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I Job ~tegradon Strategies: Today's Programs and Tomorrow's Needs BRIGID O'FARRELL and SHARON L. HARLAN Scores of private employers, including large corporations such as AT&T, General Electric, and Ford, have experimented with programs to reduce sex segregation in their work forces.) Primarily in response to fed- eral equal employment opportunity (EEO) enforcement activities and pressure from women desiring expanded opportunities, some of these firms have successfully in- creased the number of women in nontra- ditional jobs, i.e., jobs predominately held by men. By studying the experiences of these companies, we hope to learn what inter- ventions have been successful and how they can be more effective in the fixture. This corporate perspective on job inte- gration is important because the extremely slow progress reflected in national statistics masks both progress and problems in the industries and firms where enforcement ef- forts have been targeted.2 The experiences ~ It is not possible to identify or even to enumerate all the American companies that have actively tried to facilitate job integration. Although there has been no systematic data collection, we estimate that the number is quite large based on the number of company expe- riences discussed in this paper and on other literature designed to help firms meet affirmative action require- ments (e.g., Pfeiffer and Walshok, 1981; Farley, 1979; Hall and Albrecht, 1979; Stead, 1978; Larwood, 1977; Cunningham, 1976; Foxley, 1976; Purcell, 1976; Gor- don and Strober, 1975; Iacobelli and Muczyk, 1975; Hollander, 1975; Jongeword and Scott, 1973~. The ac- tivities of the Equal Employment Opportunity Com- mission also provide an index of corporate activity in this area. The Commission reported that it is moni- toring 20 major affirmative action agreements (personal communication, 1982~. In fiscal 1981 it settled 16,730 charges of employment discrimination and filed 368 lawsuits under Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act as amended. These included charges based on race, 267 national origin, and religion as well as sex. In the same year EEOC reported receiving 47,454 new charges of discrimination under Title VII (including 2,462 filed concurrently under age discrimination or equal pay acts). Because there are multiple bases (e. g., race, sex) and issues (e.g., hiring, discharge), the Commission analyzed a total of 77,802 charges against private em- ployers, 37;703 or 48 percent of which involved charges of sex discrimination (U.S. Equal Employment Op- portunity Commission, 1982~. 2 In part this is due to the inadequacy of available data discussed in papers from this and other confer- ences (C. Brown, 1981; Wallace and LaMond, 1977~. For example, the census data are not current enough, occupational codes and EEO-1 categories are too broad, the U. S. Department of Labor's Establishment Survey does not include sex (Bergmann, 1980; Barrett, 1978), and none of these studies controls for program inter- ventions.
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268 BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON l:. HARLAN of these firms, reflected primarily through plish job integration and (2) a body of re- case studies ant! corporate surveys, are the search consisting of case studies and cor- focus of this paper. More specifically, the porate surveys that enhances the understand- focus is on two important policy questions ing and interpretation of national employ- posed by the Committee on Women's Em- ment data and complements statistical anal- ployment. First, what kinds of interventions yses of company compliance with EEO laws. are likely to succeed or fail in reducing sex segregation in the workplace? Second, under what conditions are the chances for success enhanced or impaired? The first section of this paper discusses two important issues in research on corpo- rate job integration policies: establishing an analytic framework to identify separate di- mensions of change in corporate equal em- ployment policy and assessing the quality of available data. The second ant] third] sec- tions aciciress the committee's concern with successful intervention programs. We ana- lyze case examples of strategies used by companies to recruit, hire, and train women for nontraditional entry-level jobs and iden- tify the sources of problems encountered in promoting women. The fourth section ad- dresses the committee's question about so- cial and economic conditions that influence success. Several examples are given of how external business conditions, internal man- agement structure, and union involvement affect the likelihood of reducing job segre- gation in a firm. In the final section we offer recommendations for what the federal gov- ernment and private sector employers and unions can (lo to increase the effectiveness of programs for job integration. RESEARCH ISSUES Some research has been undertaken dur- ing the past 10 years to assess the impact and to evaluate the effectiveness of fecleral laws and corporate policies aimed at reduc- ing occupational segregation. The joint ev- olution offederal and corporate policies over time has led to two important developments which bear directly on the analysis pre- sented here: (1) an evaluation framework based on the experiences of companies that have made institutional changes to accom- The Evaluation Framework Firms that have entered the postpioneer era of job integration are the subject of this paper. Postpioneer companies have agreed to initiate organizational changes that facil- itate the entry of more than token numbers of women into nontraclitional jobs and to take an active role in their recruitment, hir- ing, and training. In contrast, firms in the pioneer era have not undertaken such changes and may be trying to discourage women from following the lead of a few ex- ceptional pioneers who have gained access to men's jobs through personal initiative.3 3 Pioneer is a term commonly used to describe the first women in nontraditional jobs (e.g., Walshok, 1981), and several studies have documented the experiences of these women. Much less is known about the progress and problems of women who came after the pioneers. Epstein (1981) made a distinction between old and new women of the law but did not tie it to organizational changes within firms. Our review of the research, how- ever, indicates that a pattern of transition from the pioneer to the postpioneer era of institutional change is typical of many firms. For example, in our own lon- gitudinal study of a large manufacturing firm, the Har- bor Company (Harlan and O'Farrell, 1982), we distin- guished between these two fundamentally different phases. During the pioneer era, from the late 1960s to the late 1970s, a few women of extraordinary initiative recognized discriminatory practices and pressed their demands in light of the federal civil rights legislation. However, the hostility they faced from management and male coworkers and the isolation they experienced prevented most women from following their lead. The postpioneer era began in 1978 when the company and the federal government signed an affirmative action agreement. This second phase of job integration within the firm has been characterized by the hiring of a rel- atively large number of white women into entry-level jobs previously reserved for men and a reassessment of company training programs. Priscilla Douglas and Maryellen Kelley contributed to our early thinking about this pioneer/postpioneer distinction.
