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OCR for page 267
I Job ~tegradon Strategies:
Today's Programs and
Tomorrow's Needs
BRIGID O'FARRELL and
SHARON L. HARLAN
Scores of private employers, including
large corporations such as AT&T, General
Electric, and Ford, have experimented with
programs to reduce sex segregation in their
work forces.) Primarily in response to fed-
eral equal employment opportunity (EEO)
enforcement activities and pressure from
women desiring expanded opportunities,
some of these firms have successfully in-
creased the number of women in nontra-
ditional jobs, i.e., jobs predominately held
by men. By studying the experiences of these
companies, we hope to learn what inter-
ventions have been successful and how they
can be more effective in the fixture.
This corporate perspective on job inte-
gration is important because the extremely
slow progress reflected in national statistics
masks both progress and problems in the
industries and firms where enforcement ef-
forts have been targeted.2 The experiences
~ It is not possible to identify or even to enumerate
all the American companies that have actively tried to
facilitate job integration. Although there has been no
systematic data collection, we estimate that the number
is quite large based on the number of company expe-
riences discussed in this paper and on other literature
designed to help firms meet affirmative action require-
ments (e.g., Pfeiffer and Walshok, 1981; Farley, 1979;
Hall and Albrecht, 1979; Stead, 1978; Larwood, 1977;
Cunningham, 1976; Foxley, 1976; Purcell, 1976; Gor-
don and Strober, 1975; Iacobelli and Muczyk, 1975;
Hollander, 1975; Jongeword and Scott, 1973~. The ac-
tivities of the Equal Employment Opportunity Com-
mission also provide an index of corporate activity in
this area. The Commission reported that it is moni-
toring 20 major affirmative action agreements (personal
communication, 1982~. In fiscal 1981 it settled 16,730
charges of employment discrimination and filed 368
lawsuits under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act
as amended. These included charges based on race,
267
national origin, and religion as well as sex. In the same
year EEOC reported receiving 47,454 new charges of
discrimination under Title VII (including 2,462 filed
concurrently under age discrimination or equal pay
acts). Because there are multiple bases (e. g., race, sex)
and issues (e.g., hiring, discharge), the Commission
analyzed a total of 77,802 charges against private em-
ployers, 37;703 or 48 percent of which involved charges
of sex discrimination (U.S. Equal Employment Op-
portunity Commission, 1982~.
2 In part this is due to the inadequacy of available
data discussed in papers from this and other confer-
ences (C. Brown, 1981; Wallace and LaMond, 1977~.
For example, the census data are not current enough,
occupational codes and EEO-1 categories are too broad,
the U. S. Department of Labor's Establishment Survey
does not include sex (Bergmann, 1980; Barrett, 1978),
and none of these studies controls for program inter-
ventions.
OCR for page 268
268
BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON l:. HARLAN
of these firms, reflected primarily through plish job integration and (2) a body of re-
case studies ant! corporate surveys, are the search consisting of case studies and cor-
focus of this paper. More specifically, the porate surveys that enhances the understand-
focus is on two important policy questions ing and interpretation of national employ-
posed by the Committee on Women's Em- ment data and complements statistical anal-
ployment. First, what kinds of interventions yses of company compliance with EEO laws.
are likely to succeed or fail in reducing sex
segregation in the workplace? Second, under
what conditions are the chances for success
enhanced or impaired?
The first section of this paper discusses
two important issues in research on corpo-
rate job integration policies: establishing an
analytic framework to identify separate di-
mensions of change in corporate equal em-
ployment policy and assessing the quality of
available data. The second ant] third] sec-
tions aciciress the committee's concern with
successful intervention programs. We ana-
lyze case examples of strategies used by
companies to recruit, hire, and train women
for nontraditional entry-level jobs and iden-
tify the sources of problems encountered in
promoting women. The fourth section ad-
dresses the committee's question about so-
cial and economic conditions that influence
success. Several examples are given of how
external business conditions, internal man-
agement structure, and union involvement
affect the likelihood of reducing job segre-
gation in a firm. In the final section we offer
recommendations for what the federal gov-
ernment and private sector employers and
unions can (lo to increase the effectiveness
of programs for job integration.
RESEARCH ISSUES
Some research has been undertaken dur-
ing the past 10 years to assess the impact
and to evaluate the effectiveness of fecleral
laws and corporate policies aimed at reduc-
ing occupational segregation. The joint ev-
olution offederal and corporate policies over
time has led to two important developments
which bear directly on the analysis pre-
sented here: (1) an evaluation framework
based on the experiences of companies that
have made institutional changes to accom-
The Evaluation Framework
Firms that have entered the postpioneer
era of job integration are the subject of this
paper. Postpioneer companies have agreed
to initiate organizational changes that facil-
itate the entry of more than token numbers
of women into nontraclitional jobs and to
take an active role in their recruitment, hir-
ing, and training. In contrast, firms in the
pioneer era have not undertaken such
changes and may be trying to discourage
women from following the lead of a few ex-
ceptional pioneers who have gained access
to men's jobs through personal initiative.3
3 Pioneer is a term commonly used to describe the
first women in nontraditional jobs (e.g., Walshok, 1981),
and several studies have documented the experiences
of these women. Much less is known about the progress
and problems of women who came after the pioneers.
Epstein (1981) made a distinction between old and new
women of the law but did not tie it to organizational
changes within firms. Our review of the research, how-
ever, indicates that a pattern of transition from the
pioneer to the postpioneer era of institutional change
is typical of many firms. For example, in our own lon-
gitudinal study of a large manufacturing firm, the Har-
bor Company (Harlan and O'Farrell, 1982), we distin-
guished between these two fundamentally different
phases. During the pioneer era, from the late 1960s to
the late 1970s, a few women of extraordinary initiative
recognized discriminatory practices and pressed their
demands in light of the federal civil rights legislation.
However, the hostility they faced from management
and male coworkers and the isolation they experienced
prevented most women from following their lead. The
postpioneer era began in 1978 when the company and
the federal government signed an affirmative action
agreement. This second phase of job integration within
the firm has been characterized by the hiring of a rel-
atively large number of white women into entry-level
jobs previously reserved for men and a reassessment
of company training programs. Priscilla Douglas and
Maryellen Kelley contributed to our early thinking about
this pioneer/postpioneer distinction.
OCR for page 269
IOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
269
Postpioneer companies are not necessarily
typical of most U. S. firms, but they are the
ones from which we can learn about the
effects of intervention strategies.
Research and program accounts of job in-
tegration processes suggest that the wa-
tershed in a f~rm's transition to the postpi-
oneer era corresponds with some sort of
federal pressure.4 The evidence available
does not enable us to quantify the amount
of job integration resulting from enforce-
ment activities, but it does indicate that the
federal presence is a significant motivator of
companies' efforts in this regard. In many
instances it is because of direct federal in-
tervention in sex discrimination complaints
against large companies, e.g., the court-or-
dered consent decree of AT&T (Wallace,
1976; Northrup and Larson, 1979~. Less well
documented is the indirect effect on com-
panies anticipating federal action, e.g., vol-
untary acceptance of the steel industry con-
sent decree by the aluminum industry
(Ichniowsky, 19831. In all of the studies we
reviewed, awareness of the federal laws ant}
regulations and their related financial costs
were cited by managers and workers as im-
portant factors stimulating change.
