6
Communities and Fisheries of the Western Pacific

The Alaska Community Development Quota (CDQ) program model is a specific program tailored to conditions existing in the communities and fisheries in western Alaska. In Alaska, there were clearly definable communities with clearly definable economic needs and limited economic opportunities that had been largely excluded from the fishery. In addition, the fishery was already managed by quota and a portion of the quota was being held in reserve.1 For the purposes of this section, the western Pacific refers to Hawaii and those U.S. territories and possessions under the jurisdiction of the Western Pacific Fishery Management Council (WPFMC).

In the western Pacific, the setting and communities differ. The major differences between the fisheries and communities of the western Pacific region and the North Pacific region are: the general lack of management by quota or total allowable catch (TAC); the pelagic nature of the valuable fisheries; and the lack of clear geographically definable "native" communities in most parts of the region. Pelagic fisheries in the western Pacific are not managed by quota because the targeted species, tuna and swordfish, are highly migratory and quota management is quickly complicated by these factors. Stock assessments on which to base a TAC for highly migratory pelagic species are difficult due to the migratory

1  

The National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) sets the total allowable catch (TAC) for the fisheries in the Bering Sea. They had held 15 percent of the quota in a given year in reserve against the possibility of poor conditions in the fisheries although ultimately this was distributed at the end of the season based on how the harvest progressed. When the CDQ program was established, 7.5 percent, or half of the biological reserve, was allocated to the CDQ communities.



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--> 6 Communities and Fisheries of the Western Pacific The Alaska Community Development Quota (CDQ) program model is a specific program tailored to conditions existing in the communities and fisheries in western Alaska. In Alaska, there were clearly definable communities with clearly definable economic needs and limited economic opportunities that had been largely excluded from the fishery. In addition, the fishery was already managed by quota and a portion of the quota was being held in reserve.1 For the purposes of this section, the western Pacific refers to Hawaii and those U.S. territories and possessions under the jurisdiction of the Western Pacific Fishery Management Council (WPFMC). In the western Pacific, the setting and communities differ. The major differences between the fisheries and communities of the western Pacific region and the North Pacific region are: the general lack of management by quota or total allowable catch (TAC); the pelagic nature of the valuable fisheries; and the lack of clear geographically definable "native" communities in most parts of the region. Pelagic fisheries in the western Pacific are not managed by quota because the targeted species, tuna and swordfish, are highly migratory and quota management is quickly complicated by these factors. Stock assessments on which to base a TAC for highly migratory pelagic species are difficult due to the migratory 1   The National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) sets the total allowable catch (TAC) for the fisheries in the Bering Sea. They had held 15 percent of the quota in a given year in reserve against the possibility of poor conditions in the fisheries although ultimately this was distributed at the end of the season based on how the harvest progressed. When the CDQ program was established, 7.5 percent, or half of the biological reserve, was allocated to the CDQ communities.

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--> nature of the stock and the incomplete collection of data throughout their range. To impose a quota on domestic fishermen who fish both inside and outside of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ), as is the case with the Hawaii-based longline fishery, would disadvantage them relative to foreign fishermen. With the exception of the relatively small Northwest Hawaiian Islands lobster fishery and the inactive precious coral fishery, the fisheries of the western Pacific are managed as open access fisheries or operate under limited entry programs. The most valuable fisheries are those targeting tunas and associated pelagic species, and there is significant value in processing and transshipment. With the exception of American Samoa, and possibly Rota and Tinian in the Commonwealth of the Northern Marianas, the native peoples of the region are dispersed as minorities in larger urban and periurban communities. Thus it would be very difficult to transfer the Alaska CDQ program as currently structured directly to the western Pacific. Increasing the participation of native fishermen in the fishery has been a long term goal of the Western Pacific Council. The Council has been involved with native rights issues since 1986, and in 1988 it sponsored research on the historical participation of native peoples in fishing and the cultural significance of management species as part of consideration of a potential native rights preference under future limited entry management (Amesbury et al., 1989; Iversen et al., 1989; Severance and Franco, 1989). The Council also sought and obtained provisions in the Magnuson-Stevens Act that are intended to benefit the region's native fishermen and their communities. These are the Western Pacific Community Development Program or CDP, Western Pacific Community Demonstration Projects, and the Pacific Insular Area Fisheries Agreements (Sec 305 (I) and Sec 204 (e). The Western Pacific Community Development Program provides access to fishery resources in the western Pacific for communities located in the Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Area. These communities must meet criteria established by the Council, consist of community residents descended from aboriginal people who conducted commercial or subsistence fishing using traditional practices, and not have previously developed harvesting or processing capacity sufficient to support substantial participation in western Pacific fisheries. These communities must also develop and submit a Community Development Plan to the Council and the Secretary of Commerce detailing the process for providing access to the fishery for community residents. At this time, the Council has established and approved eligibility criteria and submitted them to the Secretary of Commerce for approval. Pacific The Magnuson-Stevens Act also authorizes the use of grants for Western Community Demonstration Projects. The Act permits grants up to $500,000 per fiscal year to be given to not less than three, but not more than five fishery demonstration projects promoting traditional indigenous fishing practices. The Act provides for the establishment of an eight member advisory panel to review applications for grants and provide recommended rankings to the Secretary of Commerce and the Secretary of the Interior. The Council has finalized

