INDEX

A

Accountability, 8, 126

Act 250 (Vermont), 177

African Americans, see Black persons

Agglomeration economies, 19, 32-34, 125-126

see also Economies of scale

Agricultural land, see Rural areas

Aid, see Equalization aid;

Subsidies and aid

Air quality, 296, 304, 310-321

automobile use, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316-318, 319

federal regulations, 304, 310, 313-317, 319-320

funding, 304, 313

Air Pollution Control District Act (CA), 310

Air Quality Act, 310

Alabama, 60-61, 260-263

Alaska, 262-263

Alcohol use and abuse, 56, 226

Annexation, 28-29, 63, 95, 96, 203, 240, 243, 268, 276

see also Elasticity

Anti-Snob Zoning Act (MA), 158

Arizona, 262-263

Arkansas, 260

Asians, 178

children, 20

residential segregation, 27

Attitudes, 11, 127, 106-107

home ownership, 193

individualism and equal opportunity, 18

neighborhood effects, 54-55;

see also Peer influences

racial prejudice, 46, 90-91, 195, 201, 238-239, 242

residential segregation, 57

suburban residents toward inner city, 10, 52, 89, 132, 201, 271

suburban residents toward low-income housing, 29-30, 90-91, 158, 236, 238-239, 242

see also Racial discrimination

Automobiles, 6, 84, 160-161, 170, 287

gasoline taxes, 84, 299

regional transportation policy, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316318, 319

B

Black persons, 46, 119, 121

central cities, general, 25, 26, 57, 193-194, 230, 240

central-city/suburban disparities, 42, 69, 195, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 214-216

children, 20, 54



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INDEX A Accountability, 8, 126 Act 250 (Vermont), 177 African Americans, see Black persons Agglomeration economies, 19, 32-34, 125-126 see also Economies of scale Agricultural land, see Rural areas Aid, see Equalization aid; Subsidies and aid Air quality, 296, 304, 310-321 automobile use, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316-318, 319 federal regulations, 304, 310, 313-317, 319-320 funding, 304, 313 Air Pollution Control District Act (CA), 310 Air Quality Act, 310 Alabama, 60-61, 260-263 Alaska, 262-263 Alcohol use and abuse, 56, 226 Annexation, 28-29, 63, 95, 96, 203, 240, 243, 268, 276 see also Elasticity Anti-Snob Zoning Act (MA), 158 Arizona, 262-263 Arkansas, 260 Asians, 178 children, 20 residential segregation, 27 Attitudes, 11, 127, 106-107 home ownership, 193 individualism and equal opportunity, 18 neighborhood effects, 54-55; see also Peer influences racial prejudice, 46, 90-91, 195, 201, 238-239, 242 residential segregation, 57 suburban residents toward inner city, 10, 52, 89, 132, 201, 271 suburban residents toward low-income housing, 29-30, 90-91, 158, 236, 238-239, 242 see also Racial discrimination Automobiles, 6, 84, 160-161, 170, 287 gasoline taxes, 84, 299 regional transportation policy, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316318, 319 B Black persons, 46, 119, 121 central cities, general, 25, 26, 57, 193-194, 230, 240 central-city/suburban disparities, 42, 69, 195, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 214-216 children, 20, 54

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educational attainment, 47, 49, 50, 52, 61- 62, 67, 69, 70, 195, 220-221, 229 employment, spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 52, 57, 217, 220-221, 223, 224-225, 227, 228 gender factors, 54, 214, 215 housing, 83, 90-91, 228; see also ''segregation, residential'' infra income, 5, 16, 20, 27, 46-50, 61, 62, 67, 120, 158, 195, 215-216; see also "poverty" infra local government fragmentation/consolidation, 106-107 neighborhood effects, 218, 227, 228, 240 poverty, 5-7, 16, 20, 27, 48, 54, 57, 195, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 214-216 segregation, educational, 26, 49 segregation, residential, 6-7, 18-19, 26, 27, 49, 56-57, 58-59, 67, 69-70, 198-199, 202, 205, 206, 228, 229, 237-238, 242 spatial distribution, general, 214-216 suburbs, 195, 213; see also "central-city/suburban disparities" supra Boston, Massachusetts, 57, 154, 161-162, 225 Bridges to Work, 89, 235 Building codes, 31, 130-131 Bureau of the Census, 9, 20, 117, 195 C California, 80, 82, 94, 161, 162, 165, 255, 262-263, 279, 302, 310-311, 312-316, 317, 320 see also Los Angeles, California; San Francisco, California Canada, 171 Census Bureau, see Bureau of the Census Central cities, vii, 12, 14 agglomeration economies, 32-34, 35, 125-126 black persons, general, 25, 26, 57, 193-194, 230, 240 costs of urban decline, 11, 14, 19-20, 35, 36, 71, 127, 192, 288 definition of metropolitan area, 22, 38-39(n.1), 199-206 economic competitiveness, 22, 32-34, 115 elasticity, 10, 45, 63-64, 120, 127, 193, 203, 206-207, 208, 240, 254, 269 annexation, 28-29, 63, 95, 96, 203, 240, 243, 268, 276 local government fragmentation and, 64, 65, 66 employment, 22, 33-34, 52-53, 131, 132 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 57, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) enterprise zones, 86-87, 123, 230-233, 234 low-income housing, 53, 59, 130-131, 153 low-income minorities. isolation, 3, 5, 6-7, 10, 56-59, 201, 237 minorities, general, 25, 201, 230 place-based strategies, 87-88, 123, 230-234 political factors, 22, 36-38, 254 racial segregation, 25-26 spatial distribution, general, 24-26, 230 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 57, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) suburbs' relation to, 4-6, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 19-20, 21, 24-25, 34-36; see also Central city/suburban disparities value of central cities, 32-38 see also Tax/service disparities Central-city/suburban disparities black persons, 42, 69, 195, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 214-216 educational attainment, 41-43, 45, 46, 58, 67-68, 194-199 (passim), 204, 273-274 educational services, 4, 17, 35 employment, 4, 5, 16, 17, 33-34, 35, 36, 41, 45, 52, 58, 62-63, 68, 69, 194-204 (passim), 214-217, 225, 281-282, 306; see also "worker mobility strategies" infra spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 57, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim); see also "worker mobility strategies" infra Gautreaux program (Chicago), 57-58, 90, 123, 218-219, 227-228, 238 gender factors, 214, 215 Hispanics, 195, 202, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 240 historical perspectives, 4, 20, 24-25, 27, 35, 41-43, 51, 63, 193, 196-197, 200, 214-215 income, 4, 16, 20, 35, 36, 41-42, 43-45, 58-59, 62-68, 120, 194-208 (passim), 215-216, 217; see also "poverty" infra

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individuals, disparities among, 41-46 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 65, 66, 106-107 population size and density, 43-44, 192, 193, 201, 205 poverty, 4, 16, 26-27, 29, 42, 43-44, 52-53, 90-91, 97-98, 110, 194-198 (passim), 254, 267-268, 307-309 racial segregation, general, 57-58 regional factors, 43, 44-45, 120, 200-201, 203-205, 207, 208, 209 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 57, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim); see also "worker mobility strategies" infra sprawl, 152, 158, 159, 176 taxation, general, 34, 35, 37; see also Tax/service disparities transportation, general, 305-306, 307 worker mobility strategies, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236; see also "spatial mismatch hypothesis" supra see also Tax/service disparities Centralization/decentralization policies, 3, 7-9, 10, 11, 23-24, 64-67, 96-98, 104-115, 116, 128, 160, 203, 206, 240, 242-243 black persons, attitudes toward, 106-107 central-city/suburban disparities, 65, 66, 106-107 counties, 65, 97, 98 defined, 65 demographic factors, general, 66 economies of scale, 9, 33, 65, 104-105, 106, 112, 270, 271-272, 273, 279 elasticity and, 64, 65, 66 fiscal capacity, general, 65-66 historical perspectives, 106, 110, 114, 270 income, 66-67 minority groups, general, 107-108, 238 nested government, 11, 112-113, 128-129 quasi-governmental organizations, 286-287 racial/income segregation, 8, 11, 66-67, 124 regional factors, 66, 107, 110-111, 113-114, 116-117, 124-125, 276; see also Special districts research recommendations, 120-121, 124 services, general, 8-9, 10, 65-66, 110-112 spatial opportunity structures, 64-65, 241 state policies, 109-110, 115 municipal incorporation, 8, 28-29, 31, 115, 268 subsidies and aid, 111, 114-115, 129 taxation, general, 107-108, 203 tax/service disparities, 8, 75, 116, 203, 268, 269-272 transportation, 111, 274, 296-310, 318-321 two-tier governments, 21, 95, 96, 97, 106, 268, 272-274, 287 unequal opportunity, general, 8, 65-66 zoning, 80, 81, 176-177, 180 see also Special districts Chicago, Illinois, 17, 57-58, 62, 74, 90, 91, 198, 281 Gautreaux program, 57-58, 90, 123, 218-219, 227-228, 238 Children, 54, 56, 91, 219, 239 black, 20, 54 income segregation, 59, 117, 158, 192 minority, general, 20 peer influences, 54-55, 59, 92, 94, 117, 122, 158, 218, 219, 226, 239 tax/service disparities, 75 youth employment, 221-224 see also Education Cities Without Suburbs, 239 Civil Rights Act, 308, 319 Classification issues elasticity, 62-63 employment, 14, 215 high-poverty areas, 39(n.4) metropolitan areas, 22, 38-39(n.1, n.3), 199-206 metropolitan governance, 14-15, 176 urban problems, 14, 28 Clean Air Act (federal), 310, 313, 315-317 Clean Air Acts (CA), 314, 315, 316, 320 Cleveland, Ohio, 108, 113-114, 283, 297 Coleman report, 60 Colorado, 262-263 Community development corporations/financial institutions, 87-88, 123, 232-234 Commuters and commuting, 6, 22 commuter taxes, 7, 98, 101, 123, 133, 267, 281-282 gasoline taxes, 84 reverse commuting, 10, 89, 217, 235-236 suburbanization, 28, 159, 160-161, 162, 308 tax/service disparities, 7, 98, 101, 123, 133, 253-254, 270, 281-282