The consent decrees resulting from court
settlements of discrimination complaints and
the federal affirmative action guidelines for
employers (U.S. Equal Employment Oppor-
tunity Commission, 1974; 41 Code of Federal
Regulations § 60-2, 1979) have taken a com-
prehensive approach to iden~ing issues and
developing intervention strategies. Among the
most important problems addressed are the
establishment of mechanisms for integrating
individuals into sex-atypical jobs (including the
controversial procedures establishing goals and
timetables), upgrading women's jobs, chang-
4 Companies could undertake program interventions
voluntarily or as a result of pressure from other external
sources. Thus, in theory we do not equate the post-
pioneer era with federal intervention, but in practice
we have not identified any companies where the two
did not coincide.
ing personnel systems and benefits for all em-
ployees, ant] the development of procedures
for monitoring the terms of the agreement.
Hey have also specified intervention at four
critical points in the employment process for
nonmanagement and management employ-
ees: recruitment, hiring, training, and pro-
motion. These parameters of the postpioneer
agreements establish our analytic frame-
work.5
Quality of the Data
We have reviewed and compared many
case examples of firms' experiences based
on company self-reports in publicly avail-
able sources, original research on single firms
or corporate employers done by social sci-
entists, and surveys that compare a large
number of employers primarily from the
perspective of personnel directors. These
data diner greatly in quality and degree of
completeness.
The principal strengths of the data rest
on their ability to show a unique perspective
on the process of change, thus comple-
menting and enriching the analysis of na-
tional data on occupational segregation. First,
in contrast to the slow rate of change por-
trayed in the national data, our analysis shows
more variation across and within companies,
which permits a more accurate identification
of both progress and problems. At AT&T,
for example while total employment in-
creased by only 1,270 between 1973 and
1979, the number of women in the officials
and managers category increased by 15,364,
5 For the purpose of this paper we accept the defi-
nition of equal employment opportunity that has been
legislated by Congress and promulgated in the regu-
lations of federal enforcement agencies, and we deal
only with program interventions that fall within those
parameters. We believe, however, that this definition
should be expanded to specifically recognize womens'
child-bearing role and the barriers to EEO created by
current employment practices that do not recognize
parental responsibilities (see U. S. Commission on Civil
Rights, 1981).
OCR for page 270
270
BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
or 5,000 more than the increase for men
(Northrup and Larson, 19791.
Second, the perceptions of managers and
workers about the effectiveness of federal
equal employment policy in reducing job
segregation within companies is often much
more optimistic than analyses of economic
impact based on national data. For example,
managers report that goals and timetables
are critical management tools for achieving
greater job integration. Evaluation research
in the construction trades (Kane and Miller,
1981) and the maritime industry (Marshall
et al., 1978) show that they produce sub-
stantial change. The psychological impor-
tance of national EEO laws in encouraging
women to press their demands for better
jobs was evidenced in our research at the
Harbor Company (O'Farrell, 1980a; Harlan
and O'Farrell, 19821.
The principal weaknesses of the data lie
in their selectivity ant! uneven quality, which
derive from the fact that available data con-
sist mainly of what companies choose to put
in the public domain, limiting the objectiv-
ity, comprehensiveness, and comparability
for both legal and competitive reasons. Sev-
eral of the best reviews and case studies are
illustrative of the data limitations. Shaeffer
and Lynton's (1979) study of 265 companies
and McLane's (1980) interviews in 42 com-
panies are both based on personnel depart-
ment surveys and interviews, and neither
systematically compares company programs
nor relates program initiatives to quantifi-
able measures of change. Each has a selec-
tion bias, since Shaeffer and Lynton sur-
veyed only large corporations and McLane
reviewed only data on managers.
Case studies such as those by Meyer and
Lee (1978) on public utilities, Northrup and
Larson (1979) on AT&T, Deaux and UlIman
(1983) on steed companies, or Harlan and
O'Farrell (1982) on Harbor Company are
designed to cover only one company or sev-
eral firms in the same industry. Thus, they
do not offer a comparative view of program
implementation or change. Since they are
done in cooperation either with manage-
- ment or with a union, none offers a truly
balanced assessment of problems and prog-
ress based on the views of managers and
workers. Most of these studies also provide
limited analysis of quantitative data, and,
although all of the case stucly companies were
targets offederal enforcement activity, most
of the research does not systematically focus
on the impact of federal regulations on or-
ganizational change. Studies by Northrup
and Larson (1979) and Ichniowski (1983)
suggest there is considerable data available
from consent decrees in the public domain,
but it is expensive to copy and often difficult
to use. There has been little public or pri-
vate interest in supporting more compre-
hensive analysis of the compliance data.
Finally, in addition to focusing mostly on
large companies acting under government
pressure, we are reporting almost exclu-
sively on the experiences of white women.
There is very little information about mi-
nority women, but available research, pri-
marily in the nonmanagement sector, sug-
gests that they are moving to factory and
clerical jobs traditionally held by white
women (Reubens and Reubens, 1979;
Douglas, 1981; Malveaux, 19821. Thus, the
negative effects of race and sex are com-
pounded for both hiring and promotion of
. .
minority women.
STRATEGIES: MOVING WOMEN INTO
ENTRY-LEVEL JOBS
Most of the successful intervention pro-
. . . .
grams dealt with changes in company re-
cruitment, hiring, and training programs for
entry-level jobs. The framework for these
programs was established as an employer
obligation in affirmative action programs and
supported to some extent by federal pro-
grams such as the Comprehensive Employ-
ment and Training Act (CETA). Graclually
employers have begun to reach the increas-
ing number of qualified or qualifiable women
interested in and available to try nontradi-
OCR for page 271
10B INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
271
tional positions in both blue-collar (O'Far-
rell and Harlan, 1982; O'Farrell, 1982; Kane
and Miller, 1981; Walshok, 1981; Schreiber,
1979) and white-collar occupations (Mc-
Lane, 1980; Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979~.6
There are still many women who do not
seek nontraditional jobs (Hoffman and Reid,
1981; Barrett, 1980) and many institutional
barriers remain (Roos and Reskin, this vol-
ume), but stereotypes about women's work
behavior and motivation are gradually being
discredited (Crowley et al., 1973; Kanter,
1977; Feldberg and Glenn, 1979; Heidrick
and Struggles, Inc., 1979; O'Farrell and
Harlan, 1982~. EEO policies that increase
women's job choices are being incorporated
into personnel procedures, ant] there is a
growing acceptance of these policies by cor-
porate managers. In two recent surveys of
managers the majority reported that equal
employment was a major concern (Heidrick
and Struggles, Inc., 1977) and that corpo-
rate executives support the guidelines of the
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission for affirmative action (Barnhill-
Hayes, 1979~. In the Barnhill-Hayes survey
the majority of executive respondents said
that affirmative action had not resulted in a
decline in employee productivity. The im-
portance of EEO to business practice is fur-
ther evidenced at the Harvard Business
School, where over 80 of the cases in the
Case Clearing House now address equal
employment and affirmative action issues.
When turned into action, management
concern and support have concentrated on
integrating entry-level blue-collar and man-
agement jobs by expanding recruitment re-
6 We have not fully reviewed the literature on sup-
ply, but the future supply of women for technical and
managerial positions is encouraging given the steady
increases in the number of women in engineering,
chemistry, and business programs (Vetter et al., 1982;
Strober, 1982). For example, the General Motors In-
stitute (engineering) enrolled no women until 1965,
and now 28 percent of the student body is female
(McLane, 1980).
sources, reevaluating job requirements in
relation to job content, and developing or sup-
plementing training programs. Programs have
been developed to overcome sex differences
in early socialization, education, and training
and thus reduce sex segregation in initial job
assignments.