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--> and approved the membership of the advisory panel. However, neither the Secretary of the Interior nor the Secretary of Commerce have provided funds for the 1998 fiscal year. Finally, the Magnuson-Stevens Act provides for the establishment of Pacific Insular Area Fishing Agreements (PIAFAs). PIAFAs allow the Secretary of State in Consultation with the Council and regional elected officials to authorize foreign fishing in the Western Pacific EEZ's of American Samoa, Guam, and CNMI and to charge fees for the establishment of a Western Pacific Sustainable Fisheries Fund to be used for managing the program, and for conservation and management objectives in the western Pacific. These new provisions will allow fees and fines collected under this program to be used to develop three-year marine conservation plans that include fishery observer programs, marine and fisheries research, conservation, education and enforcement, grants to universities for technical assistance, and funding for Western Pacific Community Demonstration Projects. As of this time, negotiations with foreign nations to establish a PIAFA have not taken place, however, the most of the islands in the western Pacific have completed marine conservation plans that are under review. There are some lessons to be learned from the Alaska CDQ experience that may help the Western Pacific Council develop and design its own programs to benefit native fishermen of the region. The Council is moving forward with planning for its demonstration projects and is considering a set-aside of permits for Native fishermen in the Mau Zone of the Northwest Hawaiian Islands Bottomfish fishery through a limited entry amendment. Background The communities that may access the federal waters managed by the Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council include significant numbers of descendants of the aboriginal peoples of the region. The western Pacific region covers an ocean area of over 1.5 million square miles and the Council manages valuable fisheries in the EEZ while working cooperatively with international organizations (WPRFMC, 1997a; and Boehlert, 1993). The Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council manages 48 percent of the total U.S. EEZ. Three of the top ten ports in terms of dollar value of landed catch by domestic fishermen and by domestic and foreign fishermen in the territories of Guam and American Samoa are in the Council region (WPRFMC, 1997b). The western Pacific region has generally small island land masses and is made up of American Samoa, Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI), Guam, Hawaii, the uninhabited possessions of the United States and their respective EEZs. These U.S. associated islands and Hawaii vary significantly in land area, population, and size of their associated EEZs (Figure 6.1). Their peoples have had significantly different historical experiences, courses of political and economic development, and political relationships with the United States.

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--> Figure 6.1 200-mile exclusive economic zones (EEZs) of Pacific Islands. Western Pacific  Regional Fisheries Management Council EEZ areas are shown in dark gray. Their fisheries also vary in type, size, and economic value (Tables 6.1 and 6.2). As island communities they have depended on the offshore fisheries for subsistence and ceremonial purposes for centuries. Fishery resources are thus central to the cultures of the region and to their stability and continuity. The insular nature of the communities and the cultural values of the species is recognized in the amended Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Act, where it states that Pacific Insular Areas ''contain unique historical, cultural, legal, political, and geographic circumstances which make fisheries resources important in sustaining their growth" (Sec. 2(10)). TABLE 6.1 1996 Estimated Commercial Landings and Ex-vessel Value of Pelagic Species in the Western Pacific Region. Region Pounds Value ($) American Samoa 472,672 620,473 Guam 229,431 357,244 Hawaii 30,110,000 56,910,000 Commonwealth Northern Mariana Islands 224,963 431,561 Total 31,037,066 58,319,278   SOURCE: WPRFMC, 1997b