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worker mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 poverty and employment mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 32, 51-52, 56, 57, 61, 67, 89, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) see also Mass transit Computer applications air quality controls, 315 employment databases, 236 Connecticut, 156 Consolidation/fragmentation, see Centralization/decentralization policies Construction industry, see Building codes; Housing Counties, 15, 23, 39(n.1), 82, 243 air quality controls, 311-312 equalization aid, 101 government fragmentation/consolidation, 65, 97, 98 tax/service disparities, 255, 262-266, 270, 272, 273, 280-281 transportation policy, 297 Court cases air quality control, 317 education, 279 mass transit, 308 zoning, 83, 154-155, 158, 165, 168, 174-175, 180-181 Crime, 9, 18, 70, 158 neighborhood effects, 6, 54, 56, 70, 226 police, 9, 19, 75-76, 83, 158, 218, 234, 267, 268, 273-274, 280, 286 segregation, general, 70 suburbs, 71, 81-82, 158, 161 tax/service disparities, 75, 267, 268, 273-274, 280, 286 Cultural factors city institutions, 19 public choice factors, 105 residential segregation, 57 see also Neighborhood effects; Social factors D Dayton, Ohio, 99-100, 285 Decentralization, see Centralization/decentralization policies Delaware, 260 Demographic factors, 22, 201-202, 205 local government fragmentation, 66 tax/service disparities, general, 75 see also Family factors; Gender factors; Minority groups; Neighborhood effects; Population size and density; specific minority groups Department of Housing and Urban Development, 232 Department of Transportation, 301-302 Detroit, Michigan, 57, 69, 112, 225, 269 Discrimination, see Racial discrimination District of Columbia, see Washington, D.C. Drag use and abuse, 56, 226 E Economic issues, general, 13-14 agglomeration economies, 19, 32-33, 125-126 costs of urban decline, 11, 14, 19-20, 35 globalization, 17-18, 33 speculation, 172-173 suburbanization, 28, 151, 152 see also Community development corporations; Employment and unemployment; Enterprise zones; Funding; Income; Place-based initiatives; Poverty; Socioeconomic status; Subsidies and aid; Taxation; Tax/service disparities Economies of scale, 9, 33, 65, 104-105, 106, 112, 270, 271-272, 273, 279 see also Agglomeration economies Education, 10, 60-61, 67, 107 black persons, segregation, 26, 49 central cities vs suburbs, 4, 17, 35 court cases, 279 equalization aid, 102-103, 123 expenditures, 10 Hispanics, segregation, 26 labor market skills, 86, 91-94, 133-134 life-style issues, 14 minorities, general, 26, 47, 131-132 neighborhood effects, 94, 219-220, 226, 239 poor children, 91-92, 94, 123, 131-132, 192

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property tax, 174-175 segregation, 26, 69, 70, 94, 219-220, 226, 239 standards, 131, 132 tax/service disparities, 7, 75, 122, 174-175, 255, 267, 278, 279, 280 vouchers, 92-94, 104, 132 white flight, 239 Educational attainment, 5, 40, 60-61, 104, 122, 123 black persons, 47, 49, 50, 52, 61-62, 67, 69, 70, 195, 220-221, 229 central cities vs suburbs, 41-43, 45, 46, 58, 67-68, 194-199 (passim), 204, 273-274 Hispanics, 5, 47, 49-51, 195 income and, 61, 239 low-skilled workers, 4, 5, 17, 18, 32, 34, 42, 46, 62, 63, 68, 121, 217, 219, 222, 224, 236, 282 minorities, general, 26, 47, 131-132 neighborhood effects, 49, 54-55, 56, 69, 219-220, 226 peer influences, 54-55, 219, 239 population size and, 61-62 segregation, 26, 69, 70, 195, 220-221, 229 vouchers and, 93-94 white persons, less educated, 217, 222 Elasticity, 10, 45, 63-64, 120, 127, 193, 203, 206-207, 208, 240, 254, 269 annexation, 28-29, 63, 95, 96, 203, 240, 243, 268, 276 local government fragmentation vs, 64, 65, 66 see also Sprawl Ellen, Ingrid Gould, 44, 49, 56, 58, 64, 66, 238-239, 242 Employment and unemployment, 9, 40, 218-219, 220 black persons, 5-6, 47, 49, 52, 61, 67, 68-69, 71, 89, 95, 195, 214-216, 229 gender factors, 54, 214, 215 reverse commuting, 236 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 52, 57, 217, 220-221, 223, 224-225, 227, 228 central cities, 22, 33-34, 52-53, 131, 132 central cities vs suburbs, 4, 5, 16, 17, 33-34, 35, 36, 41, 45, 52, 58, 62-63, 68, 69, 194-204 (passim), 214-217, 225, 281-282, 306 classification issues, 14, 215 community development corporations, 233 databases, 236 enterprise zones, 86, 231, 232 gender factors, 214, 215, 222, 223 globalization, 17-18, 33 Hispanics, 49-51, 52, 195 information networks, 89 labor market skills, 86, 91-94 low-skilled workers, 4, 5, 17, 18, 32, 34, 42, 46, 62, 63, 68, 121, 217, 219, 222, 224, 236, 282 market forces, 14, 17-18, 33, 229 minorities, general, 4-5, 16, 20, 47 neighborhood effects, 6, 54, 55, 56, 57, 218, 220, 227, 228, 240 population size, 61 poverty and mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 property rights, 179 racial discrimination, 5-6, 10, 52, 57, 68-69, 89, 94-95, 121, 132 regional factors, 200-201 research recommendations, 117 segregation, 68-69, 71, 214-216, 229 state politics, 177 suburbs, 22, 33-34, 132, 163-164 discrimination, 5-6, 10, 19, 57, 95, 132 worker mobility strategies, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 see also "central cities vs suburbs" supra worker mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 poverty and, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 youth, 221-224 see also Commuters and commuting Enterprise zones, 86-87, 123, 230-233, 234 Environmental protection, 13, 38 air quality, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 310-321 sprawl, 175-176, 177-178 study at hand, methodology, vii Environmental Protection Agency, 316, 317, 319 Equalization aid, 7, 10, 72, 101-103, 123, 125, 133, 268, 278-280, 284 place-based initiatives, 86-88, 123, 230-234 Equity, general, 16, 53 centralization/decentralization, 8 regional air quality, 318-319

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regional transportation, 307-309 Ethical issues, see Moral and ethical issues Ethnicity, see Minority groups Europe, 31 immigrants from, residential segregation, 56-57 income segregation, 59 suburbs, 162-163, 165, 167 F Fair Housing Act (NJ), 155 Family factors, 16, 54, 94, 164, 218 single parents, 58, 70, 226 Farmland, see Rural areas Federal government, 21 air quality control, 304, 310, 313-317, 319-320 enterprise zones, 86 equalization aid, 101-102 housing, 90, 91, 237 metropolitan governance, 111, 114-115 subsidies and aid, 74, 101-102, 111, 114-115, 298-303, 304, 306-307 suburbanization, 28, 175-176 tax/service disparities, 98, 253, 254, 268, 278, 281, 287-288 transportation, 298-303, 304, 306-307 worker mobility programs, 89 see also Legislation, specific federal; specific departments and agencies Federal Highway Acts, 298 Federal Highway Trust Fund, 299 Fiscal capacity, 29, 72-77, 120, 126, 127, 281-282 community development corporations/financial institutions, 87-88, 123, 232-234 local government fragmentation, 65-66 suburbanization, 28, 281-282 see also Equalization aid; Taxation; Tax/service disparities Fischel, William, 59, 81, 83, 84-85 Florida, 80, 180-181, 262-263 Jacksonville, Florida, 97, 107 Foreign countries, see International perspectives Fragmentation/consolidation, see Centralization/decentralization policies Funding air quality control, 304, 313 educational vouchers, 92-93 enterprise zones, 86 equalization aid, 101-103 growth controls, 84 metropolitan governance, 111 study at hand, vii, viii transportation, 298-303, 304, 306-308 worker mobility programs, 89 see also Subsidies and aid; Taxation G Gasoline taxes, 84, 299 Gautreaux program (Chicago), 57-58, 90, 123, 218-219, 227-228, 238 Gender factors black persons, 54, 214, 215 central-city/suburban disparities, 214, 215 employment, 214, 215, 222, 223 high-poverty neighborhoods, 54 Geography, see Spatial distribution factors Georgia, 260-263 Government revenues and expenditures, 65, 75, 120 consolidation of local governments, 106 criminal justice system, 71 see also Funding; Public services; Subsidies and aid; Taxation; Tax/service disparities Grants, see Subsidies and aid H Hawaii, 177, 278 Highways, see Transportation Hispanics, 119 central cities, 25, 26, 46, 193-194, 195 central-city/suburban disparities, 195, 202, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 240 children, 20 educational attainment, 5, 47, 49-51, 195 educational segregation, 26 poverty, 4-5, 16, 27, 195 residential segregation, 27, 58-59, 176, 205, 206, 208, 209, 237 suburbs, 195, 202, 205, 208 Historical perspectives, 27, 63 agglomeration economies, 34