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IOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 269 Postpioneer companies are not necessarily typical of most U. S. firms, but they are the ones from which we can learn about the effects of intervention strategies. Research and program accounts of job in- tegration processes suggest that the wa- tershed in a f~rm's transition to the postpi- oneer era corresponds with some sort of federal pressure.4 The evidence available does not enable us to quantify the amount of job integration resulting from enforce- ment activities, but it does indicate that the federal presence is a significant motivator of companies' efforts in this regard. In many instances it is because of direct federal in- tervention in sex discrimination complaints against large companies, e.g., the court-or- dered consent decree of AT&T (Wallace, 1976; Northrup and Larson, 1979~. Less well documented is the indirect effect on com- panies anticipating federal action, e.g., vol- untary acceptance of the steel industry con- sent decree by the aluminum industry (Ichniowsky, 19831. In all of the studies we reviewed, awareness of the federal laws ant} regulations and their related financial costs were cited by managers and workers as im- portant factors stimulating change. The consent decrees resulting from court settlements of discrimination complaints and the federal affirmative action guidelines for employers (U.S. Equal Employment Oppor- tunity Commission, 1974; 41 Code of Federal Regulations § 60-2, 1979) have taken a com- prehensive approach to iden~ing issues and developing intervention strategies. Among the most important problems addressed are the establishment of mechanisms for integrating individuals into sex-atypical jobs (including the controversial procedures establishing goals and timetables), upgrading women's jobs, chang- 4 Companies could undertake program interventions voluntarily or as a result of pressure from other external sources. Thus, in theory we do not equate the post- pioneer era with federal intervention, but in practice we have not identified any companies where the two did not coincide. ing personnel systems and benefits for all em- ployees, ant] the development of procedures for monitoring the terms of the agreement. Hey have also specified intervention at four critical points in the employment process for nonmanagement and management employ- ees: recruitment, hiring, training, and pro- motion. These parameters of the postpioneer agreements establish our analytic frame- work.5 Quality of the Data We have reviewed and compared many case examples of firms' experiences based on company self-reports in publicly avail- able sources, original research on single firms or corporate employers done by social sci- entists, and surveys that compare a large number of employers primarily from the perspective of personnel directors. These data diner greatly in quality and degree of completeness. The principal strengths of the data rest on their ability to show a unique perspective on the process of change, thus comple- menting and enriching the analysis of na- tional data on occupational segregation. First, in contrast to the slow rate of change por- trayed in the national data, our analysis shows more variation across and within companies, which permits a more accurate identification of both progress and problems. At AT&T, for example while total employment in- creased by only 1,270 between 1973 and 1979, the number of women in the officials and managers category increased by 15,364, 5 For the purpose of this paper we accept the defi- nition of equal employment opportunity that has been legislated by Congress and promulgated in the regu- lations of federal enforcement agencies, and we deal only with program interventions that fall within those parameters. We believe, however, that this definition should be expanded to specifically recognize womens' child-bearing role and the barriers to EEO created by current employment practices that do not recognize parental responsibilities (see U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1981).
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270 BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN or 5,000 more than the increase for men (Northrup and Larson, 19791. Second, the perceptions of managers and workers about the effectiveness of federal equal employment policy in reducing job segregation within companies is often much more optimistic than analyses of economic impact based on national data. For example, managers report that goals and timetables are critical management tools for achieving greater job integration. Evaluation research in the construction trades (Kane and Miller, 1981) and the maritime industry (Marshall et al., 1978) show that they produce sub- stantial change. The psychological impor- tance of national EEO laws in encouraging women to press their demands for better jobs was evidenced in our research at the Harbor Company (O'Farrell, 1980a; Harlan and O'Farrell, 19821. The principal weaknesses of the data lie in their selectivity ant! uneven quality, which derive from the fact that available data con- sist mainly of what companies choose to put in the public domain, limiting the objectiv- ity, comprehensiveness, and comparability for both legal and competitive reasons. Sev- eral of the best reviews and case studies are illustrative of the data limitations. Shaeffer and Lynton's (1979) study of 265 companies and McLane's (1980) interviews in 42 com- panies are both based on personnel depart- ment surveys and interviews, and neither systematically compares company programs nor relates program initiatives to quantifi- able measures of change. Each has a selec- tion bias, since Shaeffer and Lynton sur- veyed only large corporations and McLane reviewed only data on managers. Case studies such as those by Meyer and Lee (1978) on public utilities, Northrup and Larson (1979) on AT&T, Deaux and UlIman (1983) on steed companies, or Harlan and O'Farrell (1982) on Harbor Company are designed to cover only one company or sev- eral firms in the same industry. Thus, they do not offer a comparative view of program implementation or change. Since they are done in cooperation either with manage- - ment or with a union, none offers a truly balanced assessment of problems and prog- ress based on the views of managers and workers. Most of these studies also provide limited analysis of quantitative data, and, although all of the case stucly companies were targets offederal enforcement activity, most of the research does not systematically focus on the impact of federal regulations on or- ganizational change. Studies by Northrup and Larson (1979) and Ichniowski (1983) suggest there is considerable data available from consent decrees in the public domain, but it is expensive to copy and often difficult to use. There has been little public or pri- vate interest in supporting more compre- hensive analysis of the compliance data. Finally, in addition to focusing mostly on large companies acting under government pressure, we are reporting almost exclu- sively on the experiences of white women. There is very little information about mi- nority women, but available research, pri- marily in the nonmanagement sector, sug- gests that they are moving to factory and clerical jobs traditionally held by white women (Reubens and Reubens, 1979; Douglas, 1981; Malveaux, 19821. Thus, the negative effects of race and sex are com- pounded for both hiring and promotion of . . minority women. STRATEGIES: MOVING WOMEN INTO ENTRY-LEVEL JOBS Most of the successful intervention pro- . . . . grams dealt with changes in company re- cruitment, hiring, and training programs for entry-level jobs. The framework for these programs was established as an employer obligation in affirmative action programs and supported to some extent by federal pro- grams such as the Comprehensive Employ- ment and Training Act (CETA). Graclually employers have begun to reach the increas- ing number of qualified or qualifiable women interested in and available to try nontradi-
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10B INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 271 tional positions in both blue-collar (O'Far- rell and Harlan, 1982; O'Farrell, 1982; Kane and Miller, 1981; Walshok, 1981; Schreiber, 1979) and white-collar occupations (Mc- Lane, 1980; Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979~.6 There are still many women who do not seek nontraditional jobs (Hoffman and Reid, 1981; Barrett, 1980) and many institutional barriers remain (Roos and Reskin, this vol- ume), but stereotypes about women's work behavior and motivation are gradually being discredited (Crowley et al., 1973; Kanter, 1977; Feldberg and Glenn, 1979; Heidrick and Struggles, Inc., 1979; O'Farrell and Harlan, 1982~. EEO policies that increase women's job choices are being incorporated into personnel procedures, ant] there is a growing acceptance of these policies by cor- porate managers. In two recent surveys of managers the majority reported that equal employment was a major concern (Heidrick and Struggles, Inc., 1977) and that corpo- rate executives support the guidelines of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission for affirmative action (Barnhill- Hayes, 1979~. In the Barnhill-Hayes survey the majority of executive respondents said that affirmative action had not resulted in a decline in employee productivity. The im- portance of EEO to business practice is fur- ther evidenced at the Harvard Business School, where over 80 of the cases in the Case Clearing House now address equal employment and affirmative action issues. When turned into action, management concern and support have concentrated on integrating entry-level blue-collar and man- agement jobs by expanding recruitment re- 6 We have not fully reviewed the literature on sup- ply, but the future supply of women for technical and managerial positions is encouraging given the steady increases in the number of women in engineering, chemistry, and business programs (Vetter et al., 1982; Strober, 1982). For example, the General Motors In- stitute (engineering) enrolled no women until 1965, and now 28 percent of the student body is female (McLane, 1980). sources, reevaluating job requirements in relation to job content, and developing or sup- plementing training programs. Programs