Recruitment: External and Internal
Outreach
An issue faced by many firms is how to
expand traditional recruiting sources and
methods to reach women. A successful strat-
egy appears to combine very active recruit-
ing with greatly expanded external and in-
ternal recruitment sources (Shuchat et al.,
1981; Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979~. In screen-
ing and selecting women for new jobs, em-
ployers must also provide sufficient infor-
mation to enable women to make informed
choices and must elicit sufficient informa-
tion from the women to determine if they
can perform the necessary tasks. Increased
selectivity based on job-relevant criteria may
result in fewer new hires but more Tong-
term success (Meyer and Lee, 1978; Mc-
Lane, 1980~.
To expand external recruiting sources for
blue-collar jobs, companies must go beyond
high school shop classes, trade schools, and
the military services, which traditionally
supply young men. Skilled-trades training
programs, funded primarily through federal
government programs, such as the Com-
prehensive Education and Training Act
(CETA) outreach and training program for
women in apprenticeship, have been an im-
portant resource for company recruiters
(Kane and Miller, 1981; Uliman and Deaux,
1981~. One Midwestern steel company re-
sponded to the 1974 industry consent de-
cree by establishing a training school for mo-
tor inspectors that could provide a source of
craft-trained women and minorities. In each
class halfthe students were plant employees
and half were CETA referrals. Approxi-
mately two-thirds of the 106 female motor
OCR for page 272
272
BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
inspectors and millwrights were recruiter]
from outside the firm through CETA, but
no female applicants were recruited from
trade schools (Uliman and Deaux, 1981~.
Companies that have done successful re-
cruiting recommend reaching out specifi-
cally to rural women ant] physical education
majors because of a general interest in and
experience with physically clemanding work
and to women in blue-collar community or-
ganizations because of their general famil-
iarity with blue-collar jobs (Shaeffer and
Lynton, 19791. There is also growing evi-
dence that women interested in nontradi-
tional blue-collar jobs are more likely to be
in their late twenties and thirties rather than
recent high school graduates (O'Farrell, 1982;
Kane and Miller, 1981; U.S. Dept. of Labor,
1978~. This suggests reaching out to cur-
rently employed women or to older women
now reentering the work force.
For entry-level management positions,
expanded external recruitment may involve
going to more colleges in different geo-
graphic regions or initiating recruitment
programs at women's colleges (Shaeffer and
Lynton, 1979~. Nontraditional methods for
recruiting higher-level managers include
searching in the public sector and on the
East and West coasts (especially New York).
Retaining a consultant or search firm that
specializes in recruiting women or specify-
ing that the recruiter be a woman are also
effective (McLane, 19801. An example of a
model long-term recruiting system for tech-
nical fields involving universities and com-
panies is the Program for Increasing Mi-
nority Engineering Graduates (PIMEG)
described by Hayes (19801.
Women already employed by a company
in traditional female clerical and factory jobs
are an important source of candidates for
nontraditional jobs in the skilled trades and
management. Internal intervention pro-
grams for white- and blue-collar jobs require
opening access systems to women, which
may include establishing job posting pro-
cedures or changing seniority systems (Roos
ant] Reskin, this volume; Steinberg and Cook,
1981; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791. 7 For ex-
ample, many unionized firms traditionally
have departmental seniority systems under
which years of service in a department en-
titie workers to promotion opportunities
during prosperous times ant! to protection
from layoffs during slow periods. Workers
cannot, however, move between depart-
ments without losing seniority, possibly some
pay, and other benefits related to seniority.
If women have to give up seniority, they are
less likely to move when jobs in traditionally
male departments are opened to them re-
gardless of other incentives such as higher
pay or bonuses. When a large company in
the Northeast initiates] a transfer program
based on company rather than departmental
seniority, women were able for the first time
to bid on craft jobs without loss of seniority.
Three years later, 101 women, almost all the
women in one of the craft jobs, had trans-
ferred from other departments in the com-
pany, bringing from 1 to over 20 years of
company service (O'Farrell and Harlan,
19821.
Changes in formal seniority provisions ap-
pear to be an important first step in opening
nontraditional jobs to women currently em-
ployed in firms. Adclitional incentives may
be needed, however, to encourage women
(or minorities or white men) to transfer from
one :lepartment to another (Ichniowski, 1983;
Kelley, 1982; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791.
In the steel industry's consent decree, for
example, rate retention (or "red circling")
was used as an incentive (available to all
workers) for transferring from one clepart-
ment to another under the new plant sen-
iority system. If the rate of pay for those
transferring to an entry-level job in a new
department was lower than their current rate
of pay, they could keep their current rate
of pay in the new department for a 2-year
7 Seniority and EEO laws have been the subject of
a series of court cases and consent decrees during the
last 15 years. For a review of the issues, see Ichniowski
(1983), Kelley (1982), and Wallace and Driscoll (1981).
OCR for page 273
JOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
273
period. In other words, a woman would not
have to take a cut in pay to enter a depart-
ment with much better long-term oppor-
tunities previously reserved for men. The
agreement also included a 45-day trial pe-
riod during which transfers could return to
their former jobs without any penalties (Ich-
niowski, 19831.8
The Teamsters decision of 1977 greatly
reduced the legal pressure on companies
and unions to change seniority systems.
Under the Supreme Court's ruling, senior-
ity systems are considered bona fide or legal
if there was no intent to discriminate even
though the system may perpetuate the ef-
fects of previous discrimination (Kelley, 1982;
Wallace and Driscoll, 19811. Changes in
seniority systems, however, remain an im-
portant intervention strategy to reduce oc-
cupational segregation by race or sex.
Opening career opportunities in manage-
ment to current office workers may involve
less formal procedures than changing sen-
iority systems established through collective
bargaining agreements, but it is nonetheless
reported to "take a lot of effort and a close
critical look at the company's inner work-
ings." Lee personnel director of a major bank
outlined the following internal mechanisms
in use at the bank to facilitate the upgrading
of office workers: a computerized skills data
bank; identification of employees with sat-
8 Seniority systems are often complex and extensive
changes may yield only limited results. For example,
AT&T adopted company but not systemwide seniority
that did not address the regional difference in oppor-
tunities for blue-collar workers generally recognized in
the management job structure. In the steel industry,
plant seniority represented an expansion of opportu-
nities that the union had tried and been unable to
achieve through collective bargaining. Women in the
clerical and service jobs were still excluded, however,
leaving them with limited opportunities (Kleiman and
Frankel, 1975~. Company seniority was in place at Har-
bor Company but was limited to specific geographic
locations that were not changed by the affirmative ac-
tion agreement. This left sex-segregated plants with
different advancement opportunities intact (Harlan and
O'Farrell, 19821.
isfactory records remaining in grade beyond
the average time spans; companywide in-
ternal searches; job posting of exempt po-
sitions; a system for employee transfer and
promotion requests; a hotline for employees
who believe they are in dead-end jobs or
are being held back; a liberal, well-publi-
cized tuition-refund program; analysis of job
families to create new career paths; individ-
ual career counseling on request; and group
career counseling (Shae~er and Lynton,
1979:52-53).