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--> TABLE 6.2 1996 Estimated Commercial Landings and Ex-vessel Value of Bottomfish Species in the Western Pacific Region. Region Pounds Value ($) American Samoa 32,245 62,878 Guam 54,122 17,492a Hawaii 903,000 2,577,000 Commonwealth Northern Mariana Islands 52,967 176,707 Total 1,042,334 2,834,077 SOURCE: WPRFMC, 1997a a Revenue based on commercial landing of 6,578 pounds American Samoa: Community and Fishery American Samoa is an unincorporated territory of the United States and American Samoan residents travel to and work freely in the United States. American Samoans elect their own governor, legislature (or Fono), and a nonvoting representative to the U.S. Congress. The territory depends heavily on U.S. federal programs and local employment opportunities are primarily in the two large tuna canneries, government, and a newly developing garment industry. The dollar value of the catch offloaded from U.S. purse seiners, albacore trollers, and foreign longliners primarily fishing outside U.S. waters averages $200 million per year and usually places the port of Pago Pago in the top two or three ports nationwide (Hamnett and Pintz, 1997; WPRFMC, 1997a). The workforce in the shoreside canneries is almost entirely Samoan. There is a tremendous population circulation between American Samoa and Hawaii and the continental U.S. and remittances play an important role in sustaining the Samoan community. Local legislation is protective of the culture and land rights and Samoans are in a very clear majority. Fa'a Samoa, "The Samoan Way," or Samoan culture and lifestyle, is central to Samoan cultural identity and pride and practiced in many forms. Offshore pelagic fish, bottomfish, and nearshore reef fish play a central role in ceremonial life and subsistence. Fresh fish is expected for family and community ceremonies, title investitures, and Sunday afternoon gatherings at which the titled men are served food by the untitled men of the village (Severance and Franco, 1989). Samoan fishermen display the full range of subsistence, ceremonial, recreational, and full-time commercial fishing (Craig et al., 1993). The decision to fish is often stimulated by cultural and ceremonial demands. Continuing access to fish is important for the maintenance of Samoan community and lifestyle. Traditionally, Samoans fished far offshore, often out of the sight of land in specialized canoes developed for trolling for skipjack tuna and other pelagic species. There is strong continuity in fishing for offshore species and bottomfish and in the use of these species for ceremonial purposes (Severance & Franco, 1989).

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--> The Samoan commercial fishing fleet consists mostly of 28-34 ft aluminum  catamarans called "Alia." These small vessels are generally powered by single  outboard engines and are equipped with hand-crank longline reels, floaters,  coolers, and buckets containing hooks and leaders. They are inexpensive,  multipurpose vessels used for trolling for small to mid-sized pelagic fish and  bottom-fishing, but they have limited capacity. (Photo by Craig Severance.) Recent fisheries development efforts have concentrated on vessel and gear development and on small-scale shoreside ice provision. A significant portion of the local catch enters traditional avenues of distribution, but some enters the local restaurant market. This market is also serviced by direct sales of frozen fish from the canneries and from "leakage" from foreign and U.S. vessels delivering to the canneries (Kingsolving, 1996). Some foreign Asian longline caught tuna and wahoo is sold unofficially or traded to small boats in the harbor at night. To some extent, cannery sales and leakage compete with locally caught troll and longline fish in the local market and fishermen have expressed an interest in improving local and export marketing and shoreside support. While some midsize vessels are in use, including two newly arrived longliners over 50 ft., the active Samoan commercial fishing fleet consists mostly of 28-34 ft. aluminum catamarans called "Alia" that are powered by single outboard engines. These multipurpose vessels carry coolers and wooden hand crank reels for trolling for small to mid-sized pelagic fish and bottomfishing. These

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--> vessels are locally available and relatively inexpensive to purchase and operate, but they have limited capacity. Some Alia fishermen will freeze catches of skip-jack tuna until they have a full freezer load to deliver to the canneries, and these vessels tend to operate in a relatively full time commercial mode, although even these owners regularly give fish to family and friends for ceremonial use. In 1995-96, a few Alia fishermen rediscovered harvestable quantities of albacore that could be caught by very small surface longlining gear deployed from Alias close enough to the port of Pago Pago to be delivered fresh to the canneries. The initial albacore highliners in the Alia fleet made good profits and the longline effort has been increasing as new Alias and some larger vessels enter the fleet. Concerns have been expressed by Samoan fishermen about the possibility of U.S. registered vessels basing themselves in Pago Pago and competing with local fishermen. These concerns were stimulated in part by the rapid expansion of the Hawaii based longline fleet that led to overcapitalization and the implementation of a limited entry program in that fishery in 1994. As a result of these concerns, American Samoan fishermen and the Department of Marine and Wildlife Resources requested that the Western Pacific Council develop a limited entry amendment to the Western Pacific Pelagic Fishery Management Plan. In August of 1998, the Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council voted to approve an amendment to the Pelagic Fisheries Management Plan that will create a 50 nautical mile closed area for U.S. fishing vessels larger than 50 ft. Vessels larger than 50 ft with longline permits for American Samoan waters prior to the control date would be grandfathered into the program. This amendment still needs approval by the Secretary of Commerce to become effective. The intent is to protect the developing small-scale American Samoa longline fishery from larger vessels. At the same time, the American Samoa government has expressed interest in using the Pacific Insular Area Fishery Agreements provision of the Magnuson-Stevens Act to develop a conservation plan that will allow the licensing of foreign fishermen in the American Samoa EEZ with the revenue going to the American Samoa government to be used for fisheries development. The proposed amendment would create a small-vessel restricted zone nearer the main Samoan Islands and an unrestricted zone farther away. The proposed zone would cover approximately 80 percent of the area of the American Samoan EEZ. The intent is to protect the developing Alia based longline fishery conducted almost entirely by native fishermen while allowing the capture of some economic value from the more distant portion of the American Samoa EEZ. Management of this newly developing fishery is complicated by the fact that the nearest Pacific neighbor to the West, Samoa (formerly Western Samoa), has a large and expanding Alia longline fishery targeting albacore and delivering some of its catch to the Pago Pago canneries. The extent of the albacore resource and the possible effects of oceanographic conditions, including El Niño events, on its distribution and abun-

