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CHAPTER 3
Cognitive Development
in School'Age Chilciren.
Conclusions and
New Directions
Kurt W. Fischer and Daniel Bullock
What is the nature of children's knowledge? How does their knowledge
change with development? In pursuing these fundamental questions
in the study of cognitive development, researchers often expand their focus
to include a range of chi1dren's behaviors extending far beyond the standard
meaning of knowledge.
In the two primary cognitive-developmental traditions, the questions typ-
ically take different forms. In the structuralist tradition, influenced strongly
by the work of Jean Piaget, Heinz Wemer, and others, the questions are:
How is behavior organized, and how does the organization change with
development? In the functionalist tradition, influenced strongly by behav-
iorism and information processing, the question is: What are the processes
that produce or underlie behavioral change? In this chapter we review major
conclusions from both traditions about cognitive development in school-age
children.
The study of cognitive development, especially in school-age children,
has been one of the central focuses of developmental research over the last
25 years. There is an enormous research literature, with thousands of studies
investigating cognitive change from scores of specific perspectives. Despite
this diversity, there does seem to be a consensus emerging about (~) the
conclusions to be reached from research to date and (2) the directions new
research and theory should take. A major part of this consensus grows from
an orientation that seems to be pervading the field: It is time to move beyond
70
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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
71
the opposition of structuralism and functionalism and begin to build a broader,
more integrated approach to cognitive development (see Case, 1980; Ca'
tania, 1973; Fischer, 1980; Flavell, 1982a). IncleecI, we argue that without
such an integration attempts to explain the clevelopment of behavior are
cloomed.
The general orientations or investigations of cognitive development are
similar for all age groups-infancy, childhood, and adulthood. The vast
majority of investigations, however, involve children of school age and for
those children a number of specific issues arise, including in particular the
relationship between schooling and cognitive development.
This chapter first describes the emerging consensus about the patterns of
cognitive development in schoolmate children. A description of this con'
sensus leads naturally to a set of core issues that must be dealt with if
developmental scientists are to build a more adequate explanation of de-
velopmental structure and process. How do the child and the environment
collaborate in development? How does the pattern of development vary
across traditional categories of behavior, such as cognition, emotion, and
social behavior? And what methods are available for addressing these issues
in research?
Under the framework provided by these broad issues, there are a number
of different directions research could take. Four that seem especially prom'
ising to us involve the relationship between cognitive development and
emotional dynamics, the relationship between brain changes and cognitive
development, the role of informal teaching and other modes of social in-
teraction in cognitive development, and the nature ant! effects of schooling
and literacy. These four directions are taken up in a later section.
PATTERNS OF DEVELOPMENTAL CHANGE
One of the central focuses in the controversies between structuralist and
functionalist approaches has been whether children develop through stages.
Much of this controversy has been obscured by fuzzy criteria for what counts
as a stage, but significant advances have been made in pinning down criteria
(e.g., Fischer and Bullock, 1981; Flavell, 1971; McCall, 1983; Woh~will,
1973~. In addition, developmentalists seem to be moving away from pitting
structuralism and functionalism against each other toward viewing them as
complementary; psychological development can at the same time be stagelike
in some ways and not at all stagelike in other ways. As a result of these
recent advances in the field, it is now possible to sketch a general portrait
of the status of stages in the development of children.
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72
DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
The General Status of Stages
Children do not develop in stages as traditionally defined. That is, (~)
their behavior changes gradually not abruptly, (2) they develop at different
rates in different domains rather than showing synchronous change across
domains, and (3) different children develop in different ways (Feldman,
1980; Flavell, 1982b).