Both external and internal recruitment
require aggressive methods. This may in-
volve using newspapers, school and com-
munity groups, company bulletins, meet-
ings, job fairs, etc. (Shuchat et al., 1981) as
well as providing more information about
job content. Many women are unfamiliar
with nontraditional work. Some companies
have reported the need for clear job de-
scriptions that include information on train-
ing and promotion opportunities, hours, pay,
and pressures. Companies have found it ef-
fective to involve women already doing the
work in interviews or presentations. It was
often important, particularly for internal re-
cruits, to have trial periods during which
women can go back to their previous jobs
without loss if the nontraditional job was not
acceptable. Tours ofthe work environment,
some hands-on experience, and use of me-
dia presentations seemed particularly useful
for blue-collar jobs (Kane and Miller, 1981;
Walshok, 1981; McLane, 1980; Schaefer and
Lynton, 1979~.
More careful recruitment and screening
may also reduce employee turnover, fur-
thering the long-term goal of job integra-
tion. Meyer and Lee (1978) found that women
were much less carefully screened for blue-
colIar jobs than for white-collar jobs and that
the turnover rates for blue-collar jobs were
higher. McLane (1980) reported similar ex-
amples comparing entry-level and higher-
leve! management. Companies reported
conducting much more extensive screening
for higher-level jobs and better retention
rates than for entry-level management jobs.
OCR for page 274
274
BR1GID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
Companies surveyed by Shaeffer and
Lynton (1979) also reported that job analysis
is crucial to increasing the number of women
in nontraditional jobs of all kinds. lob anal-
ysis means reevaluating the current quali-
fications required for a job in light of the
actual job content. Establishing the actual
skills and personal experiences necessary for
adequate job performance can expand the
range of jobs for women by identifying com-
mon domains of skills across seemingly un-
related jobs and by recognizing past related
experiences. For example, a restaurant chain
recruiting recent college graduates for first-
line supervisory positions was unsuccessful
because many of the women were unable to
meet the demands of the work and were too
inexperienced to manage a work crew. Sub-
sequent management discussions led line
managers to revise the job qualifications by
replacing the college degree requirement
with knowledge of the food industry (e.g.,
restaurant work), retail experience (with
customer contact), or other experiences re-
lated to supervisory ability (e.g., teaching
or home economics) (Shaeffer and Lynton,
1979~.
Training: Skills and Information
Training is an established part of afflrm-
ative action programs. Two innovative ex-
amples are the multimillion-dolIar training
fund for women employees established by
Bank America in lieu of back pay awards
and the 1978 General Electric Agreement
that provided more than $500,000 to train
managers to implement the affirmative ac-
tion agreement. Among conventional train-
ing programs, the evidence suggests that
special skills training for women in blue-
coliar jobs and substantive information
training for all employees, especially man-
agers, on EEO laws and related company
policies are most important in integrating
women into nontraditional jobs. At the man-
agement level, women do not need special
training programs but instead need access
to existing training for men. There is con-
siderable disagreement about the effective-
ness of related programs to develop aware-
ness, mentors, and networks.
The basic competence of women to do
nontraditional jobs affects their initial ac-
ceptance and the ultimate pace of integra-
tion. Introducing unqualified women into
nontraditional jobs reinforces male workers'
stereotypes about women and strengthens
resistance to their integration (McLane, 1980;
Meyer and Lee, 1978; O'Farrell, 1977~. Be-
cause of sex differences in educational back-
ground and experience, women entering
blue-collar jobs need additional training in
such areas as too! familiarization and basic
electronics. In general, they have not learned
basic craft skills in high school shop courses,
trade schools, the military service, or just
from "tinkering around cars with their fath-
ers." Companies surveyed by Shaeffer and
Lynton (1979) found that their ability to cro-
vide training was critical to opening these
jobs. Preplacement training ant! supple-
mentary courses available during on-thejob
training or between formal training sessions
have been tried successfully. In the Meyer
and Lee study, training directors frequently
reported that (formal) training programs for
craft jobs assumed that all of the trainees
had mechanical interests and experience.
Therefore, terminology such as open-end
wrench, hermit, or right-hand thread was
used without considering that many women
were unfamiliar with such terms and were
likely to be at a decided disadvantage. To
overcome these difficulties, some compa-
nies designed special vestibule training for
women. these special programs were said
to have two advantages: helping to acquaint
women with unfamiliar tasks in a more pro-
tective climate and helping women perform
better on the job, thus increasing their ac-
ceptance by male coworkers and access to
on-thejob training (Meyer and Lee, 1978:181.
Instructors may reassess and adjust their
on-going training courses to incorporate
teaching more basic concepts and skills, or
they may develop formal courses to teach
what had previously been taught informally
· , ~
OCR for page 275
TOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
275
by senior craftsmen or foremen (O'Farrell,
1977; Uliman and Deaux, 1981~. Equipment
modifications may also be necessary for blue-
colIar women (Meyer and Lee, 1978; North-
rup and Larson, 19791. For example, the
Bell System's equipment for pole climbers
(gloves, shoes, climbing apparatus) was all
specifically designed for men. Early failure
to modify the equipment contributed to
higher accident rates for women. Shuchat
et al. (1981) found that many men also ben-
efit from these sorts of changes.
Comparing the experience of nontradi-
tional female employees in 10 utility com-
panies, Meyer and Lee (1978) found that
women in blue-collar jobs needed job-spe-
cific training but that women in white-collar
jobs did not. Special training is generally
not considered necessary for women in man-
agement positions and is perceived by some
as detrimental, either by providing women
with services not available to men or by ex-
aggerating any sex differences (Shaeffer and
Lynton, 1979; McLane, 19801. It is neces-
sary, however, to identify the critical, for-
mal and informal sources of male training
and to make sure that women are inte-
grated. Formal classroom training for ex-
ecutives, specific patterns of job rotation,
and assignment to particular jobs or suner-
visors are examples of such training. (~ar-
riers to managerial training are discussed
more fully in the next section.)
Providing information about EEO issues
is another important area. In a 1973 study,
Lyle commented on the appalling lack of
information available to line managers about
EEO matters, and there is increasing aware-
ness that laws and company policies are not
automatically known or understood
throughout an organization. Manager prep-
aration was frequently mentioned in the
Shaeffer and Lynton (1979) study as an ac-
tivity critical to successful implementation
of EEO policies. The purpose of the prep-
aration is to explain the organization's over-
| 1 ~ ~ 1 1 - . - ~ . ~ ~ -
leve! and in every location. For example,
Continental Illinois Bank used a series of
brief film clips highlighting a variety of work-
related problems to remind people of po-
tentially discriminatory actions. Managers
were cautioned, for example, not to assume
that a woman being considered for a pro-
motion would not be free to travel (McLane,
19801.
Companies suggested holding meetings
and issuing publications to keep the staffup-
to-date on changes in the law and their or-
ganizational implications. They reported that
internal communications are improved if
provisions are made for opponents of EEO
to voice their concerns (McLane, 19801. The
development of information programs was
also recommended for union officials, es-
pecially shop stewards, but there are few
models to follow (O'Farrell, 1980b; Shaeffer
and Lynton, 19791.
Training resources have also been allo-
cated to programs that focus on changing
attitudes and interpersonal relationships often
involving the development of mentors and
networks. Both the corporate and the re-
search communities are divided on the use-
fuiness of such programs in general and on
the effectiveness of company-sponsored
programs in particular (L. Brown, 1981;
McLane, 1980; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791.
Even to some who accept the idea that men-
tors and networks are important elements
in achieving success, company-sponsored
networks seemed to be artificial construc-
tions that may not produce the essential con-
ditions trust, shared beliefs, commonality
of interests that foster the growth of these
personal relationships (McLane, 19801. Such
programs may benefit women in some com-
panies, but they do not appear to be a high
priority among intervention strategies.