have been developed to overcome sex differences in early socialization, education, and training and thus reduce sex segregation in initial job assignments. Recruitment: External and Internal Outreach An issue faced by many firms is how to expand traditional recruiting sources and methods to reach women. A successful strat- egy appears to combine very active recruit- ing with greatly expanded external and in- ternal recruitment sources (Shuchat et al., 1981; Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979~. In screen- ing and selecting women for new jobs, em- ployers must also provide sufficient infor- mation to enable women to make informed choices and must elicit sufficient informa- tion from the women to determine if they can perform the necessary tasks. Increased selectivity based on job-relevant criteria may result in fewer new hires but more Tong- term success (Meyer and Lee, 1978; Mc- Lane, 1980~. To expand external recruiting sources for blue-collar jobs, companies must go beyond high school shop classes, trade schools, and the military services, which traditionally supply young men. Skilled-trades training programs, funded primarily through federal government programs, such as the Com- prehensive Education and Training Act (CETA) outreach and training program for women in apprenticeship, have been an im- portant resource for company recruiters (Kane and Miller, 1981; Uliman and Deaux, 1981~. One Midwestern steel company re- sponded to the 1974 industry consent de- cree by establishing a training school for mo- tor inspectors that could provide a source of craft-trained women and minorities. In each class halfthe students were plant employees and half were CETA referrals. Approxi- mately two-thirds of the 106 female motor
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272 BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN inspectors and millwrights were recruiter] from outside the firm through CETA, but no female applicants were recruited from trade schools (Uliman and Deaux, 1981~. Companies that have done successful re- cruiting recommend reaching out specifi- cally to rural women ant] physical education majors because of a general interest in and experience with physically clemanding work and to women in blue-collar community or- ganizations because of their general famil- iarity with blue-collar jobs (Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791. There is also growing evi- dence that women interested in nontradi- tional blue-collar jobs are more likely to be in their late twenties and thirties rather than recent high school graduates (O'Farrell, 1982; Kane and Miller, 1981; U.S. Dept. of Labor, 1978~. This suggests reaching out to cur- rently employed women or to older women now reentering the work force. For entry-level management positions, expanded external recruitment may involve going to more colleges in different geo- graphic regions or initiating recruitment programs at women's colleges (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979~. Nontraditional methods for recruiting higher-level managers include searching in the public sector and on the East and West coasts (especially New York). Retaining a consultant or search firm that specializes in recruiting women or specify- ing that the recruiter be a woman are also effective (McLane, 19801. An example of a model long-term recruiting system for tech- nical fields involving universities and com- panies is the Program for Increasing Mi- nority Engineering Graduates (PIMEG) described by Hayes (19801. Women already employed by a company in traditional female clerical and factory jobs are an important source of candidates for nontraditional jobs in the skilled trades and management. Internal intervention pro- grams for white- and blue-collar jobs require opening access systems to women, which may include establishing job posting pro- cedures or changing seniority systems (Roos ant] Reskin, this volume; Steinberg and Cook, 1981; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791. 7 For ex- ample, many unionized firms traditionally have departmental seniority systems under which years of service in a department en- titie workers to promotion opportunities during prosperous times ant! to protection from layoffs during slow periods. Workers cannot, however, move between depart- ments without losing seniority, possibly some pay, and other benefits related to seniority. If women have to give up seniority, they are less likely to move when jobs in traditionally male departments are opened to them re- gardless of other incentives such as higher pay or bonuses. When a large company in the Northeast initiates] a transfer program based on company rather than departmental seniority, women were able for the first time to bid on craft jobs without loss of seniority. Three years later, 101 women, almost all the women in one of the craft jobs, had trans- ferred from other departments in the com- pany, bringing from 1 to over 20 years of company service (O'Farrell and Harlan, 19821. Changes in formal seniority provisions ap- pear to be an important first step in opening nontraditional jobs to women currently em- ployed in firms. Adclitional incentives may be needed, however, to encourage women (or minorities or white men) to transfer from one :lepartment to another (Ichniowski, 1983; Kelley, 1982; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791. In the steel industry's consent decree, for example, rate retention (or "red circling") was used as an incentive (available to all workers) for transferring from one clepart- ment to another under the new plant sen- iority system. If the rate of pay for those transferring to an entry-level job in a new department was lower than their current rate of pay, they could keep their current rate of pay in the new department for a 2-year 7 Seniority and EEO laws have been the subject of a series of court cases and consent decrees during the last 15 years. For a review of the issues, see Ichniowski (1983), Kelley (1982), and Wallace and Driscoll (1981).
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JOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 273 period. In other words, a woman would not have to take a cut in pay to enter a depart- ment with much better long-term oppor- tunities previously reserved for men. The agreement also included a 45-day trial pe- riod during which transfers could return to their former jobs without any penalties (Ich- niowski, 19831.8 The Teamsters decision of 1977 greatly reduced the legal pressure on companies and unions to change seniority systems. Under the Supreme Court's ruling, senior- ity systems are considered bona fide or legal if there was no intent to discriminate even though the system may perpetuate the ef- fects of previous discrimination (Kelley, 1982; Wallace and Driscoll, 19811. Changes in seniority systems, however, remain an im- portant intervention strategy to reduce oc- cupational segregation by race or sex. Opening career opportunities in manage- ment to current office workers may involve less formal procedures than changing sen- iority systems established through collective bargaining agreements, but it is nonetheless reported to "take a lot of effort and a close critical look at the company's inner work- ings." Lee personnel director of a major bank outlined the following internal mechanisms in use at the bank to facilitate the upgrading of office workers: a computerized skills data bank; identification of employees with sat- 8 Seniority systems are often complex and extensive changes may yield only limited results. For example, AT&T adopted company but not systemwide seniority that did not address the regional difference in oppor- tunities for blue-collar workers generally recognized in the management job structure. In the steel industry, plant seniority represented an expansion of opportu- nities that the union had tried and been unable to achieve through collective bargaining. Women in the clerical and service jobs were still excluded, however, leaving them with limited opportunities (Kleiman and Frankel, 1975~. Company seniority was in place at Har- bor Company but was limited to specific geographic locations that were not changed by the affirmative ac- tion agreement. This left sex-segregated plants with different advancement opportunities intact (Harlan and O'Farrell, 19821. isfactory records remaining in grade beyond the average time spans; companywide in- ternal searches; job posting of exempt po- sitions; a system for employee transfer and promotion requests; a hotline for employees who believe they are in dead-end jobs or are being held back; a liberal, well-publi- cized tuition-refund program; analysis of job families to create new career paths; individ- ual career counseling on request; and group career counseling (Shae~er and Lynton, 1979:52-53). Both external and internal recruitment require aggressive methods. This may in- volve using newspapers, school and com- munity groups, company bulletins, meet- ings, job fairs, etc. (Shuchat et al., 1981) as well as providing more information about job content. Many women are unfamiliar with nontraditional work. Some companies have reported the need for clear job de- scriptions that include information on train- ing and promotion opportunities, hours, pay, and pressures. Companies have found it ef- fective to involve women already doing the work in interviews or presentations. It was often important, particularly for internal re- cruits, to have trial periods during which women can go back to their previous jobs without loss if the nontraditional job was not acceptable. Tours ofthe work environment, some hands-on experience, and use of me- dia presentations seemed particularly useful for blue-collar jobs (Kane and Miller, 1981; Walshok, 1981; McLane, 1980; Schaefer and Lynton, 1979~. More careful recruitment and screening may also reduce employee turnover, fur- thering the long-term goal of job integra- tion. Meyer and Lee (1978) found that women were much less carefully screened for blue- colIar jobs than for white-collar jobs and that the turnover rates for blue-collar jobs were higher. McLane (1980) reported similar ex- amples comparing entry-level and higher- leve! management. Companies reported conducting much more extensive screening for higher-level jobs and better retention rates than for entry-level management jobs.