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--> dance are not well known. International cooperative management may become necessary for sustaining this resource. The implementation of Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Point regulations may create additional uncertainties in the marketing and distribution of products from this fishery (Dalzell and Schug, 1998). Additional uncertainties in the tuna resource relate to the continued long-term viability of the canneries which have enjoyed generous tax advantages and infrastructural support from the American Samoa Government (Hamnett and Pintz, 1996). The world tuna market is highly competitive and the potential or threat of cannery closures has influenced the cannery company's relationships with the American Samoa government and the canneries' response to wage increase demands (Hamnett and Pintz, 1996). Government efforts to establish minimum wage requirements in the canneries has met with resistance. Whether support for local fisheries development projects could be obtained through negotiations with the canneries is a complex political question. Almost all of the commercial landings by the local fleet in American Samoa come through Pago Pago since there are only three other villages on the main island of Tutuila where Alias can be berthed. The three eastern-most islands of the Manu'a group also have active Alia fishermen in the troll and bottom-fish fishery but air freight is prohibitively expensive and virtually all of the catch is used locally. Manu'a has the least developed commercial fishery of the territory and Manu'ans have had less opportunity to participate in commercial fishery development. They could be treated as a geographically separate Samoan community for CDP purposes. American Samoa also could be treated as a community as a whole (for the purposes of establishing a CDP) since economic barriers to participation on a large scale, such as a lack of capital appear to exist for most of the Samoan fishermen. Commonwealth of Northern Mariana Islands: Communities and Fisheries The Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) has undergone drastic economic transformation since the commonwealth agreement came into effect in 1976 (McPhetres, 1992). The Commonwealth government maintained observer status with the Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council until 1996 because of the desire to control their own EEZ and the lack of a territorial sea that was under their own governance and jurisdiction. Because of the commonwealth status of the Northern Marina, federal and Western Pacific Council jurisdiction extends from the Commonwealth shoreline to 200 miles offshore. This is a politically sensitive issue. The government of the CNMI has recently agreed to continue to disagree with the United States and NMFS position on jurisdiction and to participate fully in the council process. The CNMI Department of Fish and Wildlife (DFW) has developed a conservation plan in preparation for the possible development and implementation of

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--> Pacific Insular Area Fishery Agreements and as a means to assess the fishery resources of their EEZ. The Commonwealth has been approached by representatives of Japan to see if the licensing of pole and line vessels to fish in the northern part of the archipelago is feasible. Little is known about the fishery resources and stock abundance, especially in the north, and there are concerns that the developing bottomfish fishery for deep- and shallow-water snappers and groupers in the northern part of the archipelago needs to be monitored. People of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands The aboriginal people of the CNMI include the indigenous Chamorro as original inhabitants of the islands, and the Carolinians, who are Micronesians that resettled Saipan during the 1800s. The Chamorro represent a political majority and control much of the commercial and political activity on the islands. The Chamorros and Carolinians of CNMI elect their own governor, legislature, and non-voting representative to Congress. The Chamorro are the dominant population on the other two inhabited islands in the commonwealth: Tinian and Rota. Carolinians represent a small minority in the population but they are widely known for their seafaring and fishing skill. Much of the current population are non-resident workers from the Philippines and other parts of Asia. There are also workers from Belau and the Federated States of Micronesia, who are considered U.S. residents under their compacts of free association with the United States. The 1995 Northern Mariana labor force had a 7 percent unemployment rate. Non-resident workers predominate the garment industry and the hotel and retail trade sectors. The Northern Mariana government provides approximately 12 percent of the jobs and the government workforce is predominantly Chamorro (Hamnett et al., in press). Other than fishing, the alternative forms of employment are generally lower wage positions and less satisfying in terms of lifestyle. Reported fishing revenues make up only a very small portion of the overall economy which has expanded dramatically in the last decade (Hamnett et al., in press). Fresh fish and fishing have important cultural significance, however, and there is an active small boat fleet that targets tunas, other small pelagics, and bottomfish. These fish are marketed locally, given away to family and friends, or used for ceremonial purposes such as parties, culturally significant fiestas, and each village's patron saint's day. Fisheries of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands There is high demand for fresh and frozen product in the Commonwealth because of the substantial tourist trade and the presence of Filipino and Asian labor in the garment industry, and commercial and domestic sectors of the economy (DFW, CNMI, 1995). The local fishery is primarily a small boat troll fishery for skipjack and smaller yellowfin tuna and mahimahi to meet local market