,~ ~ O
PROBLEMS: PROMOTING WOMEN TO
HIGHLY SKILLED AND EXECUTIVE-
all t;~;o obligations and the basic respon- LEVEL POSITIONS
sibility of line managers. It is essential that In companies where women have been
the information go to all employees at every hired for entry-level management and blue-
OCR for page 276
276
BRIG1D O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
collar positions, there are no guarantees that
they will progress to the higher-paying, more
skilled positions. In fact, it appears that when
solutions to recruitment, hiring, and train-
ing problems begin to work (i.e., there are
more women in the organization), more
complex problems arise. Promotion, de-
fined as indiviclual mobility through lines of
progression in internal (firm) labor markets,
is emerging as a critical issue in the 1980s
for firms in the postpioneer era.
Doeringer and Piore (1971) identified lim-
ited job progression lines, administrative
regulations for job upgrading systems, and
lack of training as mechanisms that perpet-
uate discrimination within firms. Based on
several recent studies, Boos and Reskin (this
volume) have described specific examples of
how these institutional barriers block tra-
ditionally male promotion paths and prevent
women from advancing in organizations. Al-
though affirmative action agreements (es-
pecially consent decrees) have tried to an-
ticipate some (lifficulties by imposing changes
on internal mobility structures, the evi-
dence suggests that these alterations have
been too few and too limited to provide long-
term relief from job segregation.
Looking to the future, we believe that the
promotion problems of both women and men
will be compounded by the growing number
of women in entry-level nontraditional jobs,
the low advancement opportunities in some
job progression lines, the limited number
of higher-level jobs, and low turnover. Suc-
cessful job integration efforts ultimately mean
finding solutions to two related questions:
How can the newly integrated entry-level
positions be kept from resegregating and be-
coming new female "ghettos"? How can op-
portunities for women and men be ex-
panded to facilitate advancement into the
highest-paying, prestigious positions?
Variations in Opportunity Structures
Most research on occupational segrega-
tion emphasizes that traditionally female jobs
have very limited opportunities for advance-
ment, but the nontraditional job ladders
women are entering also vary in the degree
of opportunity they offer. In fact, the ad-
vancement potential of women in low-op-
portunity nontraditional jobs may be no
greater than their counterparts' in tradition-
ally female jobs. Several studies have found
limited opportunities in management anal
professional categories, for example, in legal
or personnel departments (Strober, 1982;
Harlan and Weiss, 1981, 1982; Epstein, 1981;
Rosenbaum, 1979; Swanson and Milward,
1979; Kanter, 1977, 1979) and in the blue-
colIar categories of laborer or maintenance
work (Deaux, in press; Schreiber, 1979;
Harlan and O'Farrell, 19821. Reubens and
Reubens (1979) and Briggs (1981) have sug-
gestec! that newly hired women are becom-
ing the majority in some of these tradition-
ally male jobs.
Studies by Kelley (1982) and Harlan and
O'Farrell (1982) illustrate the diversity among
nontraditional job ladders. Nontraditional
jobs, like traditional women's jobs, vary in
entry-level wage (floor), top wage (ceiling),
number of jobs within job progression lad-
ders (range), and number of people (den-
sity) thus providing very different pro-
motion opportunities (Kelley, 19821.
The Harbor Company (O'Farrell, 1980a;
Harlan and O'Farrell, 1982) provides a de-
tailed example of women disproportionately
entering traditionally male jobs with limited
opportunities and the potential for resegre-
gation. During a period of rapid hiring (40
percent of the work force had been hired in
the previous 5 years), women's opportuni-
ties were improved in the short run. By
1980, 9 percent of the blue-collar work force
was female, and 66 percent of these women
had been hired since the EEO agreement
with the government was signed in 1978.
However, no precautions were taken to re-
cruit and train women at different levels in
the organization.
Relative to newly hired men, newly hired
women of both races were disproportion-
OCR for page 277
[OR INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
277
ately represented in jobs at the bottom of
the job hierarchy. Hierarchies at the Harbor
Company were organized into 8 predomi-
nately male job families that connect
hundreds of blue-collar classifications based
on similarities in work tasks and increasing
skill levels. Women's chances for moving up
were lower than men's because they had
been disproportionately hired into the job
families with the lowest ceiling rates and the
fewest number of highly skilled jobs. Newly
hired men were also placed in jobs above
them in the hierarchy, electively closing off
those potential opportunities as well. Ad-
vancement opportunities were further lim-
ited for women by a recession, during which
hiring stopped and layoffs were threatened.
The result may be a bottleneck where women
newly hired in nontraditional jobs find
themselves stuck in jobs that increasingly
become traditional for women.
An important question that bears on fu-
ture promotion opportunities is how wom-
en's first nontraditional job assignment is
determined by the company. Research at
the Harbor Company suggests that there are
differences in the education, training, and
previous experience of female and male ap-
plicants that may partially account for the
assignment of most women to low-oppor-
tunity job ladders. For example, men were
more likely than women to have trade school
experience that qualified them for entry-level
positions in the skilled trades. On the other
hand, many of the women interviewees be-
lieved that the company selectively placed
women ancl minorities in the least-skilled
jobs regardless of qualifications, and they
gave specific and convincing examples of how
this was done. The Harbor Company's per-
sonne! department evidently used unsys-
tematic screening procedures with little
analysis of job ladders.
In searching for ways to increase women's
access to job ladders with greater opportu-
nities for advancement, we should not over-
look highly skilled clerical jobs that have
traditionally been closed to women. In their
comparison of the 1960 and 1970 census data,
Reubens and Reubens (1979) found that
women had made the greatest breakthrough
in male-intensive occupations in the clerical
field: insurance adjuster, postal clerk, dis-
patcher, production controller, ticket agent.
The skills required for these jobs are related
to those used in traditional female jobs, such
as filing, report writing, and customer con-
tact. In addition, qualifications for the two
sets of jobs are not distinguished by edu-
cation, training, or physical characteristics.
Despite these similarities, the women pi-
oneers at the Harbor Company (O'Farrell,
1980a) found that it was just as difficult to
enter the higher-skilled clerical jobs as it
was to enter the traditionally male factory
jobs. After the first women succeeded, how-
ever, others in the lowest-level clerical jobs
(and some in factory jobs) aspired to the
relatively small number of traditionally male
clerical jobs such as production clerk. In
fact, by 1980 that job was almost halffemale.
Without any intervention on the part of the
company (and none was in evidence), it ap-
peared that these clerical jobs, similar to the
entry-level factory jobs, were likely to be-
come predominately female.9
Assessing Qualifications and Potential for
Promotion
A second set of issues concerns the cri-
teria and methods used to select individuals
for promotion and layoff and how these are
9 The future of wage rates in both the entry-level
factory and high-level clerical jobs at Harbor Company
is provisional. In both cases the wages are relatively
high and better than what was available to women be-
fore. It seems unlikely that there would be any attempt
to lower the wages in these job categories. However,
whether these jobs keep pace with the overall wage
increases in the skilled, predominately male jobs must
be carefully monitored. Preston (1978) found that in
New England the wages of teachers did not go down
when women entered the field in large numbers; they
just did not continue to increase at the pace of men's
jobs.
OCR for page 281
JOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
281
iations offer some promise for increased in-
tegration on a regional basis.