Cognitive development does show, however, a number of weaker stagelike
characteristics. First, within a domain, development occurs in orderly se-
quences of steps for relatively homogeneous populations of children (Flavell,
1972~. That is, for a given population of children, development in a domain
can be described in terms of a specific sequence, in which behavior a develops
first, then behavior b, and so forth. For example, with Piaget and Inhelder's
(1941/1974) conservation tasks involving two balls or lumps of clay, there
seems to be a systematic three-step sequence (see Hooper et al., 1971;
Uzgiris, 1964~: (1) conservation of the amount of clay (Is there more clay
in one of the bails, even though they are different shapes, or do they both
have the same amount of cIay7), (2) conservation of the weight of clay
(Does one of the balls weigh more?), and (3) conservation of the volume
of clay (Does one of the balls displace more watery. The explanation and
prediction of such sequences is not always easy, but there do seem to be
many instances of orderly sequences in particular domains.
Second, these steps often mark major qualitative changes in behavior-
changes in behavioral organization. That is, in addition to developing more
of the abilities they already have, children also seem to develop new types
of abilities. This fact is reflected in the appearance of behaviors that were
not previously present for some particular context or task. For example, in
pretend play the understanding of concrete social roles, such as that of a
doctor interacting with a patient, emerges at a certain point in a develop-
mental sequence for social categories and is usually present by the age at
which children begin school (Watson, 1981~. Likewise, the understanding
of conservation of amount of clay develops at a certain point in a devel-
opmental sequence for conservation.
More generally, there appear to be times of large-scale reorganization of
behaviors across many (but not all) domains. At these times, children show
more than the ordinary small qualitative changes that occur every day. They
demonstrate major qualitative changes, and these changes seem to be char-
acterized by large, rapid change across a number of domains (Case, 1980;
Fischer et al., in press; Kenny, 1983; McCall, 1983~. Indeed, the speed of
change is emerging as a promising general measure for the degree of reor-
ganization. We refer to these large-scale reorganizations as levels. We use
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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
73
the term steps to designate any qualitative change that can be described in
terms of a developmental sequence, regardless of whether it involves a new
level.
Third, there seem to be some universal steps in cognitive development,
but their universality appears to depend on the way they are defined. When
steps are defined abstractly and in broad terms or when large groups of skills
are considered, developmental sequences seem to show universality across
domains and across children in different social groups. When skills of any
specificity are considered, however, the numbers and types of developmental
steps seem to change as a function of both the context and the individual
child (Bullock, 1981; Feldman and Toulmin, 1975; Fischer and Corrigan,
1981; Roberts, 1981; Silvern, 19841. For large-scale (macrodevelopmental)
changes, then, there seem to be some universals, but for small-scale (mi-
crodevelopmental) changes, individual differences appear to be the norm.
The nature of individual differences seems to be especially important for
school-age children and is discussed in greater depth in a later section.
Large-Scate Developmental Reorganizations
In macrodevelopment there seem to be several candidates for universal
large-scale reorganizations times when major new types of skills are emerg-
ing and development is occurring relatively fast. Different structuralist frame-
works share a surprising consensus about most of these levels, although
opinions are not unanimous (Kenny, 1983~. The exact characterizations of
each level also vary somewhat across frameworks. Our descriptions of each
level, including the age of emergence, are intended to capture the consensus.
Between 4 and 18 years of age- the time when many children spend long
periods of time in a school setting there seem to be four levels. The first
major reorganization, apparently beginning at approximately age 4 in middIe-
cIass children in Western cultures, is characterized by the ability to deal
with simple relations of representations (Bickhard, 1978; Biggs and Collis,
1982; Case and Khanna, 1981; Fischer, 1980; Isaac and O'Connor, 1975;
Siegler, 1978; Wallon, 1970~. Children acquire the ability to perform many
tasks that involve coordinating two or more ideas. For example, they can
do elementary perspective-taking, in which they relate a representation of
someone else's perceptual viewpoint with a representation of their own
(Flavell, 1977; Gelman, 1978~. Similarly, they can relate two social cate-
gories, e.g., understanding how a doctor relates to a patient or how a mother
relates to a father (Fischer et al., in press).