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air quality controls, 310-316 central-city/suburban disparities, 4, 20, 24-25, 27, 35, 41-43, 51, 63, 193, 196-197, 200, 214-215 commuter taxes, 282 educational segregation, 26 equalization aid, 102 income segregation, 153, 154, 157, 197-198 land area of metropolitan areas, 23, 63-64 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 106, 110, 114, 270 national politics, 18 population living in metropolitan areas, 22-23, 24-25, 27, 193-194 residential segregation, 26, 56-57, 240 suburbanization, 24, 28, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159-161, 175, 193, 195, 196 taxation, 101, 256-267, 282, 288 transportation policy, 296-304, 309 zoning, 153, 154 Housing attitudes toward home ownership, 193 blacks, 83, 90-91, 228 building codes, 31, 130-131 discrimination, 11-12; see also Residential segregation federal programs, 90, 91, 237 market forces, general, 14 minorities, general, 89 sprawl, 13, 33, 84-85, 109, 151-191, 237 state policies, 8, 80-81, 236-237 transportation and, 309 vouchers, 10, 58, 90, 123, 131, 227, 237 see also Land use; Low-income housing; Residential segregation; Zoning Houston, Texas, 17, 176, 269 I Ihlanfeldt, Keith, 52, 55, 57-58, 61, 87, 88-89, 90, 192 Illinois. 232, 262-263 see also Chicago, Illinois Immigrants central cities, 32, 53 residential segregation, 56-57 sprawl, 177-178 Income black persons, 5, 16, 20, 27, 46-50, 61, 62, 67, 120, 158, 195, 215-216 central cities, 32, 158 central-city/suburban disparities, 4, 16, 20, 35, 36, 41-42, 43-45, 58-59, 62-68, 120, 194-208 (passim), 215-216, 217 children, 59, 117, 158, 192 classification of urban problems, 14 disparities, general, 40 educational attainment and, 61, 239 globalization and wages, 18 Hispanics, 48, 49-51, 195 minorities, general, 195 neighborhood effects, 7, 16, 21, 30, 56, 59, 118, 124, 151, 153-154, 192, 197-198 population size and, 62 research recommendations, 117 residential segregation, 6-7, 9, 10, 16, 18-19, 21, 27, 29-31, 59-60, 65, 66-67, 70, 80, 117, 118, 124, 131, 151, 153-161, 169, 182, 192, 197-198, 199, 201-202, 229, 237 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 222 suburbanization, 28, 153-161, 169, 170 see also Employment and unemployment; Poverty Income tax, 34, 77, 101, 133, 172, 173, 255, 256, 260-261, 266, 267, 282, 283-284, 295 Indiana, 231, 232, 260 Indianapolis, Indiana, 107, 109, 111, 115 Infrastructure, 15, 107, 178, 269 system maintenance, 14, 15, 19, 306-307 see also Public services; Tax/service disparities; Transportation Inner-City Poverty in the United States, vii Inner-ring suburbs, 3, 4, 41, 76, 162-163, 170, 192 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act, 111, 274, 288, 304 International perspectives enterprise zones, 232 European countries, 31, 56-57, 59, 162-163, 165, 167 globalization, 17-18, 33 housing costs, 178 local government factors in spatial distribution, 29, 30, 31, 118-119 mass transit, 170 spatial distribution factors, general, 29, 30, 31, 118-119 suburbs, 29, 118, 151, 153, 162-163, 165, 168, 170, 171 tax/service disparities, 287

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Interact, 180 Iowa, 260-263 J Jacksonville, Florida, 97, 107 K Kansas, 262-263 Kentucky, 260 L Land use, 16, 154 land area of metropolitan areas, historical perspectives, 23, 63-64 local government, general, 8, 59, 64, 80, 130 international perspectives, 29, 30, 31, 118-119 spatial distribution, general, 22, 29, 30, 119 political factors, 81,237, 239-241 state policy, 8, 11, 80-81, 82-84, 119, 130, 154-155, 168, 177, 180-181, 236-237 transportation policy and, 309-310 see also Elasticity; Housing; Property rights; Property tax; Rural areas; Spatial distribution factors; Zoning Legal issues antidiscrimination laws, 11-12, 94-95, 108, 131, 132, 237, 308, 319 see also Court cases; Property rights; Regulatory issues; Zoning Legislation, specific federal, 180, 319-320 Air Quality Act, 310 Civil Rights Act, 308, 319 Clean Air Act, 310, 313, 315-317 Federal Highway Acts, 298 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act, 111, 274, 288, 304 Voting Rights Act, 108 Urban Mass Transportation Act, 301 Legislation, specific state, 177, 180-181, 283, 312, 314-315 Act 250 (Vermont), 177 Air Pollution Control District Act (CA), 310 Anti-Snob Zoning Act (MA), 158 Clean Air Acts (CA), 314, 315, 316, 320 Fair Housing Act (NJ), 155 Livable Communities Act (MN), 83-84 Mulford-Carrell Air Resources Act (CA), 310 Litigation, see Court cases Livable Communities Act (MN), 83-84 Local government, 3, 15, 20 land use, 8, 59, 64, 80, 130 international perspectives, 29, 30, 31, 118-119 spatial distribution, general, 22, 29, 30, 119 political factors, 22, 36-38, 64, 104, 107-109, 110, 113, 126, 163, 176-177, 239-241, 270, 271, 272-273, 276-278 spatial distribution factors, general, 29-32 spatial opportunity structures, 213-214, 239-241 state policy and, 8, 11, 18, 21, 76, 98, 99, 101, 102-103, 104, 260-267, 277, 278, 280-281 metropolitan consolidation policies, 109-110, 115, 128-130 municipal incorporation policies, 8, 28-29, 31, 115, 268 tax/service disparities, 76, 98, 99, 101, 102-103, 104, 260-267, 277, 278, 280-285 see also Equalization aid see also Centralization/decentralization policies; Counties; Regional factors; Taxation; Tax/service disparities; Zoning Los Angeles, California, 17, 25, 57, 157, 198, 225, 299, 300, 302, 310, 313-315, 316, 317, 319 Louisiana, 262-263 Low-income housing, 53, 59, 81-82, 84-85, 130-131, 237 central cities, 53, 59, 130-131, 153 Gautreaux program (Chicago), 57-58, 90, 123, 218-219, 227-228, 238 regulatory issues, 89-90, 130-131 suburbs, 81-82, 84-85, 89-91, 107, 110, 130 attitudes toward low-income housing, 29-30, 90-91, 158, 236, 238-239, 242 sprawl and, 151-152, 153, 154-158, 171-172, 176 vouchers, 10, 58, 90, 123, 131, 227, 237 Low-income persons, see Poverty

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M Maryland, 82, 84, 161, 260 Mass transit, 51, 170, 235, 286, 300-306, 307-309 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act, 111, 274, 288, 304 international perspectives, 170 Massachusetts, 158 Metropolitan governance, general, 104-115, 116, 128-131, 176, 202-203 air quality control, 296, 304, 310-320 annexation, 28-29, 63, 95, 96, 203, 240, 243, 268, 276 automobiles, regional policies, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316-318, 319 defined, 14-15, 176 federal efforts, 111, 114-115 land use, 80, 81-82, 176, 241 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 66, 107, 110-111, 113-114, 116-117, 124-125, 276; see also Special districts metropolitan planning organizations, 111-112, 114, 125, 274, 277, 302, 303-304 metropolitanization, general, 104-111 opportunity structures, 104-115 politics of, 36, 37, 104, 107-109, 110 population distribution, 80 poverty, 107 scope of study at hand, vii-viii, 3, 13, 14, 20-21 state government role, 11, 109-110, 115 tax/service disparities, 96-98, 99, 107, 254, 277, 278 see also Centralization/decentralization policies; Local government; Regional factors; State government Metropolitan planning organizations, 111-112, 114, 125, 274, 277, 302, 303-304 Miami, Florida, 97, 106, 107, 108 Michigan, 260 Detroit, 57, 69, 112, 225, 269 Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 74-75, 98 Minneapolis-St. Paul, Minnesota, 37-38, 81, 83-84, 99, 109-110, 115, 275, 284-285 Minnesota, 37-38, 81, 104, 129, 262-263 Minority groups, general, 3-4, 16, 46-51, 123, 201 central cities, general, 25, 201, 230 education, 26, 47, 131-132 employment gap, 4-5, 16, 20, 47 income gap, 4-5, 16, 230 intergroup relations, 14 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 107-108, 238 municipal incorporation, 31 poverty, 4-5, 10, 16, 53 segregation, residential, 3, 5, 6-7, 10, 56-59, 201, 237 spatial distribution, other, 21, 119, 134, 194-195 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 52 suburban, 3, 25, 26, 28, 130 tax/service disparities, 97 see also Immigrants; Racial discrimination; specific groups Missouri, 108, 260-261, 263-264 Mobility, 288 poverty and racial concentration, 10 research recommendations, 117 residential, 86, 89-91, 117, 230, 236-239, 241; see also Residential segregation workers, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 poverty and employment mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 32, 51-52, 56, 57, 61, 67, 89, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) see also Commuters and commuting; Transportation Moral and ethical issues, 18, 151 Motor vehicles, see Automobiles Mulford-Carrell Air Resources Act (CA), 310 N Nashville, Tennessee, 97, 107, 108 National Commission on Urban Problems, 157 Nebraska, 264-265 Neighborhood effects, vii, 6, 14, 104, 131, 132, 213, 217-219, 225-227, 230 air quality, 318-319 attitudes, general, 54-55 black neighborhoods, 218, 227, 228, 240 community development corporations, 233 crime, 6, 54, 56, 70, 226 education, 94, 219-220, 226, 239