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274 BR1GID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN Companies surveyed by Shaeffer and Lynton (1979) also reported that job analysis is crucial to increasing the number of women in nontraditional jobs of all kinds. lob anal- ysis means reevaluating the current quali- fications required for a job in light of the actual job content. Establishing the actual skills and personal experiences necessary for adequate job performance can expand the range of jobs for women by identifying com- mon domains of skills across seemingly un- related jobs and by recognizing past related experiences. For example, a restaurant chain recruiting recent college graduates for first- line supervisory positions was unsuccessful because many of the women were unable to meet the demands of the work and were too inexperienced to manage a work crew. Sub- sequent management discussions led line managers to revise the job qualifications by replacing the college degree requirement with knowledge of the food industry (e.g., restaurant work), retail experience (with customer contact), or other experiences re- lated to supervisory ability (e.g., teaching or home economics) (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979~. Training: Skills and Information Training is an established part of afflrm- ative action programs. Two innovative ex- amples are the multimillion-dolIar training fund for women employees established by Bank America in lieu of back pay awards and the 1978 General Electric Agreement that provided more than $500,000 to train managers to implement the affirmative ac- tion agreement. Among conventional train- ing programs, the evidence suggests that special skills training for women in blue- coliar jobs and substantive information training for all employees, especially man- agers, on EEO laws and related company policies are most important in integrating women into nontraditional jobs. At the man- agement level, women do not need special training programs but instead need access to existing training for men. There is con- siderable disagreement about the effective- ness of related programs to develop aware- ness, mentors, and networks. The basic competence of women to do nontraditional jobs affects their initial ac- ceptance and the ultimate pace of integra- tion. Introducing unqualified women into nontraditional jobs reinforces male workers' stereotypes about women and strengthens resistance to their integration (McLane, 1980; Meyer and Lee, 1978; O'Farrell, 1977~. Be- cause of sex differences in educational back- ground and experience, women entering blue-collar jobs need additional training in such areas as too! familiarization and basic electronics. In general, they have not learned basic craft skills in high school shop courses, trade schools, the military service, or just from "tinkering around cars with their fath- ers." Companies surveyed by Shaeffer and Lynton (1979) found that their ability to cro- vide training was critical to opening these jobs. Preplacement training ant! supple- mentary courses available during on-thejob training or between formal training sessions have been tried successfully. In the Meyer and Lee study, training directors frequently reported that (formal) training programs for craft jobs assumed that all of the trainees had mechanical interests and experience. Therefore, terminology such as open-end wrench, hermit, or right-hand thread was used without considering that many women were unfamiliar with such terms and were likely to be at a decided disadvantage. To overcome these difficulties, some compa- nies designed special vestibule training for women. these special programs were said to have two advantages: helping to acquaint women with unfamiliar tasks in a more pro- tective climate and helping women perform better on the job, thus increasing their ac- ceptance by male coworkers and access to on-thejob training (Meyer and Lee, 1978:181. Instructors may reassess and adjust their on-going training courses to incorporate teaching more basic concepts and skills, or they may develop formal courses to teach what had previously been taught informally · , ~
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TOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 275 by senior craftsmen or foremen (O'Farrell, 1977; Uliman and Deaux, 1981~. Equipment modifications may also be necessary for blue- colIar women (Meyer and Lee, 1978; North- rup and Larson, 19791. For example, the Bell System's equipment for pole climbers (gloves, shoes, climbing apparatus) was all specifically designed for men. Early failure to modify the equipment contributed to higher accident rates for women. Shuchat et al. (1981) found that many men also ben- efit from these sorts of changes. Comparing the experience of nontradi- tional female employees in 10 utility com- panies, Meyer and Lee (1978) found that women in blue-collar jobs needed job-spe- cific training but that women in white-collar jobs did not. Special training is generally not considered necessary for women in man- agement positions and is perceived by some as detrimental, either by providing women with services not available to men or by ex- aggerating any sex differences (Shaeffer and Lynton, 1979; McLane, 19801. It is neces- sary, however, to identify the critical, for- mal and informal sources of male training and to make sure that women are inte- grated. Formal classroom training for ex- ecutives, specific patterns of job rotation, and assignment to particular jobs or suner- visors are examples of such training. (~ar- riers to managerial training are discussed more fully in the next section.) Providing information about EEO issues is another important area. In a 1973 study, Lyle commented on the appalling lack of information available to line managers about EEO matters, and there is increasing aware- ness that laws and company policies are not automatically known or understood throughout an organization. Manager prep- aration was frequently mentioned in the Shaeffer and Lynton (1979) study as an ac- tivity critical to successful implementation of EEO policies. The purpose of the prep- aration is to explain the organization's over- | 1 ~ ~ 1 1 - . - ~ . ~ ~ - leve! and in every location. For example, Continental Illinois Bank used a series of brief film clips highlighting a variety of work- related problems to remind people of po- tentially discriminatory actions. Managers were cautioned, for example, not to assume that a woman being considered for a pro- motion would not be free to travel (McLane, 19801. Companies suggested holding meetings and issuing publications to keep the staffup- to-date on changes in the law and their or- ganizational implications. They reported that internal communications are improved if provisions are made for opponents of EEO to voice their concerns (McLane, 19801. The development of information programs was also recommended for union officials, es- pecially shop stewards, but there are few models to follow (O'Farrell, 1980b; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791. Training resources have also been allo- cated to programs that focus on changing attitudes and interpersonal relationships often involving the development of mentors and networks. Both the corporate and the re- search communities are divided on the use- fuiness of such programs in general and on the effectiveness of company-sponsored programs in particular (L. Brown, 1981; McLane, 1980; Shaeffer and Lynton, 19791. Even to some who accept the idea that men- tors and networks are important elements in achieving success, company-sponsored networks seemed to be artificial construc- tions that may not produce the essential con- ditions trust, shared beliefs, commonality of interests that foster the growth of these personal relationships (McLane, 19801. Such programs may benefit women in some com- panies, but they do not appear to be a high priority among intervention strategies. ,~ ~ O PROBLEMS: PROMOTING WOMEN TO HIGHLY SKILLED AND EXECUTIVE- all t;~;o obligations and the basic respon- LEVEL POSITIONS sibility of line managers. It is essential that In companies where women have been the information go to all employees at every hired for entry-level management and blue-
