psychology 19:152-157. Rubin, K.H., Daniels-Beirniss, T., and Bream, L. In Social isolation and social problem-solving: A longitudinal study. Journal of Consulting F,ress and Clinical Psychology. Savin-Williams, R.C. 1979 Dominance hierarchies in groups of early adolescents. Child Development 50:442-454. Sears, P.S., and Sherman, V.S. 1964 In Pursuit of Self Esteem. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth. Selman, R.L. 1980 The Growth of Interpersonal Understanding. New York: Academic Press. Sgan, M.L., and Pickert, S.M. 1980 Cross-sex and same-sex assertive bids in a cooperative group task. Child Development 54:928-934. Shantz, C.U. 1983 Social cognition. In P.H. Mussen, ea., Handbook of Child Psychology. Vol. 3, ].H. Flavell and E.M. Mankman (Vol. eds.), Cognitive Development. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Sherif, M., and Sherif, C.W. 196+ Reference Groups. New York: Harper & Row. Sherif, M., Harvey, O.J., White, B.J., Hood, W.R., and Sherif, C.W. 1961 Intergroup Conflict and Cooperation: The Robbers Cave Expenment. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Singleton, L.C., and Asher, S.R. 1979 Racial integration and children's peer preferences: An investigation of developmental and cohort differences. Child Development 50:936-941. Skarin, K., and Moely, B.E. 1976 Altruistic behavior: An analysis of age and sex difference. Child Development 47:1159- 1165. Smith, A.~. 1960 A developmental study of group processes. Journal of Genetic Psychology 97:29-39. Smith, H.W. 1973 Some developmental interpersonal dynamics through childhood. American Sociological Review 38:543-352. Smith, M. L., and Glass, G.V. 1979 Relationship of Class Size to Classroom Processes, Teacher Satisfaction and Pupil Affect: A Meta-Analysis. San Francisco: Far West Laboratory for Educational Research and De- velopment.

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- PEER CONTEXT Smith, P.K., and Connolly, K.~. 1977 Social and aggressive behavior Science Information 16:601-620. 281 in preschool children as a function of crowding. Socia1 Smollar, J., and Youniss, ]. 1982 Social Development Through Friendship. In K.H. Rubin and H.S. Ross, eds., peer Relationships and Social Skills in Childhood. New York: Springer-Verlag. Spencer, M.B. 1981 Personal-Social Adjustment of Minority Children. Emory University, Final report, Proj- ect No. 5-Rol-Mh 31106. Staub, E., and Noerenberg, H. 1981 Property rights, deservingness, reciprocity, friendship: The transactional character of children's sharing behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 40:271-289. Stendler, C.B., Damrin, D., and Haines, A.C. 1951 Studies in cooperation and competition: I. The effects of working for group and individual rewards on the social climate of children's groups. Joumal of Genetic Psychology 40:271- 289. Strayer, F.F., and Strayer, ]. 1976 An ethological analysis of social agonism and dominance relations among preschool children. Child Development 47:980-989. Sullivan, H.S. 1953 The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry. New York: Norton. Sundby, H.S., and Kreyberg, P.C. 1968 Prognosis in Child Psychiatry. Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins. Thelen, M.H., and Kirkland, K.D. 1976 On status and being imitated: Effects on reciprocal imitation and attraction. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 33:691-697. Thorne, B. 1982 Girls and Boys Together . . . But Mostly Apart: Gender Arrangements in Elementary Schools. Unpublished manuscript, Michigan State University. Tuma, N. B., and Hallinan, M.T. 1977 The Effects of Similarity and Status on Change in School-Children's Friendships. Un- published manuscript, Stanford University. Wallerstein, ].S., and Kelly, J.B. 1981 Surviving the Breakup: How Children and Parents Cope With Divorce. New York: Basic Books. Waters, E., Wippman, ]., and Sroufe, L.A. 1979 Attachment, positive affect and competence in the peer group: Two studies in construct validation. Child Development 50:821-829. Watt, N., and Lubensky, A. 1976 Childhood roots of schizophrenia. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 44:363- 375. Weisner, T.S. 1982 Sibling interdependence and child caretaking: A cross-cultural view. In M.E. Lamb and B. Sutton Smith, eds., Sibling Relationships. Hillsdale, N.].: Lawrence Erlbaum. West, D.]., and Farrington, D.P. 1973 Who Becomes Delinquent? London: Heinemann. Whiting, B. B., and Whiting, ].W. M. 1975 Children of Six Cultures. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Winder, C.L., and Rau, L. 1962 Parental attitudes associated with social deviance in preadolescent boys. Journal of Ab- normal and Social Psychology 64:418-424. it'

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282 DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD Youniss, I. 1980 Parents and Peers in Social Development: A Sullivan-Piaget Perspective. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Zajonc, R.B. 1968 Attitudinal effects of mere exposure. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Monographs 9(2, Pt. 2), 1-27. /