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educational attainment, 49, 54-55, 56, 69, 219-220, 226 employment, 6, 54, 55, 56, 57, 218, 220, 227, 228, 240 income segregation, 7, 16, 21, 30, 56, 59, 118, 124, 151, 153-154, 192, 197-198 peer influences, 54-55, 59, 92, 94, 117, 122, 158, 218, 219, 226, 239 poverty, impacts of, 6, 7, 16, 17, 53-56, 59, 117-118, 197-198, 213, 217-219, 225 racial segregation, 7, 16, 21, 53, 118, 198-199, 206, 238, 240 research recommendations, 117, 118, 122, 242 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 56, 225, 227 see also Residential segregation Nested government, 11, 112-113, 128-129 Nevada, 264-265 New Hampshire, 155 New Jersey, 63, 80, 82, 83, 97, 154-155, 174-175, 181, 231, 311 New Mexico, 264-265 New York State, 260 North Carolina, 61, 94, 264-265 North Dakota, 264-265 O Ohio, 260, 264-265, 275-276, 283, 297, 311 Cleveland, 108, 113-114, 283, 297 Oklahoma, 264-265 Oregon, 38, 80-81, 82 Portland, 38, 81, 84, 109, 110-111, 172, 177 P Pagano, Michael, 74, 76, 77, 96-97, 100, 103, 106, 108, 112 Peer influences children, 54-55, 59, 92, 94, 117, 122, 158, 218, 219, 226, 239 educational attainment, 54-55, 219, 239 scientists, 179 Pennsylvania, 165, 223, 235, 260 Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 235 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 223 Place-based initiatives, 86-88, 123, 230-234 Police, 9, 19, 75-76, 83, 158, 218, 234, 267, 268, 273-274, 280, 286, 308 Policy options, viii, 4, 9, 11-12, 20, 127-134, 152 antidiscrimination laws, 11-12, 94-95, 108, 131, 132, 237, 308, 319 disparities, reduction of, 79-115 employment, 12, 57; see also "worker mobility strategies" infra fiscal, 87-88, 123, 232-234; see also "tax/service disparities" infra housing, 11-12, 80-82, 84-85, 89, 90 land use, 81-82 metropolitan governance, 11, 20-21, 104-115 neighborhood effects, 12, 218 residential, 86, 89-91, 117, 230, 236-239, 241 spatial opportunity structures, 11, 124, 85-115, 119, 213-214, 230-239 tax/service disparities, 95-104, 268-285 worker mobility strategies, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 see also Centralization/decentralization policies Political factors, 8, 14, 29, 239, 254 air quality controls, 314 central cities, 22, 36-38, 254 land use policy, 81, 237, 239-241; see also "zoning" infra local governments, 22, 36-38, 64, 104, 107-109, 110, 113, 126, 163, 176-177, 239-241, 270, 271, 272-273, 276-278 metropolitan governance, general, 36, 37, 104, 107-109, 110 national, 18 public choice factors, 105 regional, 15, 36, 37, 110, 113-114, 300, 305-306, 307-309, 314 social science, 179 state-level, 11, 28, 37, 177, 181, 280 suburbanization. 28-29, 158, 163, 164-165, 176-178, 254 tax/service disparities, 95-98, 100, 105, 268-269, 270, 271, 272-273, 276-278, 280, 284-285, 288 transportation policy, 300, 305-306, 307-309 zoning, 158, 163, 164-165, 176-178, 181, 236

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Population size and density, 61-63, 120 central-city/suburban disparities, 43-44, 192, 193, 201, 205 educational attainment and, 61-62 elasticity and, 10, 45, 63-64, 269 employment and, 61 historical perspectives, 22-23, 24-25, 27, 193-194 income and, 62 metropolitan area defined, 22, 38-39(n.1, n.3) racial disparities, 48-49, 51 spatial distribution, general, 10, 61-62 sprawl, 13, 33, 109, 151-191, 237 tax/service disparities, 75, 254, 269, 277 Portland, Oregon, 38, 81, 84, 109, 110-111, 172, 177 Poverty, vii, 3-4, 107, 192 black persons, 5-7, 16, 20, 27, 48, 54, 57, 195, 202, 205, 207, 208, 209, 214-216 central cities vs suburbs, 4, 16, 26-27, 29, 42, 43-44, 52-53, 90-91, 97-98, 110, 194-198 (passim), 254, 267-268, 307-309 classification of poverty areas, 39(n.4) community development corporations/financial institutions, 87-88 definitional issues, 39(n.4) educational services, 91-92, 94, 123, 131-132, 192 employment mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 enterprise zones, 86-87 gender factors, 54 Hispanics, 4-5, 16, 27, 195 income segregation, 6-7, 9, 10, 16, 18-19, 21, 27, 29-31, 59-60, 65, 66-67, 70, 80, 117, 118, 124, 131, 151, 153-161, 169, 182, 192, 197-198, 199, 201-202, 229, 237 minority groups, general, 4-5, 10, 16, 53 neighborhood effects, 6, 7, 16, 17, 53-56, 59, 117-118, 197-198, 213, 217-219, 225 research recommendations, 117-118, 125 social isolation, 6, 7-8, 52-53, 89, 156, 158-159; see also "neighborhood effects" supra spatial distribution factors, general, 27, 119 suburbs, 3, 4, 97-98; see also "central cities vs suburbs" supra tax/service disparities, 73, 76, 97-98, 254, 278, 281 transportation, 305-306, 307-308; see also Mobility (workers) zoning discrimination, 11-12, 29; see also Zoning (exclusionary) see also Low-income housing; Subsidies and aid; Welfare Property rights, 84-85, 152, 165, 168, 178-182 Property tax, 30, 75, 97, 99, 100-101, 102, 255, 256, 282 educational services and, 174-175 regional factors, 201 sprawl, 169, 173-175, 178 Public services, 6, 10, 30, 126 fragmented vs consolidated local government, and 8-9, 10, 65-66, 110-112 residential segregation, 57 surburbanization and, 152 unequal provision, 10, 60-61 see also Education; Infrastructure; Mass transit; Police; Special districts; Tax/service disparities; Welfare Public transportation, see Mass transit Q Quality of life, general, 14, 15, 129 suburban residents, 20 Quasi-governmental organizations, 286-287 R Racial discrimination, 11-12, 18-19 antidiscrimination laws, 11-12, 94-95, 108, 131, 132, 237, 308, 319 attitudes, general, 46, 90-91, 195, 201, 238-239, 242 employment, 5-6, 10, 52, 57, 68-69, 89, 94-95, 121, 132 residential segregation, vii, 5-6, 8, 10, 25-26, 27, 31, 51, 56-59, 69-71, 118-119, 131, 158, 198-199, 201-202, 205, 213, 229, 237, 240 black persons, 6-7, 18-19, 26, 27, 49, 56-57, 58-59, 67, 69-70, 198-199, 202, 205, 206, 228, 229, 237-238, 242

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educational attainment and, 49, 69 employment, 69 household mobility strategies, 90 international studies, 118-119 local government fragmentation, 8, 11, 66-67, 124 neighborhood effects, 7, 16, 21, 53, 118, 198-199, 206, 238, 240 see also Neighborhood effects segregation, other, 6-7, 9, 10, 18-19, 46, 57-59, 118, 124, 202, 213 Racial factors, other, see Minority groups Regional factors, 15, 20, 21, 49, 110, 120 air quality control, 296, 304, 310-320 automobiles, regional policies, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316-318, 319 central cities' relations with suburbs, 35 central-city/suburban disparities, 43, 44-45, 120, 200-201, 203-205, 207, 208, 209 income, black vs white, 47-48, 49 income, central cities vs suburbs, 43, 44-45, 120 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 66, 107, 110-111, 113-114, 116-117, 124-125, 276; see also Special districts local government, other, 24 metropolitan planning organizations, 111-112, 114, 125, 274, 277, 302, 303-304 metropolitanization, general, 104-111 place-based initiatives, 86 political factors, 15, 36, 37, 110, 113-114, 300, 305-306, 307-309, 314 research recommendations, 124-125, 242-243 system maintenance, 15, 19 tax/service disparities, 98, 99, 133, 276 transportation policy, 111, 274, 277, 296-310, 318-321 Regression analysis, 69, 70, 76, 193, 199-200, 206-208, 242-243 Regulatory issues automobile use, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316-318, 319 low-income housing, 89-90, 130-131 sprawl, federal regulations, 28, 175-176 see also Building codes; Environmental protection; Standards; State government; Zoning Research recommendations, 10-11, 117-127 elasticity, 241 income segregation, 58-59, 118, 124 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 120-121, 124 neighborhood effects, 117, 118, 122, 242 segregation, 49 spatial distribution factors, 117-119 spatial opportunity structures, 241-243 unequal opportunity, 9, 10, 117, 127, 129-131 Residential segregation, 6, 8, 9, 52-53, 57, 220, 242-243 black persons, 6-7, 18-19, 26, 27, 49, 56-57, 58-59, 67, 69-70, 198-199, 202, 205, 206, 228, 229, 237-238, 242 elasticity, 240 Gautreaux program (Chicago), 57-58, 90, 123, 218-219, 227-228, 238 Hispanics, 27, 58-59, 176, 205, 206, 208, 209, 237 historical perspectives, 26, 56-57, 240 immigrants, 56-57 income segregation, 6-7, 9, 10, 16, 18-19, 21, 27, 29-31, 59-60, 65, 66-67, 70, 80, 117, 118, 124, 131, 151, 153-161, 169, 182, 192, 197-198, 199, 201-202, 229, 237 children, 59, 117, 158, 192 international studies, 29, 30, 31, 118-119 neighborhood effects, 7, 16, 21, 53, 118, 198-199, 206, 238, 240 study at hand, methodology, vii see also Racial discrimination (residential segregation); Zoning (exclusionary) Revenue, see Government revenues and expenditures; Taxation Roads, see Transportation Rural areas transportation policy, 298, 300 zoning, 163-164, 169, 170-171, 172, 175-176 S Sacramento, California, 313 San Francisco, California, 162, 169-170, 304, 308, 310, 311, 312, 313, 316, 317 Seattle, Washington, 109, 111 Seoul, South Korea, 178 Services, see Public services