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--> demand for fresh fish. Quality control has been a concern because few of the small-scale trolling vessels carry enough ice to adequately chill medium to large catches. The small vessels used in this fishery are often met at one of the four ramps on Saipan by fish buyers so lower quality fish are not wasted. Some skipjack is frozen by smaller local retail stores and some is marketed by roadside vendors. Unpredictability of supply and quality considerations have led much of the restaurant and hotel market to rely on primarily on imported fish. Nearshore and bottomfish are also in high demand and there is a bottomfish export market developing for certain species. Four midsize vessels are now active in bottomfishing in the northern part of the Marina chain and the Council has strongly encouraged the CNMI DFW to conduct stock assessments of both shallow and deep water bottomfish complexes while the stocks are still underexploited. These stock assessments would provide valuable baseline data for fishery managers. Bottomfishing is generally unproductive near the main island of Saipan but there appears to be less pressure on the stocks around the islands of Tinian and Rota and the northern islands and extensive associated banks are considered underexploited. The charterboat fishery on Saipan targets marlin and smaller pelagic fish and most of the vessels are locally owned. While most charters stick closely to Saipan and Tinian, there are some concerns about the potential impact of longer charters to the northern islands. There is also a small scale, party-boat, shallow water reef fish sportsfishery for tourists. Tuna transshipment has been an important activity in the Commonwealth because of the closeness to Japanese markets, regular air freight service, and low costs. The large tuna storage and transshipment base on Tinian has been inactive for the last 3 to 4 years because of the bankruptcy of one large U.S. purse seiner company, a shift in purse seiner effort, and the Federated states of Micronesia's recent policy decision to require vessels licensed to fish in its waters to transship from its ports (Hamnett and Pintz, 1996). The transshipment facility continues to provide fuel and crew change service for a few longline vessels of Asian registry. The Commonwealth is considering proposals for expanding the Tinian airfield to support a reactivated transshipment base and the developing Casinos on the island. The northern islands of the Commonwealth are largely uninhabited, but include two that have had very small resident communities. These islands are difficult to supply and lack harbors and airfields. Tinian and Rota both have small vessel troll fleets that service the local market primarily and both are planning further tourism development. Saipan itself has a well developed infrastructure and a economically stratified population. The Chamorros and Carolinians are scattered through Saipan so there is no Chamorro community in a geographic sense, unless one chooses to consider Saipan or the Commonwealth as a whole as a "community" for CDP purposes. Tinian and Rota have less developed local markets and fisheries and could be considered "communities" in a geographic sense for CDP purposes.

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--> Guam: Community and Fishery Guam is an unincorporated territory of the United States that is considering negotiating for Commonwealth status similar to that of the CNMI. The people of Guam elect their own governor, legislature, and non-voting representative to Congress. There is an active Chamorro (Chamoru to younger Guamanians) cultural renaissance and attempt to revitalize the language and culture (Mayo, 1992). Significant amounts of land remain in U.S. military and federal hands and the economy depends heavily on military spending and federal assistance along with a rapidly expanding tourism sector focused on the Asian tourist market. People of Guam Chamorro's represent approximately 40 percent of the total resident population, which also includes military personnel and their dependents, alien workers, recent migrants from the Federated States of Micronesia, Palau, the Marshall Islands, the Northern Mariana Islands, and residents from Hawaii and the U.S. mainland. Fish are important for subsistence and for ceremonial use at parties, annual village fiestas, and other family events and there is heavy pressure on local reef fish and bottomfish stocks. Locally caught pelagic fish are also in demand, although there is not enough supply to meet demand. Guam is a single island with the smallest EEZ in the region and it has relatively few offshore banks. The local small boat fishery is primarily oriented to seasonal trolling for pelagic fish (Myers, 1993; Hensley & Sherwood, 1993). There has been limited and economically unsuccessful experimentation with small scale longlining. Guam has a well developed port and airfreight infrastructure and its proximity to Asian markets has led it to become an important tuna transshipment and vessel servicing facility. Foreign and domestic purse seiners and some foreign longliners transship, refuel, reprovision, exchange crews and provide crew rest and relaxation in Guam. This is a significant contribution to the Guam economy ranking Agana, Guam, the fourth largest port in the United States, in overall dollar value of commercially landed catch, at $91 million in 1996 (Table 6.3). Local revenues generated by transshipment activities are limited and difficult to assess (Hamnett & Pintz, 1996). In the last two years there has been a reduction in the Guam based U. S. purse seine fleet due to the same reasons noted above for the Commonwealth. Some lower quality tuna enters the local market through the transshipment process and this is perceived by some fishermen to compete with them in the local market (Hamnett & Pintz, 1996). The government of Guam is investing heavily in expanding port facilities in hopes of maintaining its importance as a transshipment base. Guam has also invested in marina expansion to support the active charterboat fleet and tourism development. It appears that much of the fish caught by the

