tion of the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality. They found a complex web of interethnic attitudes with regard to threat and competition from other ethnic groups. More black respondents in Los Angeles perceived that competition with Asians was a zero-sum game than had that perception with respect to Hispanics. And more Hispanic respondents perceived that competition with Asians was a zero-sum game than had that perception with respect to blacks in the areas of housing and job competition. "A similar pattern emerges among Whites, who feel the least threat from blacks and the most from Asians, with reaction to Latinos typically falling in between the two." Asian Americans were found to perceive a greater threat from blacks than from Hispanics (these findings were not statistically significant). Bobo and Hutchings (1996:960) concluded that "Asian American and Latino respondents who are foreign born tend to perceive greater competition with blacks than do their native-born co-ethnics." Foreign-born Asian Americans were also more likely to perceive greater competition with Hispanics than were native-born Asian Americans.
Does nativity make a difference in perceptions of discrimination? Using the same data source, Bobo (1995) found that, among Asian Americans, the same proportion of foreign-born and native-born reported discrimination (22 percent). But among the other minority groups there were strong nativity differences, which went in opposite directions. Among Hispanics, the foreign-born were more likely to report discrimination (33 percent compared with 25 percent for the native-born). Among blacks, natives were more likely to report discrimination (62 percent for natives compared with 29 percent for the foreign-born). Waters (1994) also finds that foreign-born blacks are much less likely than American-born blacks to see themselves as victims of discrimination.
Using survey data collected by the Los Angeles Times, Oliver and Johnson (1984) found that Hispanics in that city are generally more antagonistic toward blacks than blacks are toward Hispanics. They concluded that the black antagonism arises almost exclusively from economic concerns. Hispanics were almost twice as likely as blacks to agree that the other group is more violent than the average group (39 versus 20 percent). The level of antagonism toward Hispanics was much higher among whites than among blacks. Several recent studies have attempted to measure discrimination against immigrants and minorities. In a survey of hiring practices among Chicago-area employers, Kirschenman and Neckerman (1991) found that employers strongly preferred to hire immigrants over inner-city blacks (see also Neckerman and Kirschenman, 1991; Wilson, 1987). Kasinitz and Rosenberg (1994) found the same preference among employers in the Red Hook section of New York City.
Our reading of these preliminary studies is that interethnic frictions and occasional violent outbreaks between minorities and immigrants are reflections of the conditions of inner-city life where rates of joblessness and poverty are high, and not signs of the inevitability of antagonism between immigrants and minorities. Despite employer preferences for immigrant workers over black