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Social factors, general, 9, 14, 16 family factors, 16, 54, 94, 164, 218 single parents, 58, 70, 226 life-style issues, 14, 15, 18 peer influences, 54-55, 59, 92, 94, 117, 122, 158, 218, 219, 226, 239 poverty and social isolation, 6-8, 52-53, 89, 156, 158-159; see also Residential segregation suburbanization, 28, 29-30 see also Demographic factors; Minority groups; Neighborhood effects; Political factors; Racial discrimination Socioeconomic status, general central cities' relations with suburbs, 35 classification of urban problems. 14 decentralized structures and inequality, 3 research recommendations, 117 see also Income; Poverty; Racial discrimination; Residential segregation South Carolina, 61, 264-265 South Dakota, 264-265 South Korea, 178 Spatial distribution factors, 10, 14, 21, 22, 23-28, 67-69, 192-213 black persons, general, 214-216 density of population, 10, 61-62 education, school location, 94 employment, 67-68 discrimination, 69 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 61, 67, 201, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) international perspectives, 29, 30, 31, 118-119 local government, 29-32 minorities, general, 21, 119, 134, 194-195 place-based initiatives, 86-88, 123, 230-234 research recommendations, 117-119 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 56, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) spatial opportunity structure, 10, 11, 16-17, 18, 21, 37, 40, 51, 54, 61, 79-115, 116-117, 121-122, 123-125, 127-128, 129, 133-135, 213-252 tax/service disparities, 268-269 see also Elasticity; Land use; Neighborhood effects; Residential segregation; Special districts; Sprawl; Zoning Special districts, 23, 98, 112, 125, 129, 269, 272-274, 277 air quality control, 296, 304, 310-321 metropolitan planning organizations, 111-112, 114, 125, 274, 277, 302, 303-304 Speculation, 172-173 Sprawl, 13, 33, 84, 109, 151-191, 237 central-city/suburban disparities, 152, 158, 159, 176 environmental impacts, 175-176, 177-178 immigrants, 177-178 international perspectives, 151, 153, 162-163, 165, 168, 170 opportunity costs, 176 property rights, 84-85, 152, 165, 168, 178-182 property tax, 169, 173-175, 178 see also Elasticity Stable Neighborhood Initiatives Program, 238, 239 Standards building codes, 31, 130-131 educational, 131, 132 State government, 3-4, 8, 11, 18, 21, 115, 129-130 air quality controls, 310-315 annexation, 28-29 commuter taxes, 123 education, 102-103, 104 employment, 177 enterprise zones, 86-87, 123, 230-233, 234 equalization aid, 7, 10, 72, 101-103, 123, 125, 133, 268, 278-280, 284; see also Place-based initiatives housing, 8, 80-81, 236-237 land use policies, 8, 11, 80-81, 82-84, 119, 130, 154-155, 168, 177, 180-181, 236-237 local governments and, 8, 11, 18, 21, 76, 98, 99, 101, 102-103, 104, 260-267, 277, 278, 280-281 metropolitan consolidation policies, 109-110, 115, 128-130 municipal incorporation policies, 8, 28-29, 31, 115, 268 tax/service disparities, 76, 98, 99, 101, 102-103, 104, 260-267, 277, 278, 280-285 metropolitan governance, general, 11, 109-110, 115

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municipal incorporation policies, 8, 28-29, 115 political factors, 11, 28, 37, 177, 181, 280 rural property tax, 175 subsidies and aid, 74 tax policies, general, 8, 175, 255 tax revenues by state and/or type, tables, 256-257 tax/service disparities, 76, 98, 99, 101, 102-103, 104, 260-267, 277, 278, 280-285; see also Equalization aid transportation policies, 298, 299-300, 306 unequal opportunity, 18, 129-130 see also Court cases; Legislation, specific state; specific states Statistical analyses agglomeration economies, 34 central cities' relations with suburbs, 35-36 local government fragmentation effects, 66 municipal incorporation factors, 31 racial disparities, 49 see also Regression analysis St. Louis, Missouri, 108 Subsidies and aid community development corporations/financial institutions, 87-88, 123, 232-234 enterprise zones, 86-87, 123, 230-231, 234 Europe, 162-163, 165, 167 federal government, 74, 101-102, 111, 114-115, 298-303, 304, 306-307 growth controls, 84 housing, 90, 154-155 metropolitan consolidation, 111, 114-115, 129 sprawl, 171-172 tax/service disparities, 72, 74, 267; see also Equalization aid transportation, 298-303, 304, 306-308 zoning and, 30, 82-84, 85, 171-172, 179 see also Vouchers; Welfare Suburbs and suburban residents, 4-5, 15, 16, 21, 192 agglomeration economies, 33, 34 attitudes toward inner city, 10, 52, 89, 132, 201, 271 attitudes toward low-income housing, 29-30, 90-91, 158, 236, 238-239, 242 causes of, 10, 28-29, 30, 118, 151-191, 281-282 federal government role, 28, 175-176 political factors, 28-29, 158, 163, 164-165, 176-178, 254 transportation factors, 28, 159, 160-161 costs of urban decline, 11, 14, 19-20, 35, 36, 71, 127, 192, 288 crime, 71, 81-82, 158, 161 employment, 22, 33-34, 132, 163-164 discrimination, 5-6, 10, 19, 57, 95, 132 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 57, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) see also Mobility (workers) Hispanics, 195, 202, 205, 208 historical perspectives, 24, 28, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159-161, 175, 193, 195, 196 household mobility strategies, 86, 89-91 income segregation/stratification, 7-8, 151, 152, 153-159 inner-ring, 3, 4, 41, 76, 162-163, 170, 192 international perspectives, 29, 118, 151, 153, 162-163, 165, 168, 170, 171 low-income housing, 81-82, 84-85, 89-91, 107, 110, 130 attitudes toward, 29-30, 90-91, 158, 236, 238-239, 242 sprawl and, 151-152, 153, 154-158, 171-172, 176 minorities, 3, 25, 26, 28, 130 poverty, 3, 4, 97-98 property rights, 84-85, 152, 165, 168, 178-182 research recommendations, 118 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 7-8, 32, 51-52, 57, 61, 67, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) spatial opportunity structures, 17, 117 sprawl, 13, 33, 84, 109, 151-191 white flight, 237-238 zoning, 151-191 exclusionary, 8, 11, 12, 16, 21, 29, 30-32, 38, 61, 79-80, 81-82, 89-90, 104, 130, 131, 152, 153-159, 168-169, 175-182, 201, 236-237 inclusionary, 10, 38, 78, 81, 82-84, 130, 176, 177 see also Central-city/suburban disparities; Commuters and commuting; Tax/service disparities