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--> TABLE 6.3 1996 Ex-vessel Value of Commercial Fishery Landings by Domestic and Foreign Vessels at Major U.S. Ports. Port Value of Landings (Millions of Dollars) Pago Pago, American Samoa 211.8 Dutch Harbor-Unalaska, Alaska 118.7 New Bedford, Massachusetts 100.5 Agana, Guam 94.2 Kodiak, Alaska 82.3 Key West, Florida 62.8 Brownsville-Port Isabel, Texas 60.0 Honolulu, Hawaii 50.1 Point Judith, Rhode Island 46.0 Empire-Venice, Louisiana 45.4   SOURCE: WPRFMC, 1997a small boat fleet is distributed through personal and family ties as well as through roadside vending. As in the Commonwealth, sashimi grade tuna for the hotel and restaurant market tends to come through reliable and predictable import sources (Bartram et al., 1996). The size of the trailerable small boat fleet, current levels of effort, the relative mix of commercial and recreational fishermen, and the ethnic make up of the participants is not well known, although research on the social makeup and cultural significance of the Guam fishery is in progress. The Chamorro population is scattered throughout Guam so a geographically defined community is difficult to determine for the purposes of establishing a CDP, except by defining the Chamorro population on Guam as a single community. Hawaii: Communities and Fisheries Hawaii is a densely populated state that includes the inhabited Main Hawaiian Islands (MHI) and largely uninhabited (except for military support and research personnel) Northwest Hawaiian Islands (NWHI). Hawaiians are 20 percent of the total population of over one million. They are the most rapidly growing portion of the population and by most statistical measures they have the lowest incomes and poorest health care of any ethnic group in the state. Federal, state, and private programs exist to benefit Hawaiians but there is a widespread perception that these are not adequate or always well managed. There is an active cultural renaissance with efforts to restore the language, the arts, and subsistence activities, including traditional fishing practices. There is an active effort to gain control of ceded lands and their revenues by some sovereignty groups. Gathering rights and nearshore fishery rights are an active area of political concern and interest in offshore fishery rights is developing in the Hawaiian community. Recently, new efforts have been made by the State of Hawaii to strengthen

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--> native Hawaiian fishing heritage on the island of Kaho'o'lawe which had been used as a naval bombing site until 1988. Removal of munitions began in 1993 and a Kaho'o'lawe Island Reserve Commission has been established to promote traditional Hawaiian culture and traditional fishery practices on the island. There is also a community management demonstration project underway at Mo'omomi on Molokai that regulates fishing gear and access to local fisheries through community management. In some regions of Molokai, and other islands, there has been increased interest in the use of traditional fish ponds. The NWHI are under joint federal (NMFS and U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service) and state jurisdiction and the archipelago includes a number of islands that serve as a wildlife refuge for threatened and endangered sea birds, marine turtles and monk seals. Exclusion zones for longliners, bottomfishermen and lobsterfishermen limit interactions with these species and land access is generally only by permit. Because of its status as a state, the fisheries interests in Hawaii are comparatively better represented in Congress than those of the commonwealth and the two territories, although the Hawaii congressional delegation is sensitive to and supportive of the interests of the western Pacific region as whole. The Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council is based in Hawaii, although it holds meetings in other parts of the region on a regular basis and it seeks to operate by consensus in a Pacific Island style. Given the limited size of the continental shelves around the islands, the pelagic nature of much of the fishing activity, and apparently healthy fish stocks, the Council has not had to deal with as many contentious issues as the North Pacific Fishery Management Council. The Western Pacific Council has taken a proactive management role by establishing limited entry and a quota (and a TAC) in the Northwest Hawaiian Lobster fishery. The Hawaii based longline fishery has a set number of permits but no quota, and a portion of the Northwest Hawaiian Islands bottomfish fishery also has a set number of permits but no quota. The NWHI bottomfish fishery is currently divided into two zones: a distant limited entry zone, with a small number of permits, and an open access zone nearer to the Main Hawaiian Islands where people with permits may develop fishing history and potentially qualify for permits to fish in the limited entry area. Stocks in the more distant zone appear to be healthy based on annual catch per unit effort data but the number of new permits is not likely to increase. Concerns about pressure on the nearer zone stocks have led to development of a Western Pacific Council task force and a draft amendment to the bottomfish fishery management plan to make this zone limited entry also. The Council approved an amendment to the bottomfish Fishery Management Plan (FMP) to make the Mau Zone a limited entry zone. Two permits (20 percent of the target number of permits) have been set aside for Native Hawaiian fishermen under a CDP designation. This amendment is under review by the NMFS Regional Director and will require Secretary of Commerce approval to take effect.

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--> Northwest Hawaiian Islands Lobster Fishery The Northwest Hawaiian Islands lobster fishery has a small number of permitted vessels, including some that come from the U.S. West coast to participate. The annual quota is set based on surveys, stock assessment models, and the commercial catch data from the previous year. The lobster stocks are affected by climatic events (Polovina et al., 1994) and this fishery suffered an apparent stock collapse and emergency closure in 1995. The fishery is rebuilding slowly and appears to be profitable for the small number of participants, although uncertainty continues. There are more qualifying vessels than those which have fished over the last two seasons so opportunities for new permits are limited. Fractional licensing or permit sharing for this fishery may be a management option (Townsend and Pooley, 1995). Should this fishery stabilize and expand, sources of capital might allow an increase in participation by Hawaiians through a small CDP. Hawaii Longline Fishery The Hawaii-based longline fishery was placed under limited entry in 1995 after rapid expansion of the fleet and the arrival of many U.S. flagged vessels from outside Hawaii. Perceived competition with the small scale troll and handline fleet, and some conflicts over the fishing gear used, led to the creation of longline exclusion areas around the Main Hawaiian Islands. A permit moratorium was followed by the limited entry program created by Amendment 7 to the Pelagics Fishery Management Plan. Currently, there are fewer vessels actively fishing than permitted and there is economic uncertainty depending on vessel size and targeting strategy (Hamilton et al. 1996). However, the value of the longline catch is significant enough to place Honolulu in the top ten ports for fish landings in the United States. This fishery is currently managed not by a quota, but by limiting permits to vessels and vessel owners and by making permits transferable. A set-aside of permits through transferability measures may be a means by which additional Hawaiian participation could be encouraged in this fishery. Hawaii Bottomfish Fishery Bottomfish stocks in the Main Hawaiian Islands are seriously overfished. Since approximately 80 percent of the bottomfish habitat in the MHI lies within state waters, the Council has given responsibility for MHI bottomfish management to the State of Hawaii but has maintained oversight and has encouraged the state to take action to rebuild the stocks. The Hawaii Department of Land and Natural Resources approved regulations to establish closed areas for bottomfishing and may consider limited entry in the future. The Council is supportive of the state's efforts but has also developed a backup plan to close federal waters in

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--> the Main Hawaiian Islands to bottomfishing if necessary. Overfishing provisions in the Magnuson-Stevens Act require the Secretary of Commerce to take action to rebuild stocks if the state's plan is deemed to be ineffective or the Council does not act. Recreational and Charter Fishing Hawaii also supports an active commercial troll and handline fishery for pelagic fish and a large charterboat fishery (Walker, 1996). Charter boats are commercially licensed and the fish may be sold. The size of the active recreational troll fishery is not known, although one small boat survey conducted prior to the expansion of the longline fleet suggested that the recreational catch may be equal to the commercial sector in terms of poundage for pelagic fish (Meyer, 1987). A subsequent small boat survey also indicated that the recreational catch which is not regularly reported in Hawaii is a significant portion of the overall catch (Hamm and Lum, 1992). Hawaiians participate in this fishery and these fish have important cultural significance. Hawaiian participation appears to range from fishing primarily for subsistence and customary exchange with family and friends to full-time commercial fishing. Possible historic and economic barriers to Hawaiian participation in these fisheries, and especially to the larger scale longline fishery, are not well known but appear to include lack of capital and of training in business skills. There are some small communities made up predominantly of Hawaiians with various degrees of Hawaiian ancestry. These communities include Ni'ihau, Milolii, and Wai'anae and the island of Molokai. However, much of the Hawaiian population is scattered throughout the main Hawaiian Islands so that a geographic community definition for CDP purposes may be difficult unless one chooses to define the Hawaiian community as all residents of the state with Hawaiian ancestry. Most federal and state programs define eligibility for Hawaiian native programs as those individuals who can trace their ancestry to persons resident in Hawaii prior to the arrival of Captain James Cook in 1779. Hawaii Precious Coral Fishery The Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council also manages precious corals through a Fishery Management Plan with an adjustable quota. There has been no harvesting since the FMP was created although one company has received a federal permit for an experimental fishery. This is a capital-intensive high technology fishery requiring the use of submersibles or remotely operated vehicles and its potential value is unclear. The Council is also in the process of planning for development of a coral reef fishery management plan that would use an ecosystem approach to manage coral reef resources including invertebrates, corals, and finfish of commercial value.

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--> Uninhabited Possessions The uninhabited island possessions of the United States including Baker Island, Howland Island, Jarvis Island, Johnstol Atoll, Kingman Reef, and Palmyra Atoll are also subject to the jurisdiction of the Western Pacific Council. These regions are relevant to future western Pacific community development programs because provisions for Pacific Insular Area Fisheries Agreements under the Magnuson-Stevens Act will allow access fees, or fines levied on foreign vessels caught poaching in the EEZ surrounding these possessions to be used for a variety of conservation and management plans. Part of these funds could be used for community development fishery projects. Although harvests in the EEZ surrounding these uninhabited possessions is not well documented, improved monitoring and enforcement under PIAFAs could provide revenue for a variety of projects in the western Pacific region. Findings Community Development Quota Programs have not been created for the fisheries of the western Pacific Region so their effectiveness cannot be evaluated in terms of objectives or benefits. Direct transfer of the Alaska CDQ model and its specific provisions is inappropriate for the western Pacific Region because of significant differences between these regions in fisheries conditions, fishery management strategies, and the nature of the native communities. The purposes of CDQ programs may be supported by alternative community development programs developed by the Western Pacific Council. Sources of capital other than quota shares could achieve these purposes. Potential sources of capital include foreign fishing fees through Pacific Insular Area Fishing Agreements and fines levied against foreign vessels caught fishing in the U.S. EEZ. The Western Pacific Council is developing plans for encouraging native communities to create Community Development Plans that are intended to increase participation by Native fishermen in the fisheries of the region, and has developed criteria for participation. Such programs have similar purposes to CDQs and like CDQs need to be tailored to the specific conditions of the region. No formal Community Development Plans have created as of this time, however, the Council has set aside a number of limited access permits for Native Hawaiians under a future CDP for the Mau Zone bottomfish fishery. Fishery workshops have been conducted for American Samoa and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands to further discuss the concept of a CDP in these regions.

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--> Only the small and highly variable Northwest Hawaiian lobster fishery and the inactive precious coral fishery are managed by quota in the western Pacific Region. These two fisheries are not currently large or valuable enough to extract significant economic benefit or capital that could be allocated to Native fishermen through a CDQ-like program. All other fisheries in the western Pacific Region are managed as open access or limited entry fisheries. Those that have limited entry could be adjusted to encourage more participation by native fishermen through permit transferability clauses, permit set-asides, or new sources of capital through community development programs. Alternative measures might be used to encourage participation by native fishermen, such as modifications to gear restrictions, fishing days, or special fishing zones. Sectors of western Pacific communities display social conditions similar to those in the Western Alaska CDQ communities, including high unemployment, a lack of infrastructure for fisheries, and a variety of social ills. The specific criteria used for defining eligible communities in Alaska may be inappropriate for the western Pacific. For instance, geographically based criteria would be difficult to apply in some places in the western Pacific because communities are widely dispersed, although it might be possible to treat whole archipelagos as one community, as in American Samoa or use geographic criteria in certain isolated locations such as the islands composing the Manu'a group and Swain's Island in American Samoa, Tinian and Rota in the Northern Mariana Islands, and possibly certain communities in the Hawaiian Islands. Some of the elements of the CDQ program in Alaska may be relevant and instructive to the western Pacific. If CDQs are pursued in the western Pacific, attention should be given to how Alaska addressed administrative structure, costs, oversight of investment strategies, selection of personnel, business training, and performance evaluation. Final Thoughts Lessons learned from the Alaskan experience with Community Development Quotas can help in the design of similar programs elsewhere. The Western Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council should take into consideration the Alaskan experience with Community Development Quota fisheries if it plans Community Development Programs in its region and tailors them to the specific conditions of western Pacific fisheries and communities. Steps could be taken to increase the fishing opportunities and degree of participation by native fishermen in western Pacific communities that borrow generally from the Alaskan experience and are

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--> tailored by the Western Pacific Council to the conditions of the region without trying to duplicate the CDQ program, which is designed to suit the specific conditions found in Alaska. Western Pacific Community Development Programs would need to define realistic goals that fit within Council purposes and plans. Definitions of eligible communities would need to be crafted carefully so the potential benefits accrue in an equitable fashion to native fishermen. If Community Development Programs show promise and potential, the Council could, over time, investigate additional sources of capital and other avenues such as additional permits and permit transfers to encourage greater participation in the fisheries by native people of the region. As the Western Pacific Council considers the Alaskan CDQ experience and the differential performance of CDQ groups, it should recognize that CDQs constitute only one possible model for community development in fisheries.