The term representation here follows the usage of Piaget (1936/1952; 1946/
1951), not the meaning that is common in information-processing models
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74
DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
(e.g., Bobrow and Collins, 1975~. Piaget hypothesized that late in the second
year children develop representation, which is the capacity to think about
things that are not present in their immediate experience, such as an object
that has disappeared. He suggested that, starting with these initial repre-
sentations, children show a gradual increase in the complexity of represen-
tations throughout the preschool years, culminating in a new stage of
equilibrium called "concrete operations" beginning at age 6 or 7.
Research has demonstrated that children acquire more sophisticated abil-
ities during the preschool years than Piaget had originally described (German,
1978), and theorists have hypothesized the emergence of an additional
developmental level between ages 2 and 6 one involving simple relations
of representations. The major controversy among the various structural the-
ories seems to be whether this level is in fact the beginning of Piagetian
concrete operations or a separate reorganization distinct from concrete op-
erations. Many of the structural approaches recasting Piaget's concepts in
information-processing terms have treated this level as the beginning of
concrete operations (Case, 1980; Halford and Wilson, 1980; Pascual-Leone,
1970~.
For Piaget (1970), the second level, that of concrete operations, first
appears at age 6-7 in middle-cIass children. In many of the new structural
theories, concrete operations constitute an independent level, not merely
an elaboration of the level involving simple relations of representations
(Biggs and Collis, 1982; Fischer, 1980; Flavell, 1977~. The child comes to
be able to deal systematically with the complexities of representations and
so can understand what Piaget described as the logic of concrete objects and
events. For example, conservation of amount of clay first develops at this
level. In social cognition the child develops the capacity to deal with com-
plex problems about perspectives (Flavell, 1977) and to coordinate multiple
social categories, understanding, for example, role intersections, such as that
a man can simultaneously be a doctor and a father to a air! who is both his
patient and his daughter (Watson, 1981~.
The third level, usually called formal operations (Inhelder and Piaget,
1955/1958), first emerges at age 10-12 in middle-cIass children in Westem
cultures. Children develop a new ability to generalize across concrete in-
stances and to handle the complexities of some tasks requiring hypothetical
reasoning. Preadolescents, for example, can understand and use a general
definition for a concept such as addition or noun (Fischer et al., 1983), and
they can construct all possible combinations of four types of colored blocks
(Martarano, 1977~. Some theories treat this level as the culmination of
concrete operations, because it involves generalizations about concrete ob-
jects and events (Biggs and Collis, 1982~. Others consider it to be the start
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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
75
of something different the ability to abstract or to think hypothetically
(Case, 1980; Fischer, 1980; Gruber and Voneche, 1976; Halford and Wilson,
1980; Jacques et al., 1978; Richards and Commons, 1983; Selman, 19801.
Recent research indicates that cognitive development does not stop with
the level that emerges at age 10-12. Indeed, performance on Piaget's formal
operations tasks even continues to develop throughout adolescence (Mar-
tarano, 1977; Neimark, 1975~. A number of theorists have suggested that
a fourth level develops after the beginning of formal operations-the ability
to relate abstractions or hypotheses, emerging at age 14-16 in middIe-cIass
Western children (Biggs and Collis, 1982; Case, 1980; Fischer et al., in
press; Gruber and Voneche, 1976; Jacques et al., 1978; Richards and Com-
mons, 1983; Selman, 1980; Tomlinson-Keasey, 19821. At this fourth level,
adolescents can generate new hypotheses rather than merely test old ones
(Arlin, 1975~; they can deal with relational concepts, such as liberal and
conservative in politics (Adelson, 1975~; and they coordinate and combine
abstractions in a wide range of domains.
Additional levels may also develop in late adolescence and early adulthood
(Biggs and Collis, 1980; Case, 1980; Fischer et al., 1983; Richards and
Commons, 1983). At these levels, individuals may able to deal with complex
relations among abstractions and hypotheses and to formulate general prin-
ciples integrating systems of abstractions.