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T Taxation, 9 classification of urban problems, 14 central cities' relations with suburbs, 34, 35, 37 commuter taxes, 7, 98, 101, 123, 133, 267, 281-282 enterprise zones, 86-87, 123, 230-233, 234 gasoline taxes, 84, 299 historical perspectives, 101, 256-267, 282, 288 home owners, advantages, 171-172 income taxes, 34, 77, 101, 133, 172, 173, 255, 256, 260-261, 266, 267, 282, 283-284, 295 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 107-108, 203 local revenues by state and/or type, 256-267 property taxes, 30, 75, 97, 99, 100-101, 102, 169, 173-175, 307 public choice factors, 105 racial/economic segregation, 7 residential segregation, 7, 57 sales taxes, 74, 75, 76, 255, 256, 258, 260, 262-267, 307 speculation and, 173 state policies, general, 8, 175, 255 transportation, 84, 299, 307, 309, 313; see also "commuter taxes" supra zoning and, 30, 169; see also "enterprise zones" supra Tax/service disparities, 7, 8, 10, 29, 30, 32, 72-77, 95-104, 107, 116, 119-120, 122-123, 132-133, 203, 253-295 children, 75; see also "education" infra commuter taxes, 7, 98, 101, 123, 133, 267, 281-282 counties, 255, 262-266, 270, 272, 273, 280-281 crime, 75, 267, 268, 273-274, 280, 286 education, 7, 75, 122, 174-175, 255, 267, 278, 279, 280 equalization aid, 101-103, 123, 125, 133, 268, 278-280, 284; see also Place-based initiatives export taxes, 98, 100-101, 266, 283-284; see also "commuter taxes" supra federal government, 98, 253, 254, 268, 278, 281, 287-288 fragmentation/consolidation of metropolitan government, 8, 75, 116, 203, 268, 269-272 international perspectives, 287 metropolitan governance, general, 96-98, 99, 107, 254, 277, 278 minority groups, general, 97 political factors, 95-98, 100, 105, 268-269, 270, 271, 272-273, 276-278, 280, 284-285, 288 population size/density, 75, 254, 269, 277 poverty, 73, 76, 97-98, 254, 278, 281 public choice factors, 105-106 regional factors, general, 98, 99, 133, 276 spatial distribution, general, 268-269 state policy, 76, 98, 99, 101, 102-103, 104, 260-267, 277, 278, 280-285; see also "equalization aid" supra subsidies and aid, 72, 74, 267; see also Equalization aid suburbs, 74-75, 76, 270-271, 281-282, 285; see also Commuters and commuting tax-base sharing. 99-100, 268, 274-276, 284; see also "equalization aid" supra transportation, 254, 286; see also Commuters and commuting welfare, 76-77, 254 Telecommunications, 33 Interact, 180 Tennessee, 264-265 Texas, 264-265, 268 Transportation, 19, 230 automobiles, 6, 84, 160-161, 170, 287, 296, 299, 300, 304, 309, 314, 316-318, 319 central-city/suburban disparities, general, 305-306, 307 equity, general, 307-309 federal government, 298-303, 304, 306-307 funding, 298-303, 304, 306-308 gasoline taxes, 84, 299 historical perspectives, 296-304, 309 housing and, 309 Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act, 111, 274, 288, 304 land use policy, general, 309-310 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 111, 274, 296-310, 318-321

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mass transit, 51, 111, 170, 235, 286, 288, 300-306, 307-309 political factors, 300, 305-306, 307-309 poverty, 305-306, 307-308; see also Mobility (workers) regional, 111, 274, 277, 296-310, 318-321 rural areas, 298, 300 special-purpose districts, 274 state policy, 298, 299-300, 306 study at hand, methodology, vii, 13 suburbanization, causes of, 28, 159, 160-161 taxation, 84, 299, 307, 309, 313; see also Commuters and commuting (commuter tax) tax/service disparities, 254, 286 worker mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 poverty and employment mobility, 10, 86, 88-89, 94, 95, 123, 131, 132, 227, 235-236 spatial mismatch hypothesis, 5-6, 32, 51-52, 56, 57, 61, 67, 89, 216-217, 220-230 (passim) see also Commuters and commuting Two-tier governments, 21, 95, 96, 97, 106, 268, 272-274, 287 U Unemployment, see Employment and unemployment Unequal opportunity, general, 16-17, 19, 20, 27, 40-78, 69-71, 85-95, 116, 121, 127 exclusionary zoning, 8, 11, 12, 16, 21, 29, 30-32, 38, 61, 79-80, 81-82, 89-90, 104, 130, 131, 201, 236-237 sprawl and, 152, 153-159, 168-169, 175-182 globalization, 18 individualism and equal opportunity, 18 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 8, 65-66 metropolitan governance, 114 national policy, 18 policy options, 79-115 public services, 10, 60-61 research recommendations, 9, 10, 117, 127, 129-131 spatial opportunity structures, 21, 79-115, 116, 117, 127, 213-252 state policy, 18, 129-130 unemployment, underemployment and low-income, 9, 18, 19 see also Central-city/suburban disparities; Neighborhood effects; Poverty; Racial discrimination; Residential segregation; Spatial distribution factors; Tax/service disparities Urban Change and Poverty, vii Urban Mass Transportation Act, 301 Urbanization economies, 32 Utah, 264-265 V Vermont, 80, 177 Virginia, 115, 162, 260, 266-267 Voting Rights Act, 108 Vouchers educational, 92-94, 104, 132 housing, 10, 58, 90, 123, 131, 227, 237 W Washington, D.C., 17, 82, 97-98, 162, 198, 282 Washington State, 266-267, 311 Welfare, 237 neighborhood effects, 54 political factors, 18, 181-182 tax/service disparities, 76-77, 254 see also Low-income housing Wisconsin, 266-267 Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 74-75, 98 Working Class Suburb, 195 World Wide Web, see Internet Wyoming, 266-267 Z Zoning, 11, 107 community development corporations, 88 court cases, 83, 154-155, 158, 165, 168, 174-175, 180-181 discriminatory, 11-12, 29; see also "exclusionary" infra enterprise zones, 86-87, 123, 230-233, 234 exclusionary, 8, 11, 12, 16, 21, 29, 30-32,