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276 BRIG1D O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN collar positions, there are no guarantees that they will progress to the higher-paying, more skilled positions. In fact, it appears that when solutions to recruitment, hiring, and train- ing problems begin to work (i.e., there are more women in the organization), more complex problems arise. Promotion, de- fined as indiviclual mobility through lines of progression in internal (firm) labor markets, is emerging as a critical issue in the 1980s for firms in the postpioneer era. Doeringer and Piore (1971) identified lim- ited job progression lines, administrative regulations for job upgrading systems, and lack of training as mechanisms that perpet- uate discrimination within firms. Based on several recent studies, Boos and Reskin (this volume) have described specific examples of how these institutional barriers block tra- ditionally male promotion paths and prevent women from advancing in organizations. Al- though affirmative action agreements (es- pecially consent decrees) have tried to an- ticipate some (lifficulties by imposing changes on internal mobility structures, the evi- dence suggests that these alterations have been too few and too limited to provide long- term relief from job segregation. Looking to the future, we believe that the promotion problems of both women and men will be compounded by the growing number of women in entry-level nontraditional jobs, the low advancement opportunities in some job progression lines, the limited number of higher-level jobs, and low turnover. Suc- cessful job integration efforts ultimately mean finding solutions to two related questions: How can the newly integrated entry-level positions be kept from resegregating and be- coming new female "ghettos"? How can op- portunities for women and men be ex- panded to facilitate advancement into the highest-paying, prestigious positions? Variations in Opportunity Structures Most research on occupational segrega- tion emphasizes that traditionally female jobs have very limited opportunities for advance- ment, but the nontraditional job ladders women are entering also vary in the degree of opportunity they offer. In fact, the ad- vancement potential of women in low-op- portunity nontraditional jobs may be no greater than their counterparts' in tradition- ally female jobs. Several studies have found limited opportunities in management anal professional categories, for example, in legal or personnel departments (Strober, 1982; Harlan and Weiss, 1981, 1982; Epstein, 1981; Rosenbaum, 1979; Swanson and Milward, 1979; Kanter, 1977, 1979) and in the blue- colIar categories of laborer or maintenance work (Deaux, in press; Schreiber, 1979; Harlan and O'Farrell, 19821. Reubens and Reubens (1979) and Briggs (1981) have sug- gestec! that newly hired women are becom- ing the majority in some of these tradition- ally male jobs. Studies by Kelley (1982) and Harlan and O'Farrell (1982) illustrate the diversity among nontraditional job ladders. Nontraditional jobs, like traditional women's jobs, vary in entry-level wage (floor), top wage (ceiling), number of jobs within job progression lad- ders (range), and number of people (den- sity) thus providing very different pro- motion opportunities (Kelley, 19821. The Harbor Company (O'Farrell, 1980a; Harlan and O'Farrell, 1982) provides a de- tailed example of women disproportionately entering traditionally male jobs with limited opportunities and the potential for resegre- gation. During a period of rapid hiring (40 percent of the work force had been hired in the previous 5 years), women's opportuni- ties were improved in the short run. By 1980, 9 percent of the blue-collar work force was female, and 66 percent of these women had been hired since the EEO agreement with the government was signed in 1978. However, no precautions were taken to re- cruit and train women at different levels in the organization. Relative to newly hired men, newly hired women of both races were disproportion-
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[OR INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 277 ately represented in jobs at the bottom of the job hierarchy. Hierarchies at the Harbor Company were organized into 8 predomi- nately male job families that connect hundreds of blue-collar classifications based on similarities in work tasks and increasing skill levels. Women's chances for moving up were lower than men's because they had been disproportionately hired into the job families with the lowest ceiling rates and the fewest number of highly skilled jobs. Newly hired men were also placed in jobs above them in the hierarchy, electively closing off those potential opportunities as well. Ad- vancement opportunities were further lim- ited for women by a recession, during which hiring stopped and layoffs were threatened. The result may be a bottleneck where women newly hired in nontraditional jobs find themselves stuck in jobs that increasingly become traditional for women. An important question that bears on fu- ture promotion opportunities is how wom- en's first nontraditional job assignment is determined by the company. Research at the Harbor Company suggests that there are differences in the education, training, and previous experience of female and male ap- plicants that may partially account for the assignment of most women to low-oppor- tunity job ladders. For example, men were more likely than women to have trade school experience that qualified them for entry-level positions in the skilled trades. On the other hand, many of the women interviewees be- lieved that the company selectively placed women ancl minorities in the least-skilled jobs regardless of qualifications, and they gave specific and convincing examples of how this was done. The Harbor Company's per- sonne! department evidently used unsys- tematic screening procedures with little analysis of job ladders. In searching for ways to increase women's access to job ladders with greater opportu- nities for advancement, we should not over- look highly skilled clerical jobs that have traditionally been closed to women. In their comparison of the 1960 and 1970 census data, Reubens and Reubens (1979) found that women had made the greatest breakthrough in male-intensive occupations in the clerical field: insurance adjuster, postal clerk, dis- patcher, production controller, ticket agent. The skills required for these jobs are related to those used in traditional female jobs, such as filing, report writing, and customer con- tact. In addition, qualifications for the two sets of jobs are not distinguished by edu- cation, training, or physical characteristics. Despite these similarities, the women pi- oneers at the Harbor Company (O'Farrell, 1980a) found that it was just as difficult to enter the higher-skilled clerical jobs as it was to enter the traditionally male factory jobs. After the first women succeeded, how- ever, others in the lowest-level clerical jobs (and some in factory jobs) aspired to the relatively small number of traditionally male clerical jobs such as production clerk. In fact, by 1980 that job was almost halffemale. Without any intervention on the part of the company (and none was in evidence), it ap- peared that these clerical jobs, similar to the entry-level factory jobs, were likely to be- come predominately female.9 Assessing Qualifications and Potential for Promotion A second set of issues concerns the cri- teria and methods used to select individuals for promotion and layoff and how these are 9 The future of wage rates in both the entry-level factory and high-level clerical jobs at Harbor Company is provisional. In both cases the wages are relatively high and better than what was available to women be- fore. It seems unlikely that there would be any attempt to lower the wages in these job categories. However, whether these jobs keep pace with the overall wage increases in the skilled, predominately male jobs must be carefully monitored. Preston (1978) found that in New England the wages of teachers did not go down when women entered the field in large numbers; they just did not continue to increase at the pace of men's jobs.