Unfortunately, criteria for testing the reality of the four school-age levels
have not been clearly explicated in most cognitive-developmental investi-
gations. There seems to be little question that some kind of significant
qualitative change in behavior occurs during each of the four specified age
intervals, but researchers have not generally explicated what sort of quali-
tative change is substantial enough to be counted as a new level or stage.
Learning a new concept, such as addition, can produce a qualitative change
in behavior; but by itself such a qualitative change hardly seems to warrant
designation as a level. Thus, clearer specification is required of what counts
as a developmental level.
Research on cognitive development in infancy can provide some guide-
lines in this regard. For infant development, investigators have described
several patterns of data that index emergence of a new level. Two of the
most promising indexes are (1) a spurt in developmental change measured
on some continuous scale (e.g., Emde et al., 1976; Kagan, 1982; Seibert et
al., in press; Zelazo and Leonard, 1983) and (2) a transient drop in the
stability of behaviors across a sample of tasks (e.g., McCall, 19831. Research
on cognitive development in school-age children would be substantially
strengthened if investigators specified such patterns for hypothesized devel-
opmental levels and tested for them. Available evidence suggests that these
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
patterns may index levels in childhood as well as they do in infancy (see
Fischer et al., in press; Kenny, 1983; Peters and Zaidel, 1981; Tabor and
KendIer, 1981~.
In summary, there seem to be four major developmental reorganizations,
commonly called levels, between ages 4 and 18. Apparently, the levels do
not exist in a strong form such as that hypothesized by Piaget (1949, 1975)
and others (Pinard and Laurendeau, 1969~. Consequently, the strong stage
hypothesis has been abandoned by many cognitive-developmental research-
ers, including some Piagetians (e.g., KohIberg and Colby, 1983~. Yet the
evidence suggests that developmental levels fitting a weaker concept of stages
probably Lo exist.
Relativity and Universality of Developmental Sequences
One of the best-established facts in cognitive development is that per'
formance does not strictly adhere to stages. On the contrary, developmental
stages vary widely with manipulations of virtually every environmental factor
studied (Flavell, 1971, 1982b). Developmental unevenness, also called hor'
izontal decalage (Piaget, 1941), seems to be the rule for development in
general (Biggs and Collis, 1982; Fischer, 1980~. During the school years it
may well become even more common than in earlier years. By the time
children reach school age they seem to begin to specialize on distinct de-
velopmental paths based on their differential abilities and experiences (Gard-
ner, 1983; Hom, 1976; McCall, 1981~. Some weak forms of developmental
stages what we have called levels probably exist, as we have noted, but
they occur in the face of wide variations in performance.
Since developmental unevenness has been shown to be pervasive, it seems
inevitable that developmental sequences will vary among children and across
contexts. Unfortunately, there have been few investigations testing for var-
iations in sequence. Most of the studies documenting the prevalence of
decalage are designed in such a way that they can detect only variations in
the speed of development on a fixed sequence, not variations in the sequence
itself. The dearth of studies testing for individual differences in sequence,
apparently arises from the fact that cognitive developmentalists have been
searching for commonalities in sequence, not differences.
Nevertheless, a few studies have expressly assessed individual differences,
and their results indicate that different children and different situations do
in fact produce different sequences (Knight, 1982; McCall et al., 1977;
Roberts, 19811. A plausible hypothesis is that developmental sequences are
relative, changing with the child, the immediate situation, and the culture.
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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
77
To examine this hypothesis researchers must face an important hidden
issue the nature and generality of the classifications used to code successive
levels or steps of behavioral organization. Indeed, when issues of classification
are brought into the analysis, it becomes clear that universality and relativity
of sequence are not opposed. With a general mode of analysis, children can
all show the same developmental sequence in some domain, while with a
more specific mode of analysis they can all demonstrate different sequences
in the same domain.