Rapid technological changes have very
important long-term implications for job in-
tegration, particularly in telecommunica-
tions and other industries where automation
is reducing the total number of jobs while
creating new jobs requiring new skills. New
female "ghettos" are developing as a result
of women moving into declining occupations
traditionally held by men (Hacker, 1979;
Reubens and Reubens, 1979~. Reubens and
Reubens found that, although women made
greater gains in jobs that were also expand-
ing for men, the increase of women in 27 of
53 nontraditional occupations between 1960
ant] 1970 was due to slow growth or decline
in the number of men in those jobs. An
occupational shift of this type often reflects
the displacement of skilled men by semi-
skilled or unskilled women due to techno-
logical innovations.
Data presented by Hacker (1979) and
Northrup and Larson (1979) suggest that the
simultaneous occurrence of technological
changes and affirmative action efforts at AT&T
wild gradually lead to some traditionally male
jobs becoming newly segregated into a
smaller number of less-skilled jobs for
women. Hacker (p. 550) described the
movement of women into traditionally male
craft jobs that were becoming obsolete even
as the affirmative action agreement was being
implemented:
As women learned to climb poles, AT&T was
shifting to microwave and laser (Fiber Optic)
transmission systems. As women learned to in-
stall telephones, "clip and take" customer in-
stallation and phone stores were markedly re-
ducing the need for installers. Framework is a
semi-skilled job where women have made the
greatest inroads. Framework is slated for total
automation.... [Eilectric switching systems can
virtually eliminate most switchwork and all
framework. Framework went from 20 percent
female in 1972 to 32 percent in 1973.
It remains to be seen whether the new
technological jobs developing in high-tech
industries will be integrated. The AT&T ex-
ample supports the need for further inquiry
into the consequences of technological change
for female employment in particular indus-
tries. More broadly, it stresses the urgency
for managers to treat technological innova-
tions and affirmative action efforts as planned
interventions in the firm that must be more
closely coordinated if job resegregation is to
be avoided.
Management Practice
During the 1970s EEO-related issues
gradually moved from the domain of minor
personnel officials to the level of corporate
policy set by top management and carried
out by line managers. Corporate managers
ant] government officials rate an effective
internal administrative structure for setting
policy and carrying out programs as ex-
tremely important to success in integrating
jobs (U. S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission, 1974; Stead, 1978; Gordon and
Strober, 1975; Meyer and Lee, 1978; Shaef-
fer and Lynton, 1979; McLane, 1980~. Five
components of this structure include top-
leve! commitment, line responsibility, cen-
tralized accounting and control, resource al-
location, and union involvement.
Despite the rapidly changing image of
corporate presidents from rugged! entrepre-
neurs to committee members, job integra-
tion appears to be an area where the indi-
vidual chief executive officer (CEO) can and
does make a difference. Since the average
tenure of CEOs is only about 6 years, how-
ever, continued commitment cannot be taken
for granted. Commitment of the CEO, re-
gardIess of the motivation, is crucial to the
success of intervention programs and can be
demonstrated in several ways. Strong policy
statements are an initial step, but they must
be followecl by the allocation of resources
(staff, money, facilities), the direct review
of results, reports to the board of directors,
and concrete examples set by hiring women
OCR for page 282
282
BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
into the highest levels of the organization.
For example, in his initial address as chief
executive of Equitable Life Assurance in
1975, Coy Eklund commented on the de-
sirability of advancing women in the orga-
nization, and the following month he hosted
a summit conference of women from
throughout the company. An advisory panel
of women meets on a regular basis with the
chief executive, and affirmative action goals
are part of the executive appraisal process.
Although the company traditionally had 1
female officer, there now are nearly 30, and
4 women serve on Equitable's Board of Di-
rectors (McLane, 19801.
Top-leve! policy is ultimately carried out
by line managers. In their very early as-
sessments of affirmative action plans, Lyle
(1973) and Heard (1975) noted the lack of
involvement by line managers and the heavy
concentration of responsibility for meeting
goals on personnel staffs. Line managers
should be involved in planning the goals and
programs they will be responsible for im-
plementing. Most of the authors recom-
mending line responsibility for affirmative
action, however, have not realistically ad-
dressed the problems of gaining managers'
support (Wallace and LaMoncle, 1977; Meyer
and Lee, 19781. AT&T provides an example
where the line supervisors' powers were
curtailed as part of the affirmative action
agreement. The personnel office had the
power to override the decisions of line man-
agers by holding up promotions, vetoing
promotion and hiring decisions, and inter-
vening in disciplinary matters involving
women and minorities. Managers at the lower
end of the hierarchy may fee} more imme-
diately threatened by affirmative action ef-
forts and consequently be less supportive
(Meyer and Lee, 19781. For example, O'-
Farrell (1977) found that foremen acquired
an increased workload (which was unrec-
ognized and uncompensated for by the com-
pany) because women were hired without
adequate training. At the same time, women
were being promoted above the first-line
supervisors who were training them.
One midwestern company seems to have
succeeded in transferring responsibility to
line managers. The first 3 years of the af-
firmative action program were conducted as
a personnel department activity. Progess was
minimal until the CEO delegated respon-
sibiiity to line managers, down to the first
line supervisor. Those who did not meet
objectives got smaller bonuses. "We now
have 45 women department managers, com-
pared with one when the program started.
. . . [L]ine management was the turning
point" (McLane, 1980:231. Providing incen-
tives is an important motivation, and several
companies in the McLane study reported
tieing performance to bonuses. The impor-
tance of line involvement in successfully im-
plementing other kinds of organizational
change is well documented (Whyte, 1969~.
Failure to enlist the support offoremen and
other managers directly responsible for
business operations has undoubtedly slowed
the progress of job integration.
There is a fine balance, however, be-
tween line responsibility and centralized
management and control, as demonstrated
by the AT&T case. Managers reported that
both are very important. Two critical com-
ponents in maintaining the balance are the
person heading the EEO program and the
data management system. According to
McLane (1980), the EEO post is now re-
yarded by managers as a very demanding
job requiring knowledge of the legal regu-
latory process, quantitative skills for increas-
ingly complex analysis ofthe work force, and
the ability to work with a variety of individ-
uals both internal and external to the or-
ganization.
Accurate information about current em-
ployees and projections of future needs is
essential for the EEO director s effective-
ness. Approximately two-thirds of the com-
panies in the Shaeffer and Lynton (1979)
study reported establishing overall results-
oriented management planning and control
systems for affirmative action, and fully one-
third of those said it was the single most
successful EEO action they had taken. Pro-
OCR for page 283
TOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
283
cedures for setting goals and measuring
progress have become increasing sonhis-
ticated. General Electric has experimented
with a series of mathematical models to de-
velop realistic EEO goals (Hayes, 1980~.
Churchill and Shrank (1976) have developed
a flow model that requires management to
identify job ladders, measure the current
race and sex mix of employees, specify a
desired hiring mix for minorities and women,
and develop promotion probabilities based
on anticipated hiring and turnover rates. All
of these efforts have generated more real-
istic estimates of the amount of time needed
to change a firm's employment profile, par-
ticularly given the low turnover in the high-
est-rated management and blue-collar jobs.
