cents were in jobs that they did not perceive as making good use of their talents and skills, as being unconnected to future work, and as the kinds of jobs that people do "only for the money," they were more likely to see the jobs as interfering with other parts of their lives as the intensity of the work increased.

There is some evidence (Call, 1996b) to indicate that positive work conditions can alleviate detrimental effects that the strain in parent-adolescent relationships can have on adolescents' mental health and adjustment. For example, when adolescents reported receiving no support from their supervisors, strain in the parent-child relationships diminished the adolescents' self-esteem, mastery, and well-being. However, when supervisory support was present, such strain had no significant effects on these aspects of the adolescents' mental health. Interestingly, in view of these findings, more than one-third of employed students reported that they were "quite close" or "very close" to their supervisors and that the supervisors were "often'' or "always" willing to listen to their problems and help them find solutions.

In evaluating the effects of adolescents' employment on parent-child relationships, it is essential to take the social context and meaning of work into account. Shanahan and colleagues (1996a) compared the associations between adolescents' earnings and parent-child relationships in urban and rural settings. In rural settings, adolescents' earnings promoted more sharing of advice between parents and adolescents, and the adolescents' emotional ties with their parents remained stable or improved. In urban settings, earnings were not linked to these positive outcomes. In rural settings, young people who worked more than 10 hours per week spent more time with their families than those who worked fewer than 10 hours per week (Shanahan et al., 1996b). In urban settings, as hours of work increased, the amount of time spent with families decreased (Mortimer and Shanahan, 1994). Some of the rural effect could be due to young people who live and work with their parents on family farms, but the majority of rural families are not farm families. In this study, 34 percent of the families resided on farms, 12 percent in nonfarm rural areas, and 54 percent in towns with populations of less than 6,500.

The investigators interpret this pattern in terms of ecological differences in the meaning of adolescents' work. "In rural settings,

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