Figure 3~1 helps show why. The arrows and solid boxes depict develop'
mental paths taken by two children, boy X on the left and air! Y on the
right. The letters in the boxes indicate the specific content of the behaviors
at each step, and the hyphens connecting letters indicate that two contents
have been coordinated or related. The word step is used to describe a specific
point in a sequence without implying how that step relates to developmental
levels such as those described above.
Depending on how these sequences are analyzed, they can demonstrate
either commonalities or individual differences that is, that both children
move through the same sequences or that each child moves through a
different sequence. When viewed in terms of the specific steps each child
traverses, the figure shows different developmental sequences. At step 1,
child X can control skill or behavior F. and at step 2 he can control skills
F and M separately but prefers F. Finally he reaches step 3, where he can
relate F to M. Child Y at step 1 can control skill M, and at step 2 she can
control both M and F but prefers M. Finally she reaches step 3, where she
Step Child X Child Y
2
3
E3~
~-
L~Lit
I F-M |
-
M-F
FIGURE 3~1 Two developmental sequences demonstrating
both commonalities and individual differences.
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
can relate M to F. For example, in social play, F might represent the social
category for father, M the social category for mother, F-M an interaction
in which the father dominates, controlling what the mother does, and M-
F an interaction in which the mother dominates, controlling what the father
does. Thus, all three steps clearly differ for the two children.
Such plurality would seem to contradict the idea of a universal devel-
opmental sequence, since the two children are demonstrating different se-
quences for similar content. Yet when the specific steps are characterized
more generally, it is possible to see these different paths as variations on a
common theme. Analysis in terms of the social categories present, for in'
stance, leads to the conclusion that steps 2 and 3 are the same in the two
children: At step 2 both children comprehend the two separate categories
of mother and father, and at step 3 they both understand how a mother and
a father can interact.
In a still more general classification, the steps can be defined in terms of
social category structure rather than the particular categories. Then, steps
2 and 3 remain equivalent for the children, and, in addition, step ~ becomes
equivalent, since both children control similar structures, a single category
(mother or father). In addition, skills that deal with markedly different
contents can also be considered equivalent. An interaction between a doctor
and a patient is equivalent structurally to the interaction between mother
and father at step 3, since both interactions involve a social role relation
between two categories.
When cognitive-developmental theorists posit general developmental lev-
els, they are defining developmental sequences even more abstractly in
terms of highly general, structural classes of behaviors. For the level of
concrete operations, for example, the conservation of amount of clay can
be considered structurally equivalent to the intersection of social categories
(Fischer, 1980~. Conservation of clay involves the coordination of two
dimensions (length and width) in two balls of clay, and the intersection of
categories involves the coordination of two social categories for two people
(such as doctor/father with patient/daughter).
These considerations lead to a reconceptualization of the controversy over
whether developmental sequences are relative or universal. For highly spe-
cific classes of behavior, universality would seem impossible, relativity in-
evitable. At the extreme, even the social category of mother is not the same
for the two children, since the behaviors and characteristics that each child
includes in the category undoubtedly differ. As a result of such variations,
no two randomly chosen children could be expected to show the same specific
developmental sequences. Even identical twins exposed to, say, a common
mathematics curriculum would follow developmental paths for mathematics
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COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
79
that differed in detail. Thus, a used! analysis must distinguish irrelevant
from relevant detail and generalize over the latter.
Of course, what counts as relevant detail depends on the researcher's
purpose. And care must be taken to avoid trivialization of the issue of
universality in a second way- by using overly general or ill-defined classes.
It is important that what counts as an equivalent structure be specified with
some precision. For example, all instances of two units of something cannot
be counted as equivalent unless there is a clear rationale for classifying the
units as equivalent. With social categories, it would seem unwise to treat
"mother" as structurally equivalent to "corporation president." One of the
primary tasks for cognitive developmentalists is to devise a system for ana-
lyzing structural equivalences across domains (Flavell, 1972, 1982a; WohI'
will, 1973).