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38, 61, 79-80, 81-82, 89-90, 104, 130, 131, 201, 236-237 sprawl and, 152, 153-159, 168-169, 175-182 historical perspectives, 153, 154 local government fragmentation/consolidation, 80, 81, 176-177, 180 inclusionary, 10, 38, 78, 81, 82-84, 130, 176, 177 political factors, 158, 163, 164-165, 176-178, 181, 236 property rights, 84-85, 152, 165, 168, 178-182 rural areas, 163-164, 169, 170-171, 172, 175-176 sprawl and, 151-191 subsidies and aid, 30, 82-84, 85, 171-172, 179; see also "enterprisezones" supra 1 Metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) are defined as follows: "Each MSA must include at least: (a) one city with 50,000 or more inhabitants, or (b) a Census Bureau-defined urbanized area (of at least 50,000 inhabitants) and a total population of at least 100,000 (75,000 in New England). Under the standards the county (or counties) that contains the largest city becomes the central county (counties), along with any adjacent counties that have at least 50 percent of their population in the urbanized area surrounding the largest city. Additional 'outlying counties' are included in the MSA if they meet specified requirements of commuting to the central counties and other selected requirements of metropolitan character (such as population density and percent urban) (U.S. Bureau of the Cencus, 1996a:937). An urbanized area is "an area consisting of a central place(s) and adjacent urban fringe that together have a minimum residential population of at least 50,000 people and generally an overall population density of at least 1,000 people per square mile of land area" (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1994:G-54). Unlike metropolitan areas, which must contain entire counties, urbanized areas are defined with reference to density. 2 Holding 1960 metropolitan-area boundaries constant, the proportion of the U.S. population living in these areas actually fell slightly, from 63 percent in 1960 to 62 percent in 1990. 3 Metropolitan areas are divided into primary metropolitan statistical areas (PMSAs) and consolidated metropolitan statistical areas (CMSAs). CMSAs consist of two or more contiguous and closely related PMSAs. As of June 1995, there were 271 metropolitan areas, consisting of 253 PMSAs and 18 CMSAs. The 18 CMSAs contained within them a total of 73 PMSAs. The total number of PMSAs was therefore 326. 4 Increases in the proportion of the population living in high-poverty areas may result from an increasing number of census tracts being classified as high-poverty areas as nonpoor households move out, from an increasing incidence of poverty, or from an increasing propensity of the poor to move into such areas. 1 Data from the Current Population Survey presented in Ihlanfeldt (this volume) suggest that the city-suburban disparity in family income continued to rise between 1989 and 1995. 2 The index is calculated from three ratios of central-city to suburban outcomes: per capita income, employment rate for men between 16 and 64, and the proportion of persons 25 or older who have at least a high school diploma. In order that each of the three measures is weighted equally, they are each standardized to a scale of 0-100, and the standardized ratios are then averaged to create an overall index of disparity. The higher the number, the better off the central city relative to its suburban counterparts. In order to give equal weight to each of the three ratios, they were each standardized to a scale of 0-100 before being averaged. The minimum value was assigned as zero and the maximum value 100. The ratios in between are assigned values between 0 and 100 according to the following formula: y = (x-xmin)/(xmax - xmin). 3 The figures here compare all whites and all blacks, since separate non-Hispanic white estimates were not available for 1980. 4 A "bad neighborhood" is defined as a neighborhood in which more than 40 percent of teenagers are high school dropouts, more than 40 percent of families are headed by single females, and less than 10 percent of employed persons hold professional or managerial jobs. 5 Hanushek (1996:59) does not argue that schools or school inputs do not matter. He argues, instead, that, although commonly measured input characteristics, such as class size and teacher education and experience, do not make a difference, there are other unmeasured characteristics of schools and teachers that do. 6 In particular, they were able to utilize a "value added" approach to track changes in educational performance over time for individual students, to isolate instructional spending from total educational spending, and to utilize measures of actual class size rather than school or district averages of teacher-pupil ratios. 7 In metropolitan areas in which there is more than one central city, they included the largest central city, but included smaller central cities only if their population was over 100,000. 8 Blair et al. (1996) examine the effect of elasticity on both city and metropolitan-area growth in population, employment, per capita income, and poverty in 117 metropolitan areas between 1980 and 1990. They found that elasticity is related significantly to growth in all of the variables for central cities (positively for the first three and negatively for poverty). It is significantly related to growth in population and employment, but not for per capita income or poverty for metropolitan areas. However, the only variable controlled for in the analysis was the state change (net of the metropolitan area) in each of the dependent variables examined. These findings do not address the question of the impact of elasticity on central-city/suburban disparities. 9 The finding that more fragmented systems of government lead to lower per capita spending does not necessarily mean they are more efficient, since it is virtually impossible in these studies to separate out expenditure differences that reflect efficiency from those that reflect differences in the quantity or quality of services provided. Indeed, we would expect the demand for services to vary with different sizes of government over which demand is aggregated and with different spillover effects associated with different sizes of government. 10 The most commonly used operational measures is the number of local governments in a metropolitan area or number of local governments per capita. But it is not clear that this is a valid measure of the concept. Should all local governments be counted in fragmentation research? To the extent the research is concerned with coordination difficulties, then perhaps the most commonly used measures are reasonable: the greater the number of local governments (or local governments per capita), the greater the difficulties in arranging coordinated activity across the area. But, if the concern is the "sorting" consequences of fragmentation, as discussed above, perhaps only those local governments that have an important effect on the sorting process, i.e., those with local land use powers (primarily general-purpose units of local government rather than special districts) should be counted. However, it might well be argued that local school districts, although a special district and without land use powers, play such a significant role in the sorting process that they should be included as well. 11 Lewis' measure of fragmentation differs dramatically from previously utilized measures. He constructs a fragmentation index that is equal to TE(1-SSP), in which TE is total expenditures per capita in the metropolitan area and SSP is the sum of the squared percentages of total expenditures accounted for by each local government. The greater the number of governments, each with a lower share of total government expenditure, the greater will be the fragmentation index. 12 Bald (1994:297) reports on tax/service differences in 35 metropolitan areas between central cities and suburbs in the aggregate. On average in these 35 areas, central cities spent $1.51 per capita for every $1.00 per capita spent by the area's suburbs. (The difference was due to the much higher level of spending by cities on noneducational expenditures; suburban governments spent more per capita on education than did cities.) However, taxes as a percentage of family income (tax burden) were an average of 44 percent higher in the central cities, and Bahl notes (1994:297) that the tax burden disparity is increasing over time. 13 Oakland (1994:7-8) argues, however, that fiscal disparities are not necessarily undesirable and that efforts to reduce or eliminate them could have perverse efficiency consequences. 14 Pagano observes (this volume) that, on the basis of the Ladd and Yinger measures, the cities with the greatest actual revenue-raising capacity are in Ohio, which permits the most progressive earnings taxes on commuters; Cleveland's revenue-raising capacity was 41 percent higher than the average U.S. city and Dayton's 59 percent higher, both substantially above their standardized revenue-raising capacity. 1 We do not consider income transfer programs, since these do not address the causes of unequal opportunities and disparities. 2 Fiscal capacity is defined as the per capita equalized market value of all real property in a jurisdiction. 3 Despite these findings, evidence from citizen satisfaction surveys has frequently indicated strong black support for the results of metropolitan reform (see, for example, Stowers, 1996, in reference to Dade County and Lyons et al., 1992, who find greater satisfaction with services among blacks living in a neighborhood in the consolidated government of Lexington than among blacks living in a socially and economically similar black suburb in the fragmented Louisville metropolitan area). 4 Only fragmentary evidence exists on whether such redistribution does indeed occur. One study (Hawkins and Hendrick, 1994) found fiscal redistribution between suburban areas and central cities through the tax and expenditure behavior of the overlapping county government in the Milwaukee area; another (Banovetz, 1965) found mixed evidence in the Twin Cities area. 1 In fact, despite their overrepresentation in central cities, the share of blacks who live in suburban areas has been increasing. In 1960, for instance, just 20 percent of blacks lived in suburban communities, compared with 26 percent in 1990. 2 Data from the Current Population Survey presented in Ihlanfeldt (this volume) suggest that the city-suburban disparity in family income continued to rise between 1989 and 1995. 3 Calculated from Massey and Denton (1993:Table 8.1). 4 The minimum value is assigned 0, the maximum value is assigned 1, and the values in between are standardized according to the following formula: Z = (X-Xmin)/(Xmax-Xmin). 5 Hill and Wolman (1997) examine the impact of tight labor market conditions on central-city/suburban differences and find, contrary to conventional wisdom, that economic growth may actually exacerbate disparities. 6 Several researchers have found the age of the metropolitan area to be correlated with greater central-city/suburban inequality (see Bollens, 1986; Hill, 1974; Logan and Schneider, 1982; Schnore, 1965). 7 The official Census Bureau definition of central city is used here to construct a measure of elasticity. As Hill and Wolman (1997) point out, the Census Bureau uses a very broad definition of central city, which encompasses more than merely the largest municipality in the metropolitan area and may include as well cities that might be better described as ''edge cities.'' Thus, using the Census definition of central city may not be ideal for constructing a measure of elasticity. Nonetheless, it is consistent with the other data used here, which also rely on the official Census definition for central city. The results remain the same when using a more restrictive definition of central city (at least for the 152 metropolitan statistical areas for which the more restrictive measure of elasticity is available). 8 Note that this measure of elasticity differs from the more complicated index used by Rusk, but it captures the essence of his concept (see Hill and Wolman, 1997). 9 Significantly, the quartiles are defined so that each includes an equal number of metropolitan areas, rather than residents. It turns out that the metropolitan areas in which central cities fare worse are far more populous. Thus, for example, the quartile with the most relatively disadvantaged cities houses a full 41 percent of the total metropolitan population. 10 The natural logarithm is used to smooth the distribution of metropolitan population. 11 Specifically, the regression includes a variable that is equal to the difference between the elasticity and .45 when elasticity is above .45 and takes on the value of 0 when the elasticity is below .45. For more information, Greene includes an excellent discussion of spline regressions (see Greene, 1993:234-238.) 12 Hill and Wolman (1997) find no connection between elasticity and the disparity in per capita income between central cities and suburbs. Their analysis differs in three ways, however. First, they include city-suburban human capital differences as an independent variable, which means that their regression model attempts to explain city-suburban differences in returns to education, rather than overall disparities. Second, most of their estimated models also include the level of disparity existing in 1980 as an independent variable, which means that they test whether elasticity has any effect on the change in disparity between 1980 and 1990. Finally, they do not include a spline variable. (When the spline variable is not included here, the elasticity remains significant, but its magnitude is far smaller.) 1 Evidence on segregation in metropolitan housing markets, on one hand, indicates that racial segregation has declined over time but remains at a high level (Farley and Frey, 1994). Evidence on income segregation indicates that it has been increasing but is not nearly as high as racial segregation (Abramson et al., 1995; Massey and Eggers, 1993; Jargowsky, 1996). The increase in income segregation has occurred in the white, black, and Hispanic groups, but the largest increases were for minorities during the 1980s (Jargowsky, 1996). 2 Wilson (1987:8) defines the underclass as the heterogenous grouping of families and individuals who lack training and skills and either experience long-term unemployment or are not part of the labor force, individuals who engage in street criminal activity and other aberrant behavior, and families who experience long-term spells of poverty and/or welfare dependency. 3 In fact, if low-skilled whites can easily shift their labor supply to the suburbs in response to job decentralization, then spatial mismatch is unlikely to be much of a problem, since this may represent enough supply adjustment to eliminate the disequilibrium. 