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JOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 281 iations offer some promise for increased in- tegration on a regional basis. Rapid technological changes have very important long-term implications for job in- tegration, particularly in telecommunica- tions and other industries where automation is reducing the total number of jobs while creating new jobs requiring new skills. New female "ghettos" are developing as a result of women moving into declining occupations traditionally held by men (Hacker, 1979; Reubens and Reubens, 1979~. Reubens and Reubens found that, although women made greater gains in jobs that were also expand- ing for men, the increase of women in 27 of 53 nontraditional occupations between 1960 ant] 1970 was due to slow growth or decline in the number of men in those jobs. An occupational shift of this type often reflects the displacement of skilled men by semi- skilled or unskilled women due to techno- logical innovations. Data presented by Hacker (1979) and Northrup and Larson (1979) suggest that the simultaneous occurrence of technological changes and affirmative action efforts at AT&T wild gradually lead to some traditionally male jobs becoming newly segregated into a smaller number of less-skilled jobs for women. Hacker (p. 550) described the movement of women into traditionally male craft jobs that were becoming obsolete even as the affirmative action agreement was being implemented: As women learned to climb poles, AT&T was shifting to microwave and laser (Fiber Optic) transmission systems. As women learned to in- stall telephones, "clip and take" customer in- stallation and phone stores were markedly re- ducing the need for installers. Framework is a semi-skilled job where women have made the greatest inroads. Framework is slated for total automation.... [Eilectric switching systems can virtually eliminate most switchwork and all framework. Framework went from 20 percent female in 1972 to 32 percent in 1973. It remains to be seen whether the new technological jobs developing in high-tech industries will be integrated. The AT&T ex- ample supports the need for further inquiry into the consequences of technological change for female employment in particular indus- tries. More broadly, it stresses the urgency for managers to treat technological innova- tions and affirmative action efforts as planned interventions in the firm that must be more closely coordinated if job resegregation is to be avoided. Management Practice During the 1970s EEO-related issues gradually moved from the domain of minor personnel officials to the level of corporate policy set by top management and carried out by line managers. Corporate managers ant] government officials rate an effective internal administrative structure for setting policy and carrying out programs as ex- tremely important to success in integrating jobs (U. S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 1974; Stead, 1978; Gordon and Strober, 1975; Meyer and Lee, 1978; Shaef- fer and Lynton, 1979; McLane, 1980~. Five components of this structure include top- leve! commitment, line responsibility, cen- tralized accounting and control, resource al- location, and union involvement. Despite the rapidly changing image of corporate presidents from rugged! entrepre- neurs to committee members, job integra- tion appears to be an area where the indi- vidual chief executive officer (CEO) can and does make a difference. Since the average tenure of CEOs is only about 6 years, how- ever, continued commitment cannot be taken for granted. Commitment of the CEO, re- gardIess of the motivation, is crucial to the success of intervention programs and can be demonstrated in several ways. Strong policy statements are an initial step, but they must be followecl by the allocation of resources (staff, money, facilities), the direct review of results, reports to the board of directors, and concrete examples set by hiring women
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282 BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN into the highest levels of the organization. For example, in his initial address as chief executive of Equitable Life Assurance in 1975, Coy Eklund commented on the de- sirability of advancing women in the orga- nization, and the following month he hosted a summit conference of women from throughout the company. An advisory panel of women meets on a regular basis with the chief executive, and affirmative action goals are part of the executive appraisal process. Although the company traditionally had 1 female officer, there now are nearly 30, and 4 women serve on Equitable's Board of Di- rectors (McLane, 19801. Top-leve! policy is ultimately carried out by line managers. In their very early as- sessments of affirmative action plans, Lyle (1973) and Heard (1975) noted the lack of involvement by line managers and the heavy concentration of responsibility for meeting goals on personnel staffs. Line managers should be involved in planning the goals and programs they will be responsible for im- plementing. Most of the authors recom- mending line responsibility for affirmative action, however, have not realistically ad- dressed the problems of gaining managers' support (Wallace and LaMoncle, 1977; Meyer and Lee, 19781. AT&T provides an example where the line supervisors' powers were curtailed as part of the affirmative action agreement. The personnel office had the power to override the decisions of line man- agers by holding up promotions, vetoing promotion and hiring decisions, and inter- vening in disciplinary matters involving women and minorities. Managers at the lower end of the hierarchy may fee} more imme- diately threatened by affirmative action ef- forts and consequently be less supportive (Meyer and Lee, 19781. For example, O'- Farrell (1977) found that foremen acquired an increased workload (which was unrec- ognized and uncompensated for by the com- pany) because women were hired without adequate training. At the same time, women were being promoted above the first-line supervisors who were training them. One midwestern company seems to have succeeded in transferring responsibility to line managers. The first 3 years of the af- firmative action program were conducted as a personnel department activity. Progess was minimal until the CEO delegated respon- sibiiity to line managers, down to the first line supervisor. Those who did not meet objectives got smaller bonuses. "We now have 45 women department managers, com- pared with one when the program started. . . . [L]ine management was the turning point" (McLane, 1980:231. Providing incen- tives is an important motivation, and several companies in the McLane study reported tieing performance to bonuses. The impor- tance of line involvement in successfully im- plementing other kinds of organizational change is well documented (Whyte, 1969~. Failure to enlist the support offoremen and other managers directly responsible for business operations has undoubtedly slowed the progress of job integration. There is a fine balance, however, be- tween line responsibility and centralized management and control, as demonstrated by the AT&T case. Managers reported that both are very important. Two critical com- ponents in maintaining the balance are the person heading the EEO program and the data management system. According to McLane (1980), the EEO post is now re- yarded by managers as a very demanding job requiring knowledge of the legal regu- latory process, quantitative skills for increas- ingly complex analysis ofthe work force, and the ability to work with a variety of individ- uals both internal and external to the or- ganization. Accurate information about current em- ployees and projections of future needs is essential for the EEO director s effective- ness. Approximately two-thirds of the com- panies in the Shaeffer and Lynton (1979) study reported establishing overall results- oriented management planning and control systems for affirmative action, and fully one- third of those said it was the single most successful EEO action they had taken. Pro-