Underlying the success or failure of in-
tervention strategies is the allocation of cor-
porate resources. The best strategy will fail
if it is not sufficiently supported. Meyer and
Lee (1978) found that the public utility com-
panies had different patterns of resource al-
location for different types of jobs. Some
companies placed the major thrust on pro-
fessional and managerial positions, while
others balanced their efforts between blue-
and white-colIar areas. No company, how-
ever, reported giving a major priority to in-
tegrating blue-collar jobs, and they directly
linked this difference in priority to success-
ful results. Of the companies surveyed that
structures, job posting and bidding proce-
cures, seniority systems, training programs,
job qualifications, and dispute-resolution
procedures are subjects of collective bar-
gaining as well as affirmative action efforts
(Wesman, 1982; Newman and Wilson, 1981;
Steinberg and Cook, 1981; Wallace and
Driscoll, 1981; O'Farrell, 1980b; Ratner,
1980; The Women's Labor Project, 1980;
Leshin, 1979; Hausman et al., 1977; Stone
and Baderschneider, 19741.
Under Title VII, unions, like employers,
are prohibited from discriminatory prac-
tices. Unions are held responsible with em-
ployers for discrimination caused by provi-
sions in collective bargaining agreements,
and the union duty of fair representation in
grievance handling is well established
(Steinberg and Cook, 1981; Wallace and
Driscoll, 19811. Newman and Wilson (1981)
articulated several ways in which govern-
ment agencies not oniv do not cooperate
with unions but, in fact, also discourage
unions from pursuing charges of discrimi-
nation by their members.
Unions, however, like employers, have
responded diversely to government en-
forcement activities. Unfortunately, little
attention has been paid to the role of labor
unions in facilitating intervention programs
(Wesman, 1982; Wallace and Driscoll, 1981;
O'Farrell, 1980b). Most research on unions
and equal employment opportunity policy
has focused on the discriminatory behavior
of unions toward black workers and the re-
sulting legal developments (Wallace and
Driscoll, 19811. This in part reflects federal
policy, holding unions equally responsible
with employers for discrimination (O'Far-
rell, 1980b; Steinberg and Cook, 19811.
Changes in federal policy toward unions
were initiated in the late 1970s. In 1980 the
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commission developed a policy recognizing
and encouraging the efforts of unions in the
area of equal employment opportunity pol-
icy. At the same time, the U. S. Department
of Labor proposed changes in the guidelines
of the Office of Federal Contract Compli-
, ~ ~
employed blue-collar workers, fewer than
10 percent placed their primary emphasis
on the blue-collar area compared with 44
percent that placed primary emphasis on
the professional and managerial jobs. Cor-
respondingly, far less success was reported
in the entry-level, semiskilled, and skilled
blue-collar jobs. It appears that more prog-
ress has been made for women in manage-
ment than for women in blue-collar jobs, at
least in part because more company effort
and resources have been allocated to inte-
grating management jobs.
Finally, an important part of the admin-
istrative structure affecting job integration
in unionized firms is the collective bargain-
ing agreement. Developing or changing wage
OCR for page 284
284
-
BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
ance Programs (OFCCP) that would have
broadened union participation. For exam-
ple, unions would be notified if a compliance
review was to take place in a company where
the unions are party to a collective bargain-
ing agreement. Currently, however, the
Commission's policy has not been imple-
mented, and the proposed regulation changes
have been withdrawn.
Yet union officers and staff are potentially
as important for integrating nonmanage-
ment jobs as are CEOs and line managers.
Recent studies have found women to be
generally satisfied with their unions (Ko-
chan, 1979) and to have positive attitudes
toward local union policies ant] practices
(BohIander and Cook, 19821. In O'Farrell's
(1980a) study of one union local, women re-
spondents were generally satisfied with the
union, and even dissatisfied women felt that
they needed the union to represent their
positions to management. Women identi-
fied such issues as job upgrading and ma-
ternity leave that they thought the union
should bargain on, and they used union pro-
cedures such as filing grievances, voting in
elections, and establishing a union women's
committee.
At both the national ancI local levels, this
particular union had been excluded from af-
firmative action negotiations between the
company and the government despite a strong
record supporting EEO programs and pol-
icies, including filing sex discrimination suits
on behalf of women workers. Union officials
and women members were unhappy with
the national affirmative action agreement,
and this led to 3 more years of litigation by
the union on behalf of its women members.
Ultimately, these activities resulted in a
stronger affirmative action program.
The experiences in European countries
(Ratner, 1980) and research in the United
States (Steinberg and Cook, 1981; O'Farrell,
1980b) have recommended a much stronger
EEO role for unions in the future. Newman
and Wilson (1981) argued that because of
their knowledge of plant practices and ac-
cess to employer information unions could
take a more active role in iden~ing discrim-
inatory practices, informing workers about their
rights, providing financial and legal assist-
ance, and offering moral support. Newman
and Wilson also concluded that discrimination
cannot be corrected exclusively through col-
lective bargaining and called for increased
government-union collaboration.
CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
This review of intervention programs be-
gan by distinguishing between the pioneer
and postpioneer eras. We then focused on
the current postpioneer era during which
companies make formal agreements and
commit resources to redress the institu-
tional causes of job segregation. But many
companies, or their departments, remain in
the pioneer era. They have no women in
certain jobs or departments, and pioneer
women are filing complaints of discrimina-
tion. The pioneer and postpioneer eras exist
simultaneously, and a continued federal
presence is likely to be necessary for some
time to initiate and keep companies actively
recruiting, hiring, and training women for
nontraditional entry-level jobs. At the same
time, new initiatives by the government,
companies, and unions are needed to meet
the challenges presented by barriers to
women's advancement in nontraditional jobs.
There are 10 key findings from our-anal-
ysis that bear further consideration and
scrutiny in future evaluations of corporate
intervention strategies.
1. Federal EEO laws have been impor-
tant in producing substantial changes in the
work forces of targeted firms. There is a
growing acceptance of EEO principles by
corporate managers and a demonstrated
psychological impact on women's willing-
ness and ability to press their demands for
nontraditional jobs.
2. Most of the successful corporate in-
tervention strategies for increasing job in-
tegration have been in the areas of recruit-
OCR for page 285
lOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
285
ing, hiring, and training women for previously
all-male entry-level jobs.
3. An effective recruitment strategy
combines active external recruitment from
nontraditional sources with innovative in-
ternal recruitment efforts that usually in-
volve changes in company seniority sys-
tems. Careful screening of applicants results
in lower turnover, which furthers the long-
term goal of job integration.
4. Preplacement training ant! supple-
mentary courses for women in blue-collar
jobs are effective in overcoming women's
lack of technical education and experience,
in helping them to perform better on the
job, and in increasing their acceptance by
male coworkers.
5. Special training for women in man-
agerial positions is generally not necessary,
but women need to be integrated into the
formal and informal sources of training tra-
ditionally available to men.
6. The exclusive focus on integrating
men's jobs is not a sufficient long-term strat-
egy for reducing job segregation the evi-
dence suggests that it may provide only a
temporary solution. The increasing number
of women being hired into entry-level jobs,
combined with bottlenecks in promotion op-
portunities, may lead to resegregation ofthe
lowest-paying, least-prestigious men's jobs,
resulting in new female "ghettos."
7. The most effective strategies to en-
sure that women have equal promotion op-
portunities in an organization are to make
initial job assignments that place women on
career paths with high opportunities for ad-
vancement, to make temporary modif~ca-
tions in qualifications and seniority provi-
sions to meet affirmative action goals, and
to develop methods for individual qualifi-
cation assessment and career planning that
increase opportunities for men and women.
8. To increase the chances for ultimate
success in reducing job segregation, com-
panies should implement their intervention
programs in areas of projected corporate
growth and in coordination with long-term
plans for technological innovation.
9. An effective internal administrative
structure for planning EEO policy and im-
plementing intervention programs is essen-
tial for ultimate success in job integration.
The important elements of administrative
effectiveness are commitment from top ex-
ecutives and line managers (which can be
facilitated by staff EEO training), a skillful
EEO manager, an accurate data manage-
ment system, and allocation of sufficient cor-
porate resources for implementation and
monitoring.
10. In firms with collective bargaining
agreements, the cooperation of union staff
and officers in eliminating barriers to job
integration (e.g., changes in job posting,
outreach, qualification assessment, training
and seniority systems) is essential for achiev-
ing a strong and effective EEO policy.
There is little doubt that the policies of
the Reagan administration are negatively af-
fecting progress on reducing job segrega-
tion. Lack of leadership at the U.S. Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission and
the U.S. Department of Labor, proposed
changes in guidelines for federal contrac-
tors, and reduced commitment to employ-
ment and training programs diminish the
pressure and resources for change. Current
economic policies and high unemployment
limit new opportunities and affect recent
gains. These concluding recommendations
attempt to address the realities of today within
the context of the long-term goal of achiev-
ing equal employment opportunity for
women and men. Future programs and pol-
icies should include the following:
· federal support for the development of
alternative EEO monitoring systems, the
involvement of labor unions in EEO nego-
tiations, and upgrading women's jobs;
· federal support for skills training, infor-
mation dissemination, and leadership de-
velopment;
· corporate improvement of human re-
source planning;
· union programs to develop women lead-
ers and to identify EEO problems;
OCR for page 286
286
BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN
· joint union and company initiatives to
improve the terms of collective bargaining
agreements for women workers; and
· cooperatively planned and executed
longitudinal comparative research by the
government, companies, unions, and re-
searchers.
Federal Equal Employment Opportunity
Policy
Federal enforcement activities have had
a positive elect on reducing sex segregation
within the work force of some firms, yet the
government cannot and indeed shouldn't
supervise employment practices within firms.
Rather, federal policy must strengthen the
incentives for change at the firm level, and
there are at least three areas where the U. S.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commis-
sion and the Office of Federal Contract
Compliance Programs need to initiate ac-
tion: monitoring, union involvement, and
integrating traditionally women's jobs.
A targeted monitoring plan, similar to the
existing targeted enforcement plan (U.S.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commis-
sion, 1982), should be developed and im-
plemented by the Commission. A limited
number of companies could be identified.
based on carefully developed selection cri-
teria, and comparative analysis could be
conducted to reduce and refine the type of
data needed to measure compliance, to de-
velop technical assistance materials for a wide
range of firms, and to improve the process
of establishing goals and timetables.
At a minimum, enforcement agencies
should facilitate the active involvement of
labor unions in efforts to reduce job segre-
gation. The Commission should reaffirm and
implement its 1980 policy statement that
recognizes and encourages the voluntary ef-
forts of unions in the area of equal employ-
ment opportunity. Unions should be brought
into negotiations that affect collective bar-
gaining agreements, and women members
should be included on committees that de-
1
velop or implement agreements at the na-
tional and local levels. The U.S. Depart-
ment of Labor should revise the OFCCP
Guidelines, under consideration since 1981
(`Federal Register, 1981), to require notifi-
cation of unions when compliance reviews
are conducted in firms with collective bar-
gaining agreements and to enable their vol-
untary cooperation.
Company experiences in the postpioneer
era suggest that integrating entry-level tra-
ditionally male jobs is an important but lim-
ited approach. Reducing sex segregation will
require integrating women's jobs as well.
The Commission should continue to de-
velop current strategies for integrating
women's jobs: establishing coals and time-
tables (e.g., the AT&T consent decree); lim-
ited upgrading (e.g., the GE consent de-
cree), and pursuing affirmative action
negotiations in the area of equal pay for work
of comparable worth. Upgrading women's
jobs not only improves working conditions
for women but also will facilitate the in-
crease of men into these jobs.
Federal Training and Education Policy
An important issue for reducing job seg-
regation involves how much outreach and
training are needed and who should pay for
it women, employers, or government. Ike
burden is currently on women and employ-
ers. Government subsidy for skills training
and worker education is lower in the United
States than in almost any other industrial
country (Woodcock, 19771. Yet the few gov-
ernment programs for integrating women
into nontraditional jobs have been some-
what successful and need to be continued
and expanded. Congress should increase the
Finding for federal training subsidies, main-
tain targeting for women and women's pro-
grams, and emphasize training for nontra-
ditional jobs. The U. S. Department of Labor
should disseminate information about suc-
cessfu] techniques used by public and pri-
vate organizations to train and recruit women
OCR for page 287
ION INTEGRATION STRATEGIES
287
for nontraditional jobs and should act on
proposals to increase financial incentives
(e.g., tax exemptions) for employers to de-
velop and expand apprenticeship training
with targeting for women. Finally, feder-
ally aided programs for worker education and
leadership training in EEO policy could
be initiated, for example, through subsi-
dies to community colleges and land-grant
institutions.
Management and Union Initiatives
Managers reported that EEO policies have
had a positive effect on improving overall
personnel policies and procedures. Affirm-
ative action must now move beyond for-
malizing, clarifying, and modifying existing
procedures to developing new and innova-
tive practices that result in and are part of
larger organizational changes. Corporations
and business schools should expand their
research and development programs for ex-
empt and nonexempt employees in the fol-
lowing areas: systematic career develop-
ment and training, performance appraisal
systems, improved communication and in-
formation sharing, job redesign, job rota-
tion, decentralization of decision making, and
the planning and implementation of tech-
nological changes.
To adequately represent women, unions
must undertake internal affirmative actions
such as increased support for leadership
training for women members, developing
EEO training for union officers, appointing
and hiring women in staff positions, en-
couraging women to run for union office,
and requesting and analyzing EEO compli-
ance data now available through recent court
decisions. Collective bargaining between
management and labor should include the
following subjects with specific concern for
their impact on women and minority work-
ers: job posting and bidding procedures,
seniority systems, grievance procedures, job
redesign, introduction of technological
changes, job evaluation and comparable
worth, and nontraditional job training.
Research Agenda
All of the current EEO policies, pro-
grams, and proposed new initiatives are in
need of more information. To measure the
effectiveness of program interventions on
reducing job segregation, it is essential to
have longituclinal analysis of employee ad-
vancement within firms coupled with infor-
mation about the changes in firm activities
and procedures (Kanter, 1979; Rosenbaum,
19791. How important is initial job assign-
ment? Do existing training programs make
a difference in career advancement? How
can we identify formal and informal oppor-
tunity structures in the organization? How
do these factors interact with the education
and training individuals bring to the job or
acquire on the job? What are the effects of
external economic factors?
All of these questions can be systemati-
cally addressed within an organization that
has reasonably accurate, computerized per-
sonne} files. The methodological issues are
complex, however, and few organizations
have the internal capabilities to design and
carry out such a comprehensive evaluation
that would enable them to effectively inter-
vene in the mobility patterns of the orga-
nization. There are also serious legal and
competitive constraints on such analysis. Ike
necessary research might best be done
through a cooperative effort jointly Ended
and implemented by government, compa-
nies, unions, and researchers.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to thank the committee
and workshop participants for their helpful
comments, especially Barbara Bergmann,
Alice Ilchman, and Barbara Reskin.
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
equal employment