4 The dependence of long-run effects on short-run events has been labeled "hysteresis," a term 5 This fact is explained by the standard urban model if the income elasticity of housing demand exceeds the income elasticity of commuting cost. Alternatively stated, higher-income people may have longer commutes because they wish to consume more units of housing at a lower price. This explanation assumes that housing prices on average decline as distances to employment centers increase, which considerable empirical evidence suggests is the case (see, for example, Jackson, 1979). Other models suggest that higher-income workers travel farther to get to work because they are willing to trade commuting costs for either environmental amenities or better government services. 6 Kasarda and Ting find that their measure of job access—commute time of city residents for each racial group—has no effect on their outcome variables for black males, which unlike the rest of their results is inconsistent with the spatial mismatch hypothesis. However, all of their results may be underestimates of true effects, due to the crudeness of their access measure (which they acknowledge) and their failure to address the simultaneity between their endogenous variables and residential location. 7 To quote Ellwood's often repeated aphorism, "The problem isn't space. It's race." 8 In comparison to adults, youth are less likely to have access to an automobile for commuting to work, they may place a higher value on their commuting time due to their school responsibilities, and have less information on distant jobs because of a greater reliance on informal sources of job information. 9 The results of Holzer et al. (1994) are also suggestive of information limitations. They find that black and white central-city youth do not offset greater job decentralization with greater distances traveled, for either search or work. 10 It should be noted that both of the regression studies use questionable measures of job accessibility. Both use variants of neighborhood mean commute times based on the reasonable assumption that a youth has better job access if he or she lives in a neighborhood where residents have to make only a short commute to get to work. However, neither study standardizes travel times for transportation mode and both use travel times to all jobs in computing means. Since there is considerable variation in travel times between public and private carriers and the spatial distribution of youth jobs differs from that of all jobs, the findings of Cutler and Glaeser and O'Regan and Quigley may understate the true effects of job access by a considerable amount. 11 The Gautreaux program does not admit families with more than four children, large debts, or unacceptable housekeeping. 12 More recent research by Bartik (1994) provides further support for this conclusion. He finds that metropolitan-area employment growth increases the income of households in the poorest income quintile by five times as much as the increase experienced by households in the richest quintile. 13 A fourth category of policies includes educational reforms, such as site-based management, charter schools, vouchers, and school choice. These reforms are not discussed here, since adequately covering them would extend this paper to unmanageable length. For a recent review of current issues in public urban education, see Picus, Lawrence O. 1996. Current Issues in Public Urban Education. Housing Policy Debate 7(4):715-730. 14 In fact, the dispersal (category three) versus development (category one) debate has been simmering and at times raging for over 25 years. Early participants in this debate include Kain and Persky (1969), Downs (1968), Edel (1972), and Harrison (1974). 15 Apparently, the problem with tax credits for targeted jobs is that they have a stigmatizing effect on members of the targeted group in the eyes of employers (Burtless, 1985; Bishop and Kang, 1991). 16 Other place-based initiatives that could be listed are business retention and expansion programs focused on areas in central cities where jobs are most needed. Although a number of cities have such programs, no evidence could be located on their effectiveness. Nevertheless, their low cost in comparison to tax incentives and other types of programs designed to attract new firms makes these programs an attractive option. Downs (1994) recommends that city governments survey employers to see what problems they have and what can be done to solve them. 17 This approach is complicated by the heterogeneity of community development corporation employment programs. They may fare more or less well relative to urban enterprise zones depending on the specifics of their programs. 18 There was a series of reverse-commuting demonstration projects funded by the federal government in the 1960s. These projects produced at best only meager benefits. But these results may not be applicable today, since there have been major changes in the spatial distributions of jobs and people in metropolitan areas over the past 30 years. 19 Between 1915 and 1920 jitneys, which were private vehicles (mostly Ford Model Ts), profitably operated in many metropolitan areas throughout the United States (Eckert and Hilton, 1972). They had flexible destinations and carried multiple passengers, generally going to different but nearby locations. Their life in America was cut short by regulations passed by municipalities that made their costs of doing business prohibitive. Jitneys were put down in order to preserve streetcars, which were favored because, unlike jitneys, they were an important source of tax revenue for local governments. It was also believed that competition between streetcars and jitneys would make it impossible for streetcars to subsidize their longer routes from revenues generated by their shorter routes, which were rapidly losing patronage in favor of the faster, more convenient service provided by the jitneys. 20 Even with white flight, residential mobility policies will improve the job accessibility of minorities. Although retailing and personal services will follow whites to more distant suburbs, the immobility of capital will keep manufacturing jobs in those areas that undergo racial transition. 21 Other provisions include race-conscious counseling; housing centers that disseminate information on neighborhood change, provide counseling, and prevent the spread of rumors; and bonuses for metro-based organizations that work with several integrated communities. 22 Some additional evidence that whites' aversion to black neighbors in not based on pure racial prejudice is provided by Harris (1997). He estimates hedonic housing price equations and finds that the racial composition of the neighborhood is not a statistical significant explanatory variable, after controlling for nonracial characteristics of the neighborhood (e.g., percentage poor and percent affluent). 23 There is the possibility that Ellen's results reflect, at least in part, differences in prejudice between owners and renters and families with and without children. To the extent that this is true, policies to arrest structural decline will be less effective in achieving racially stable neighborhoods. 24 Cutler and Glaeser (1995) have also suggested that political fragmentation may impose an added cost on blacks trying to change neighborhoods because a different neighborhood may have different public goods and perhaps even public goods designed to discourage racial integration. Their examples of the latter are racist police officers and schooling designed particularly for white suburban residents. 25 Jargowsky studies the factors that determine what percentage of a metropolitan area's blacks will live in high-poverty census tracts. The latter are defined as tracts that have a poverty rate of 40 percent or higher and are commonly believed to contain the worst neighborhood effects. His regression model includes metropolitan-area mean household income, mean black income relative to overall mean income, measures of income inequality, and dissimilarity indexes to measure economic and racial segregation. The latter variable is found to have a strong and highly statistically significant effect on the percentage of blacks living in concentrated poverty. 26 For example, the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality data identify respondents' home census tracts. Under special arrangements, tract identifiers can also be appended to the individual 27 The success of this program caused Congress in 1992 to fund a Gautreaux-type program, called Moving to Opportunity, which was initiated in five cities in 1994. The program encountered severe opposition in the suburbs of Baltimore, one of the five cities selected. This was all the fodder needed by opponents in Congress to kill the program after its first year. 28 Evidence suggests that white flight from inner to outer suburban areas during the 1980s was as virulent as the white flight from central cities to inner suburban areas during the 1960s and 1970s (Ihlanfeldt, 1994). 29 See Farley and Frey (1992), who report the 1980 and 1990 index of dissimilarity for each of 318 U.S. metropolitan areas. 1 Gyourko and Summers (1997) note that large cities (over 300,000 population) spend 30 percent of their own-source revenues on health, hospitals, and public welfare, compared with only 9.1 percent for smaller cities (under 75,000 population) Pack (1995) found that on average cities spend 3.5 percent of their own-some revenues on unreimbursed ''poverty'' programs (excluding hospitals), but that Philadelphia spent 7.6 percent in 1995 (see also Salins, 1993). 2 For an opposing view, see Hill and Wolman (1995). 3 Much research has centered on the efficient production of local government services, which certainly needs to be factored into any discussion about tax burden. Productivity has received popular attention with the publication of Osborne and Gaebler's Reinventing Government (1992). 4 It should be noted that some special districts, such as sewer and water authorities, mass transit districts, and gas and electric utilities, are usually denied access to any general tax, but rather are restricted to a user charge for revenue generation. 5 Ladd and Yinger's measures are presented because they are more accurate measures than others. The representative tax structure, developed by the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, is premised on measuring fiscal capacity as equal tax rates, ignoring tax burden (defined as taxes as a percentage of wealth). For a review of other budgetary and economic measures of fiscal health, see Bahl et al. (1992a:420-432 and 1992b:49-66). 6 This variation in service responsibilities was an important factor in Fuchs's finding that New York City's fiscal condition suffered more than Chicago's (see Fuchs, 1992). 7 Addressing issues of intrametropolitan disparities, according to some analysts, cannot and should not be left to the local governments in question. Nongovernmental organizations, such as the Atlanta Project, the Providence Plan, and many others, may be more successful in addressing intrametropolitan inequities than are either formal regional governments or ad hoc interlocal (voluntary) agreements. The Atlanta Project (TAP) was begun by former President Jimmy Carter and funded primarily from industry and foundations for the purpose of "accomplishing social goals associated with poverty, including teen pregnancy, childhood immunization, school dropout rates, and crime and violence" (Wallis, 1994:304). It provides services to 20 neighborhood clusters in 3 counties in the Atlanta metropolitan region. Each neighborhood cluster has a corporate sponsor and designs programs to address poverty-related problems (e.g., teen pregnancy, violence, school dropout). Rich argues that the solution to municipal social problems, such as Atlanta's, ought to shift from being a responsibility solely of city hall to one that includes the nonprofit sector (see Rich, 1993; Giles, 1993). Nonprofits, unlike municipalities, are usually not constrained by the political boundaries of the municipal corporations. Consequently, they can reach out beyond the central city to the broader metropolis. Moreover, he argues that, in an environment in which the likelihood of substantial federal or state support is remote, partnerships between local governments and nonprofits not only fill the breach, but also, because they spring from local concerns, are more likely to be tailored to local problems. Programs such as the Atlanta Project have spread and have been supported by a number of large foundations, such as the Annie P. Casey Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Pew Charitable Trusts, among others, and have been implemented in cities and metropolitan regions across the country. 8 Under the state's Municipal Annexation Act, cities over 100,000 population are allowed territorial dominance for five miles beyond the corporate limits. In this extraterritorial jurisdictions, cities "can impose subdivision regulations, approve the creation of MUDs [municipal utility districts], designate tax exempt 'industrial districts,' and prohibit new incorporations" (Thomas, 1993:289). 9 Correspondence with Dan Durning, Carl Vinson Institute of Government, University of Georgia, January 31, 1997 (updated to include two referenda defeated in November 1996). In testimony before the Senate Committee on Intergovernmental Relations, El Paso, Texas, April 1, 1996, Terrell Blodgett, Professor of Urban Management at the University of Texas School of Public Affairs, counted four likely elections for city-county consolidation and eight studies under way in 1996. 10 Testimony of Terrell Blodgett, p. 6 (see note 9). 11 Yet on the basis of their own data of residents' subjective ratings of services, the only substantial discrepancy in ratings is in the education function, which is only one of two services rated (the other was police). One might just as easily speculate that consolidation has reduced the disparity in perception between residents of the pre-Unigov city and the other residents over how well schools were performing because the data are not longitudinal ratings of satisfaction. 12 Bell (1994) argues the purpose is also to rationalize land use planning, an issue not discussed here. 13 In a similar vein, Fischel contends that the Serrano decision in California may have actually caused the tax revolt (Proposition 13) by forcing wealthy school districts to raise their own property tax rates even while state equalization grants in response to Serrano were redistributing more aid to poorer school districts (see Fischel, 1989). 14 Pennsylvania also allows an income tax, but nonresidents cannot be taxed at more than 1 percent regardless of the city's income tax (excluding Philadelphia). 15 This is an admittedly very tenuous conclusion because no comprehensive study of the effect of Ohio's municipal income tax on intrametropolitan disparities has been conducted. -->