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TOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 283 cedures for setting goals and measuring progress have become increasing sonhis- ticated. General Electric has experimented with a series of mathematical models to de- velop realistic EEO goals (Hayes, 1980~. Churchill and Shrank (1976) have developed a flow model that requires management to identify job ladders, measure the current race and sex mix of employees, specify a desired hiring mix for minorities and women, and develop promotion probabilities based on anticipated hiring and turnover rates. All of these efforts have generated more real- istic estimates of the amount of time needed to change a firm's employment profile, par- ticularly given the low turnover in the high- est-rated management and blue-collar jobs. Underlying the success or failure of in- tervention strategies is the allocation of cor- porate resources. The best strategy will fail if it is not sufficiently supported. Meyer and Lee (1978) found that the public utility com- panies had different patterns of resource al- location for different types of jobs. Some companies placed the major thrust on pro- fessional and managerial positions, while others balanced their efforts between blue- and white-colIar areas. No company, how- ever, reported giving a major priority to in- tegrating blue-collar jobs, and they directly linked this difference in priority to success- ful results. Of the companies surveyed that structures, job posting and bidding proce- cures, seniority systems, training programs, job qualifications, and dispute-resolution procedures are subjects of collective bar- gaining as well as affirmative action efforts (Wesman, 1982; Newman and Wilson, 1981; Steinberg and Cook, 1981; Wallace and Driscoll, 1981; O'Farrell, 1980b; Ratner, 1980; The Women's Labor Project, 1980; Leshin, 1979; Hausman et al., 1977; Stone and Baderschneider, 19741. Under Title VII, unions, like employers, are prohibited from discriminatory prac- tices. Unions are held responsible with em- ployers for discrimination caused by provi- sions in collective bargaining agreements, and the union duty of fair representation in grievance handling is well established (Steinberg and Cook, 1981; Wallace and Driscoll, 19811. Newman and Wilson (1981) articulated several ways in which govern- ment agencies not oniv do not cooperate with unions but, in fact, also discourage unions from pursuing charges of discrimi- nation by their members. Unions, however, like employers, have responded diversely to government en- forcement activities. Unfortunately, little attention has been paid to the role of labor unions in facilitating intervention programs (Wesman, 1982; Wallace and Driscoll, 1981; O'Farrell, 1980b). Most research on unions and equal employment opportunity policy has focused on the discriminatory behavior of unions toward black workers and the re- sulting legal developments (Wallace and Driscoll, 19811. This in part reflects federal policy, holding unions equally responsible with employers for discrimination (O'Far- rell, 1980b; Steinberg and Cook, 19811. Changes in federal policy toward unions were initiated in the late 1970s. In 1980 the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission developed a policy recognizing and encouraging the efforts of unions in the area of equal employment opportunity pol- icy. At the same time, the U. S. Department of Labor proposed changes in the guidelines of the Office of Federal Contract Compli- , ~ ~ employed blue-collar workers, fewer than 10 percent placed their primary emphasis on the blue-collar area compared with 44 percent that placed primary emphasis on the professional and managerial jobs. Cor- respondingly, far less success was reported in the entry-level, semiskilled, and skilled blue-collar jobs. It appears that more prog- ress has been made for women in manage- ment than for women in blue-collar jobs, at least in part because more company effort and resources have been allocated to inte- grating management jobs. Finally, an important part of the admin- istrative structure affecting job integration in unionized firms is the collective bargain- ing agreement. Developing or changing wage
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284 - BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN ance Programs (OFCCP) that would have broadened union participation. For exam- ple, unions would be notified if a compliance review was to take place in a company where the unions are party to a collective bargain- ing agreement. Currently, however, the Commission's policy has not been imple- mented, and the proposed regulation changes have been withdrawn. Yet union officers and staff are potentially as important for integrating nonmanage- ment jobs as are CEOs and line managers. Recent studies have found women to be generally satisfied with their unions (Ko- chan, 1979) and to have positive attitudes toward local union policies ant] practices (BohIander and Cook, 19821. In O'Farrell's (1980a) study of one union local, women re- spondents were generally satisfied with the union, and even dissatisfied women felt that they needed the union to represent their positions to management. Women identi- fied such issues as job upgrading and ma- ternity leave that they thought the union should bargain on, and they used union pro- cedures such as filing grievances, voting in elections, and establishing a union women's committee. At both the national ancI local levels, this particular union had been excluded from af- firmative action negotiations between the company and the government despite a strong record supporting EEO programs and pol- icies, including filing sex discrimination suits on behalf of women workers. Union officials and women members were unhappy with the national affirmative action agreement, and this led to 3 more years of litigation by the union on behalf of its women members. Ultimately, these activities resulted in a stronger affirmative action program. The experiences in European countries (Ratner, 1980) and research in the United States (Steinberg and Cook, 1981; O'Farrell, 1980b) have recommended a much stronger EEO role for unions in the future. Newman and Wilson (1981) argued that because of their knowledge of plant practices and ac- cess to employer information unions could take a more active role in iden~ing discrim- inatory practices, informing workers about their rights, providing financial and legal assist- ance, and offering moral support. Newman and Wilson also concluded that discrimination cannot be corrected exclusively through col- lective bargaining and called for increased government-union collaboration. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS This review of intervention programs be- gan by distinguishing between the pioneer and postpioneer eras. We then focused on the current postpioneer era during which companies make formal agreements and commit resources to redress the institu- tional causes of job segregation. But many companies, or their departments, remain in the pioneer era. They have no women in certain jobs or departments, and pioneer women are filing complaints of discrimina- tion. The pioneer and postpioneer eras exist simultaneously, and a continued federal presence is likely to be necessary for some time to initiate and keep companies actively recruiting, hiring, and training women for nontraditional entry-level jobs. At the same time, new initiatives by the government, companies, and unions are needed to meet the challenges presented by barriers to women's advancement in nontraditional jobs. There are 10 key findings from our-anal- ysis that bear further consideration and scrutiny in future evaluations of corporate intervention strategies. 1. Federal EEO laws have been impor- tant in producing substantial changes in the work forces of targeted firms. There is a growing acceptance of EEO principles by corporate managers and a demonstrated psychological impact on women's willing- ness and ability to press their demands for nontraditional jobs. 2. Most of the successful corporate in- tervention strategies for increasing job in- tegration have been in the areas of recruit-
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lOB INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 285 ing, hiring, and training women for previously all-male entry-level jobs. 3. An effective recruitment strategy combines active external recruitment from nontraditional sources with innovative in- ternal recruitment efforts that usually in- volve changes in company seniority sys- tems. Careful screening of applicants results in lower turnover, which furthers the long- term goal of job integration. 4. Preplacement training ant! supple- mentary courses for women in blue-collar jobs are effective in overcoming women's lack of technical education and experience, in helping them to perform better on the job, and in increasing their acceptance by male coworkers. 5. Special training for women in man- agerial positions is generally not necessary, but women need to be integrated into the formal and informal sources of training tra- ditionally available to men. 6. The exclusive focus on integrating men's jobs is not a sufficient long-term strat- egy for reducing job segregation the evi- dence suggests that it may provide only a temporary solution. The increasing number of women being hired into entry-level jobs, combined with bottlenecks in promotion op- portunities, may lead to resegregation ofthe lowest-paying, least-prestigious men's jobs, resulting in new female "ghettos." 7. The most effective strategies to en- sure that women have equal promotion op- portunities in an organization are to make initial job assignments that place women on career paths with high opportunities for ad- vancement, to make temporary modif~ca- tions in qualifications and seniority provi- sions to meet affirmative action goals, and to develop methods for individual qualifi- cation assessment and career planning that increase opportunities for men and women. 8. To increase the chances for ultimate success in reducing job segregation, com- panies should implement their intervention programs in areas of projected corporate growth and in coordination with long-term plans for technological innovation. 