Assuming an opposition between relativity and universality, then, is too
simple, because at times individual differences may usefully be seen as var-
iations on a common theme. Many of the current disagreements among
researchers about universality and relativity in sequences could be clarified
by consideration of the nature of the structural classifications being used.
In practice, investigators can use a straightforward rule of thumb: They can
construct their classes at an intermediate degree of abstraction neither so
specific as to miss valid generalization nor so general that they serve only
the purpose of imposing order.
How the controversy about relativity and universality will be resolved
rests in part on whether the structures and processes of developmental re-
organization can be usefully regarded as similar across different domains of
cognition and across children who differ in their achievements within do-
mains. Can the growth of linguistic skill be usefully described in the same
terms as the growth of mathematical skill? Or are there distinct linguistic
and mathematical faculties whose development remains fundamentally dis-
similar in any useful system for classifying sequences (Gardner, 1983~? Is
the difference between a retarded child and a prodigy a difference of sequence
or a difference in the speed of mastering what can usefully be considered
the same sequence (Feldman, 1980~? These questions are just beginning to
be addressed in a sophisticated manner.
Processes of Development
Many of the questions about the nature of developmental stages, their
universality, and the extent of individual differences would be substantially
clarified by a solid analysis of the processes underlying cognitive develop-
ment. However, the best way to conceptualize the results of the extensive
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
research literature on developmental processes is very much an open ques-
tion. No emerging consensus is evident here, except perhaps that none of
the traditional explanations is adequate. Three main types of models have
dominated research to date.
The first type of mode! grows out of Piaget's approach.
~. . . . . , . . . ~. ..
The developing
organization of behavior is said to be based fundamentally in logic (Piaget,
1957, 1975~. Developmental change results from the push toward logical
consistency. Stages are defined by the occurrence of an equilibrium based
on logical reversibility, and two such equilibria develop during the school
· 1 ~
years one at concrete onerntion.s Once one At thermal ~nProtir~nc
, ~ is ~ ~ CAN t~1 vat.
Tests of this process model have proved to be remarkably unsuccessful.
The primary empirical requirement of the mode! is that, when a logical
equilibrium is reached, individuals must demonstrate high synchrony across
domains. The prediction of synchrony arises from the fact that at equilibrium
a logical structure of the whole (structure d'ensemble) emerges and quickly
pervades the mind, catalyzing change in most or all of the child's schemes.
Consequently, when a 6-year-old girl develops her first concrete operational
scheme, such as conservation of number, the logical structure of concrete
operations should pervade her intelligence in a short time, according to
Piaget's model. Her other schemes should quickly be transformed into con'
crete operations.
Such synchrony across diverse domains has never been found. Instead,
synchrony is typically low, even for closely related schemes such as different
types of conservation (e.g., number, amount of clay, and length). Even if
one allows that several concrete operational schemes might have to be
constructed before the rapid transformation occurs, the evidence does not
support the predicted synchrony (Biggs and Collis, 1982; Fischer and Bull-
ock, 1981; Flavell, 1982b).
Efforts to study other implications of the logic mode! also have failed to
support it (e.g., Braine and Rumain, 1983; Ennis, 1976; Osherson, 19741.
Several attempts have been made to build alternative models based on some
different kind of logic (e.g., Halford and Wilson, 1980; Jacques et al., 1978~.
But thus far there have been only a few studies testing these models, and it
is therefore not yet possible to evaluate their success.
The second type of process mode} in cognitive-developmental theories is
based on the information-processing approach. The child is analyzed as an
information-processing system with a limited short-term memory capacity.
In general, the numbers of items that can be maintained in short-term
memory are hypothesized to increase with age, thereby enabling construction
of more complex skills. The exact form of the capacity limitation is a matter
of controversy, but in all existing models it involves an increase in the
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DEVELOPMENT DURING MIDDLE CHILDHOOD
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
literate practices
