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PART I ~ FERTILITY DETE^IN - TS AT T~ ~ "WL . CHAPTER 5 WE NIlIR: PURPOSE AND METHODOLOGY As noted in the Introduction, the discussion in this and the following chapters parallels Part I, but with a local- rather than a national-level focus. There are, of course, advantages to be gained from both: the national- level analys is permits aggregate conclusions and hypotheses, however tentative; the local-level data examined in the following pages provides another , complementary per specti~re on those perceptional. These chapters examine the purpose and methodology of the NIlIRs levels and trends in the total fertility rate for the nine local contexts studied; and the effects of nuts tiality, marital fertility patterns, the proximate determinants, and socioeconomic factors, specif ically income, on fertility for the nine contexts. The final chapter shows that the national-level and the local-level conclusions are consistent. The NIBR was conducted between May 1975 and March 1977 by Centro Basileiro de Analise e Planejamento (CEBIW?) in Sao Paula, under the f inancial auspices of the Inter- national Development Research Centre (IDRC, Canada), the Population Council (USA), and Financiadora de Estudos e Projecto'; (REP, Brazil). It consists of a series of local case. studies based on a view of population dynamics as part of the overall structural dynamics of society, with economic determinants (manpower requirements, forms and degrees of accumulation, property patterns, etc.) having a decisive influence. However, this dominance of socioeconomic factors over population dynamics does not operate in an obvious way. Therefore, rather than simply assuming such relations, it is essential to examine analytically and empir ically how they are established. Although structures condition behavior, and behavior only exists through the actions of individuals With their 145

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146 aspirations, motivations, forms of personality, Audi visually calculated interests, etc. ), the mediation between structures and action is essential. If the - mediations are not taken into account, the analysis TaUSt inevitably become static. The result is the deduction of r igid prescriptions for action from structural patterns, or, at the opposite extreme, the dissolution of social conditioning factors into the subjectivity of the individual agents, so that the only way to understand human reproduction Is to take a purely psychological approach. The NIHR perspective takes the role of social institutions the Church, private enterprise' the educational system, the medical system, and so on- as being crucial to such mediation. The way population practices and values are actually realized, and population policies defined, depends on how population is seen in the context of these institutions, and how, within each one, interests and values concerning the family, number of children, procreation, and family planning are articulated. The NICER began by choosing the areas of Brazil that would represent as purely as possible the different forms in which the production is organized. A two-d`mensional typology of the areas was then developed according to their dominant forms of production and their place in the process of development.2 In the former category' three modes were distinguished, each of which might predominate in a given area, although in combination with the others: the capitalist mode, a system of small autonomous pro- ducers, and rural servitude. The capitalist form was subdivided into monopolistic and competitive; for the small autonomous producers, the distinction was between rural and urban. The second dimension, place in the pro- cess of development' was based on the assumption that development tends to concentrate economic activities and population in certain areas, and to disperse them in others. The former were classed as reconcentration areas,. which are invariably urban; the latter were labeled ~dis- Persian areas,. which as a rule comprise extractive or agricultural activities, with the formation of frontiers at the edges of an overexpanding transportation system. This classification also left room for certain areas, labeled interstitial, which fall between the types des- cr~bed above, and which tend to lose activities and popu- lation; these areas may be either urban or rural. These two dimensions could produce a total of 15 pos- sible types. However, four of these were discarded as

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147 meaningless: the monopolistic and interstitial capitalist area; simple commodity production with an urban location in a dispersion area; simple commodity production with a rural location in a concentration area; and rural servi- tude in a concentration area. The monopolistic capitalist area undergoing dispersion was also discarded since it was considered highly rare in its pure state in Brazil; more- over, within a given gradient, it might appear in some regions classified as comuetitive-canitalist in a dis- persed form. - ~~ Finally, rural servitude in an interstitial form was also omitted since this combination might be found, at least partially, in regions defined as sample commodity production with a rural location and intersti- tial form. The next stage of analysis consisted of making the nine remaining possibilities correspond to actual regions in Brazil. Regions were distributed both spatially and, whenever possible, according to the dual classification. The results are shown in Table 50; the contexts selected are described in detail in the Appendix. The nine areas chosen cover seven municipalities {for the sake of convenience, the rural and urban categor les in the sys- tem of autonomous producers are represented by the rural and urban areas of the same municipalities, thus yielding nine area types and only seven municipalities). These municipalities are distributed over six states: Sao Paula, Rio Grande do Sul, Pernambuco, Espirito Santa, Para, and Pisui. The map of Brazil (see page 14) gives an idea of this geographical distribution. For each of the nine chosen areas, two types of study were performed: a macro-structural study covering the whole population of the area, and following this, a survey based on a probabilistic sample of the population in the same area. The arm of the macro-structural study was to acquire as complete as possible a knowledge of the dynamics of the population, its socioeconomic structure, and the area9 s social institutions from its foundation to the present. The three components of population dynamics considered were nasality, mortality, and migration. The socioeco- comic factors considered essential to "~he study's objec- tives were the area's landowning structure, product mix, and predominant types of activity; the number of persons engaged in work and He types of occupations (present and previous); the duration and type of land occupation; prom auction values and forms of appropriation of surplus; and production techniques. The study of institutions focused

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'48 TABLE 50 Nine Contexts Defined in Terms of Modes of Production and Type of Involvement in the Development Process: Brazil Insertion in Development Process Modes of Production Concentration Dispersion Interstitial Capitalism Monopolistic Sao Jose dos Carom SSso Paulo - SP) __ Competitive Recife Sertaozinho Cachoeiro do (Pern~uco - - (Sao Paula - I~apemirim PE3 SP) (Espirito Santo - ES) System of Autonomous Producer 5 Urban Santa Cruz do -- Parnaiba Sul (Rio Grande (Pisui - PI) do Sul - RS ) Rural -- Santa Cruz do Parnaiba Sul (Rio Grande (Pisui - PI) do Sul - RS ) Rural Servitude Conceicso do -- Araguaia (Pare - PA) on their role in individual reproductive decision making. The institutions considered included the economic produc- tion unit, the family, the health care system, the educa- tional system, religious and political institutions, and the mass media. The sources of information used were secondary: censuses (demographic, industrial, and agr'- cultural); other specialized publications containing statistical data; historical monographs; papers on research carried out previously in the same region; direct observation with qualified informants; focused interviews with people who had lived in the region for a long time; and in~depth intprUi - I "i ~ h m~mh^'c ^F The ~1=~;~" ; n generals 3 ~- - - - -~ rRae~ ~ ^~^ -as The second stage of the NIBR consisted of a fertility survey conducted in each of the nine areas, shaped by the findings of the macro-structural study. That initial

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149 study helped delineate the sample by revealing, for example, the production relations prevailing in the area ; the rural proletariat and its spatial distribution, both In the countryside and on the urban outskirts of a munici- pality; the annual cycle of each region' s range of ma jor products, coupled with the rainy and dry seasons; and the seasonality of harvests requiring harvest workers. In- depth interviews among the population in general were another important aid in designing the survey. The sam- pling procedure proposed for the survey was three-stage equiprobability: the primary sampling unit was a census tract, the secondary unit a block, and the tertiary unit a household. ~~ -~ whenever possible, appropriate. sampling tractions were determined to ensure that each household in a given region had the same probability of belonging to the sample. A household was understood as a group of people linked by kinship, affinity, or economic relations and living under the same roof. Each was given a questionnaire con- sisting of three modules. The first, known as the household module, contained information on all the members of the household, identify- ing them through their relation to the head of the house- hold, as well as their age, sex, marital status, level of schooling, occupation (type of activity, position, and periodicity), monthly earnings, and consumption. In addition, there was information on help given to or received from other members of the group not living in the household, and on the division of labor within it. In rural areas, additional questions concerned the different arrangements for land tenure, types of harvest, number of animals, agricultural Implements, and the like. During the interview, this information was given by any adult considered a qualified informant and a member of the household group. The second module, a life history, was designed to obtain fundamental quantitative data for a study of repro- duction strategies. Unlike most fertility studies, the NIBS was not limited to women between ages 15 and 49 in stable marital unions.4 Any member of the household group was eligible for this module, as well as for the third, described below.5 Some clarification is required concerning the inclusion of males in this survey. Although rarely carried out in practice, the need for this inclusion has been pointed to with some frequency in the literature since the husband's role in decision making within the family, his position on the use of contracep-

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150 fives, and so on are important determinants of reproduc- tive behavior.6 In the NIER, inclusion of males is justified not only for these reasons, but also for others resulting from the theoretical approach adopted: since the NIHR set out to link the forms of production to modes of reproduction, the agent most closely linked with the production process was especially important. One indivi dual was selected at random from each household for application of the life history module and referred to thereafter as the Ego. The Ego's life history was fol- lowed from birth to the present. Information was gathered on migration, education, and occupation, as well as on the composition of and changes in the Ego' s family group e The module also contained a detailed reproductive history, beginning with the menarche ( for women) or earliest sexual relation {for men) and continuing up to the menopause or andropause' respectively, with information gathered on unions, duration and result of pregnancies, use of con- traceptives, breastfeeding, surviving children, dates of death of nonsurvivors, and so on. If the Ego then had previous or current marital unions, the life history of the spouse was gathered in equal detail f rom the beg inning of the union. Information given by Ego was also used to reconstruct, in less detail' the spouse's life history at three points prior to the ur~ion--at birth' age 10, and age 18. Finally, the third module, also answered by the Ego, was aimed at obtaining transversal material to explain a number of actual practices involving the relationship between institutions and reproductive behavior. These included the existence of distinct plans or strategies regarding reproduction, help given to and received frown children, and the like. In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the NICER was not intended as a representative national sample. Its samples are representative only in relation to the area or municipality from which they were selected. Given the characteristics of the study, it would be practically meaningless to aggregate the nine contexts to provide estimates of national~level demographic parameters. Thus the discussion that follows, while parallel to that of Part ~ in many ways, is quite different in focus, and serves as a complement to that analysis. -