9. An effective internal administrative structure for planning EEO policy and im- plementing intervention programs is essen- tial for ultimate success in job integration. The important elements of administrative effectiveness are commitment from top ex- ecutives and line managers (which can be facilitated by staff EEO training), a skillful EEO manager, an accurate data manage- ment system, and allocation of sufficient cor- porate resources for implementation and monitoring. 10. In firms with collective bargaining agreements, the cooperation of union staff and officers in eliminating barriers to job integration (e.g., changes in job posting, outreach, qualification assessment, training and seniority systems) is essential for achiev- ing a strong and effective EEO policy. There is little doubt that the policies of the Reagan administration are negatively af- fecting progress on reducing job segrega- tion. Lack of leadership at the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the U.S. Department of Labor, proposed changes in guidelines for federal contrac- tors, and reduced commitment to employ- ment and training programs diminish the pressure and resources for change. Current economic policies and high unemployment limit new opportunities and affect recent gains. These concluding recommendations attempt to address the realities of today within the context of the long-term goal of achiev- ing equal employment opportunity for women and men. Future programs and pol- icies should include the following: · federal support for the development of alternative EEO monitoring systems, the involvement of labor unions in EEO nego- tiations, and upgrading women's jobs; · federal support for skills training, infor- mation dissemination, and leadership de- velopment; · corporate improvement of human re- source planning; · union programs to develop women lead- ers and to identify EEO problems;
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286 BRIGID O'FARRELL AND SHARON L. HARLAN · joint union and company initiatives to improve the terms of collective bargaining agreements for women workers; and · cooperatively planned and executed longitudinal comparative research by the government, companies, unions, and re- searchers. Federal Equal Employment Opportunity Policy Federal enforcement activities have had a positive elect on reducing sex segregation within the work force of some firms, yet the government cannot and indeed shouldn't supervise employment practices within firms. Rather, federal policy must strengthen the incentives for change at the firm level, and there are at least three areas where the U. S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commis- sion and the Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs need to initiate ac- tion: monitoring, union involvement, and integrating traditionally women's jobs. A targeted monitoring plan, similar to the existing targeted enforcement plan (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commis- sion, 1982), should be developed and im- plemented by the Commission. A limited number of companies could be identified. based on carefully developed selection cri- teria, and comparative analysis could be conducted to reduce and refine the type of data needed to measure compliance, to de- velop technical assistance materials for a wide range of firms, and to improve the process of establishing goals and timetables. At a minimum, enforcement agencies should facilitate the active involvement of labor unions in efforts to reduce job segre- gation. The Commission should reaffirm and implement its 1980 policy statement that recognizes and encourages the voluntary ef- forts of unions in the area of equal employ- ment opportunity. Unions should be brought into negotiations that affect collective bar- gaining agreements, and women members should be included on committees that de- 1 velop or implement agreements at the na- tional and local levels. The U.S. Depart- ment of Labor should revise the OFCCP Guidelines, under consideration since 1981 (`Federal Register, 1981), to require notifi- cation of unions when compliance reviews are conducted in firms with collective bar- gaining agreements and to enable their vol- untary cooperation. Company experiences in the postpioneer era suggest that integrating entry-level tra- ditionally male jobs is an important but lim- ited approach. Reducing sex segregation will require integrating women's jobs as well. The Commission should continue to de- velop current strategies for integrating women's jobs: establishing coals and time- tables (e.g., the AT&T consent decree); lim- ited upgrading (e.g., the GE consent de- cree), and pursuing affirmative action negotiations in the area of equal pay for work of comparable worth. Upgrading women's jobs not only improves working conditions for women but also will facilitate the in- crease of men into these jobs. Federal Training and Education Policy An important issue for reducing job seg- regation involves how much outreach and training are needed and who should pay for it women, employers, or government. Ike burden is currently on women and employ- ers. Government subsidy for skills training and worker education is lower in the United States than in almost any other industrial country (Woodcock, 19771. Yet the few gov- ernment programs for integrating women into nontraditional jobs have been some- what successful and need to be continued and expanded. Congress should increase the Finding for federal training subsidies, main- tain targeting for women and women's pro- grams, and emphasize training for nontra- ditional jobs. The U. S. Department of Labor should disseminate information about suc- cessfu] techniques used by public and pri- vate organizations to train and recruit women
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ION INTEGRATION STRATEGIES 287 for nontraditional jobs and should act on proposals to increase financial incentives (e.g., tax exemptions) for employers to de- velop and expand apprenticeship training with targeting for women. Finally, feder- ally aided programs for worker education and leadership training in EEO policy could be initiated, for example, through subsi- dies to community colleges and land-grant institutions. Management and Union Initiatives Managers reported that EEO policies have had a positive effect on improving overall personnel policies and procedures. Affirm- ative action must now move beyond for- malizing, clarifying, and modifying existing procedures to developing new and innova- tive practices that result in and are part of larger organizational changes. Corporations and business schools should expand their research and development programs for ex- empt and nonexempt employees in the fol- lowing areas: systematic career develop- ment and training, performance appraisal systems, improved communication and in- formation sharing, job redesign, job rota- tion, decentralization of decision making, and the planning and implementation of tech- nological changes. To adequately represent women, unions must undertake internal affirmative actions such as increased support for leadership training for women members, developing EEO training for union officers, appointing and hiring women in staff positions, en- couraging women to run for union office, and requesting and analyzing EEO compli- ance data now available through recent court decisions. Collective bargaining between management and labor should include the following subjects with specific concern for their impact on women and minority work- ers: job posting and bidding procedures, seniority systems, grievance procedures, job redesign, introduction of technological changes, job evaluation and comparable worth, and nontraditional job training. Research Agenda All of the current EEO policies, pro- grams, and proposed new initiatives are in need of more information. To measure the effectiveness of program interventions on reducing job segregation, it is essential to have longituclinal analysis of employee ad- vancement within firms coupled with infor- mation about the changes in firm activities and procedures (Kanter, 1979; Rosenbaum, 19791. How important is initial job assign- ment? Do existing training programs make a difference in career advancement? How can we identify formal and informal oppor- tunity structures in the organization? How do these factors interact with the education and training individuals bring to the job or acquire on the job? What are the effects of external economic factors? All of these questions can be systemati- cally addressed within an organization that has reasonably accurate, computerized per- sonne} files. The methodological issues are complex, however, and few organizations have the internal capabilities to design and carry out such a comprehensive evaluation that would enable them to effectively inter- vene in the mobility patterns of the orga- nization. There are also serious legal and competitive constraints on such analysis. Ike necessary research might best be done through a cooperative effort jointly Ended and implemented by government, compa- nies, unions, and researchers. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We would like to thank the committee and workshop participants for their helpful comments, especially Barbara Bergmann, Alice Ilchman, and Barbara Reskin. REFERENCES Alvarez, Rodolfo, Kenneth G. Lutterman, and Asso- ciates 1979 Discrimination in Organizations. San Fran- cisco: Jossey-Bass.
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Representative terms from entire chapter: