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CHAPTER 7 NUPTIALITY As will be seen in the next chapter, a decline in marital fertility was the primary determinant of the fertility declines noted above. This conclusion parallels that of the national-level analysis in Part I. Before analyzing marital fertility, however, it is important to examine some other determinants related to nuptiality -the type of union and the initial, mean, and final age at mar- riage--that can contribute to a rise or fall in fertility. TYPE OF UNION Distribution of Types of Union Table 53 shows the distribution of ever-marr~ed women from the NIER according to type of union in three periods of timeool960, 1910 f and 1915. Before this table is anal- yzed, some points must be made about the various types of unions During the colonial and imperial periods in Bra- zil, marriages were performed by the Catholic Church. In 189G, however, civil marriage was legally instituted as the only valid form of marriage. Since then, those who follow some kind of religion have continued to conduct religious marriages, either exclusively or as a complement to legal marriage. Two other types of union are present in Brazilian society: consensual union and permanent union. Both of these are also known as free unions since they are not limited by any type of binding connection, civil or religious. Both consensual and permanent unions are defined as stable: in the former, the couple live in the same house; in the latter, they do not. Comparing the nine NIER contexts tTable 53), for a fixed time period, say 197S, there is a great difference 156

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157 in the types of union, ranging from the situate on in which practically all unions were legal (Santa Cruz do Sul- Urban) to the opposite extreme, in which less than 30 percent of couples legalized their unions (Parnaiba- Rural). It is also noteworthy, in the same line of thought, that in Parnaiba-Urban and -Rural, and in Con- ceicso do Araguaia, the category Religious Only accounted for a large nu~nher of unions; in the other contexts, free union was more common than religious union, even reaching one-third of all unions in Recife. This diversity mung contexts found for 1975 can also be seen for earlier per- iods from at least 1960 onward, as the data in Table 53 clearly show. Indeed, in 1960 the proportion of legal unions varied from 29.9 percent in Parnaiba-Rural to 92.5 percent in Santa Cruz-Urban; between these extremes, there were intermediate figures such as 52.0 percent in Parnaiba-Urban, 63 percent in Araguaia, and 66.6 percent in Recife. What is noteworthy here, however, is that for all contexts, the main change over the 15 years analyzed consisted of a gradual decline in religious as compared with free unions. In certain contexts, this decline was smaller, as in Sao Jose and Santa Cruz-Urban; in others it was greater, as in Parnaiba-Urban and -Rural, and in Recife. In Sertaozinho, the fall in the number of relig- ious unions was not sufficient to account for the increase found For free unions, but was partly due to a reduction in the relative weight of legal unions; the same can be said of Conceicso do Araguaia. This relative increase in free unions as a result of a fall in either religious or legalized unions is also shown in Table 54, based on the findings of the 1960 and 1970 censuses and the 1978 PNAD (National Household Sample Survey). It should be observed that in these sources, free unions include only consensual unions; there is no explicit mention of permanent unions. From this it can be concluded that the latter have been incorporated in either the consensual or single category. Indeed, the 1970 census defined single women as follows: Those women who have not entered into any civil or religious, or civil and religious marriage, and do not live in a stable con- sensual union.. The data in Table 54 also lend some validity to the findings from the NIER shown in Table 53 (which are depen- dent on sample fluctuations given the small number of cases): there is a great deal of similarity between the contexts (Table 53) within a particular region and the results for that same region (Table 54); in other words,

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159 In ~ ~ ~ ~ (D O O to al to (D Cal ~ ~ ~ Cal fir al ~ ~ ~ 0 0 ~ ~ e ~ \0 ~ ~ Am 0 ~ 0 0 ~ ~ ret 0 ~ ~4 ~ - 4 (D ~ ~ ~ ~ Cal ret O . ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ A? ~ ~ ~ UP O ~ ~ ~ \0 `0 O ~ O ~ ~ \0 ~ ~ Cal 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ e ~ ~ Us O ~ ~ Cal Cal O ~ O UP 0 0 ~ 0 ~ ~ `0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ `00 ~ ~ ~ Cal 0 0 O O O `0 - m 0 ~ ~ ~ u, O ~ ~ ~ O ~ en ~ ~ ~ e a Id Cal ~ 0` ID O ~ o up ~ up ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ us ~0 ~8 ~0 Set - - ~ _1 - 0 Cal ~ ~ 050 ~ mm ~ 0 ~ e ~ ~ ~ In ~ UP us ~ ~ Cal ~ en us ~ ~ ~ In ~ mm In upon ~ mm I: :: _ O 0= t~ ~ tt C ~ CP, ~ _I _~ _ a' ~S 3 ~: 1 D _~ o o ~ C~ o S ~: O O O ~ ~ - , cn L' o o C) O O V ~ m01 C ~ - - ~ O 0 - tW ~o w

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160 TABLE 54 Percent Distribution of Ever-Married Women, by Type of Mar ital Union, 1960, 1970, and 1978: Brazil Type of Union Con text Religious Civil and Religious Only and Civil Only Consensual Brazil 1960 20 O 2 73. ~ 6. i970 140. 78~6 801 1978 8 O 1 81 O 2 10.7 . Sao Paulo 1960 5~1 9201 2~8 1970 301 92~8 4~1 1978 1e 1 90~3 8eO Southern States 1960 9.6 86.8 3.6 1910 6.2 89.7 4.l 1978 3.5 90.0 6.5 Minas Gerale/ Esplrito Sento 1960 17.9 78. a 3. 2 1970 lO.B 85.2 4.0 1918 5. 0 89.0 6.4 North.~atern States 1960 42.S 48.1 9.d 1970 33. ~ 57 O 6 9O 3 1978 21~5 64ol 1404 = Source s Milton and Hong (1981b) . Sao Jose dos Campos is similar to Sao Paulo, Santa Cruz do Sul to the Southern Region' and Parnaiba to the North- eastern Region. It is also noteworthy that Table 54 shows, both for the country as a whole and for the four regions, a marked increase in free unions between 1960 and 1978. Marriage strategies can also be understood in light of the various types of union in which interviewees found themselves . Consider ing the nine contexts as a whole f irst of all, it can be seen that out of a total of 2, 23 4 unions, the great majority--88 percent--were first unions. Of these, 71 percent were legal unions, while half of the remaining 30 percent were religious and the other half free (Table 551. It ~s evident that, with divorce impossible in Brazil at the time, a new civil marriage was impossible, so that mung second unions, permanent and consensual unions were more frequent. Thus legal unions among second unions refer to cases where Ache

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161 a: . - N m . al Ed c ~ 0 0 ~ o c o Ed 1 '- MU 0 0 Z e L. ~ P. o . - :D o a a: u ~ 0 Z a: c) 0 0 ::} ~ ~ O a: O C o . - V] `: a 0 al 0 a, ~ ~ 0 ~ O O tar 0 lo ad , Cal CD O to rot ~ O O 0 ~ Cal Up Us ~ ~ ~ Cal ~ Cal ~ O go 01 ~ ~ lo ~ ~ 0 0 ~ so 0 fir 0 lo 0 Cal' ~ Cal 0 0 0 ~ ~ O O ~ ~ ~ O In ~ 0 r. 0 ret lo 0 ~ 0 _I ~o ~0 _i ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ a' o m ~ 0 ~ 0 3 O ~ 3 `~' f:: ~ O ~ ~ O O O a: , _t ,~ u =_ ~ ~ c) O : ~:: . - ~ ,~ ~ ~ ~ 0 0 0 o: U ~ U E~ E~

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162 f irst legal union ended in widowhood, or the f irst relig- ious or f ree union ended in separation ~ It is iIIunediately noteworthy that at the start of their married lives, 14 percent of women (or of men or of part- ners) preferred no binding connection J and 6 percent did not even choose the bond of living together. This type of preference is a focal point of the discussion in the present chapter. First, the chapter analyzes whether this kind of behavior is more colon in more recent than in older unions ~ Next, it examines whether even the conven tional rural/urban distinction dif ferentiates this beha~r- ior O Finally, these issues will be elaborated by examin - ing each context individually. Table 56 shows the distribution of the total of 1967 first unions of ever-saarried women according to when the unicorn occurred, that is, women rearried by 1960, between 1961 and 1970, and after 1970. As can be. seen, more than half were older unions--before 1960--while 29~1 percent took place between 1961 and 1970; the rest were more recent unions. It is interesting to note that the prefer- ence for legal unions remained at the same level: about 71 percent of first unicorns were legal, irrespective of when they were initiated. Religious unions, however, gradually lost their relative position' falling from 18.4 percent for older unions to 7 0 3 percent for those initi- ated after 1970; there was also a concomitant rise in per- manent and consensual unions, which together accounted for 2lo3 percent of more recent unions. In other words, the points made in the analysis of Tables 53 and 54 are supported by using as a reference point whether the union is recent or not' that is, the different marriage cohorts. PI breakdown of the total sample from the nine contexts into urban and rural shows first that within both groups there is considerable similarity in the temporality of first unions. Indeed' 52 percent and 51 percent calf women were married before 1960 in urban and rural contexts, respectively; for both contexts 29 percent were married between 1961 and 1970. on the other hand, some very interesting differences can be seen in both contexts in r egard to types of unions and thing. As regards the preference for religious union as the first union, in urban contexts, this preference declined drastically over tine, from 14.0 percent to 2.6 percent, a drop of 5.4 times (see Table 57); in the rural areas, ache drop was only 1. 8 times . For more recent rural mart Sages, relig i- ous unions represented about the same proportion (13.8 percent) as that for marriages that took place at least

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163 EN Z O O : C O - {R 1 ~4 - o Q4= :>, C ED ~ ' lo 41 1 O 3 lo _ ' to 1 ~ Cal o e 3 F. o :' 02 _ N Sit ~ O L. m a <, e \0 ~ ~ ~ X An' - m" c A: ~ 0 Ed ~ Cal a, u P. 0 0 Ed Z ~4 P4 m O O ~ ~ US ~ Us 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~9 Cal ~0 . ~ In cat 1 ~ 0 ~ ~ r. U ~ e 0 ~ Pu o z O Cl, a, 0 C U P4 o Z ~r ~ ~ 0 O C~ r" o o a' ~4 o . o o C~ {D ~r ~ ~ ~ ~o ~ ~ ~ CD ~ ~ ~ o, . ~ ~ 0 ~ ~ ~ C~ 0 o . C~ ~n . ~ ~ ~ ~ O O ~ ~ C: _ >, ~ m~ ~ O _' oC O ~ tR ~ ~ ~ `: ." O ~ ~ _, ~ U a~ :, O O ~ C) ~ C Z ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~1 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ C E~ o: C~ & ~ E

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164 a) - sat ~ :r: A: a, o o o d I:: ::) e ~ n x ::, A a; O O^ , Cal 1 ED - C: C) O :~ ~ ~ ^ _ O Sat ~4 1 % 1 ~ _ ' O^ to ~ ~0 O :3 ~ - - ~ ~ ~ `: N {Q Ll _ ~ . [_ lo ~ ~ m ~ ~ X to 0 ~ m a: i: ~ 0 0 En Ha cat . al x A: C) m . ~ d. lo CO ~ 0 ~ an ~ a' us ~ \0 ~ Cal so O ~ so ~ Cal Cal c~ ~ o ~ ~ . o ~ u, ~ c~ a, c~ ~ c~ ~ a' . ~ ~ \8 (o ~ c~ ~ r~ o . ~o o . o . a' . . ~ o o ~ ~ o ~ o o u, ~ c) . r~ 0 ~ a, O a~ t_ ~ q ~: ~ o ~ ~ ~ o Q . . . . Ll \0 U o - :} a~ o 3 - o ~ ~ ~: o ~ - - o ~ ~: _ - _ - U _ C) P~ :' eQ Z `:: U] v ~: :x o ~: t) o o E~ ~

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165 15 years ago in urban contexts (14.0 percent). Moreover, in the rural contexts, the preference for legal unions also fell in relative terms, although less drastically. At the same time, there was a moderate rise (and a steeper one than in the urban contexts) in permanent and consen- sual unions as a percentage of all first unions; this reached 26.2 percent of initial preferences for more recent unions. The next step in the analysis was to investigate how these findings operated within each context, that is, to see how the preferences for the various types. of union among the total first unions developed over tome. To this end, Table S8 shows the distribution of ever-married women according to the type of union, for the same three marri- age cohorts. It may be noted immediately that in all con- texts, there was a progressive increase in permanent and consensual unions; only Santa Cruz-Urban showed any sta- bilization in the proportions of permanent unions, while only in Cachoeiro did consensual unions show an increase in proportions, followed by a decrease. In this comparison of contexts, it is highly interest- ing to note that in the country' s poorer areas analyzed here Parnaiba and Conceicao do Araguaia--religious unions represented a noteworthy alternative among unions occurring before 1960; indeed, they competed with legal unions in Parnaiba-Orban and overtook them in Parnaiba- Rural. A number of different reasons may explain this. First' work relations, above all in the countryside, then offered no protection in the form of social security for individuals or their families; thus no documents were required on family structure, birth of children, and so on . Another reason, somewhat related to the f irst , may be the fact that no property was owned that could be divided for inheritance. It is also worth mentioning the possible absence of civil registries at that time in cer- tain areas of the country, whereas churches have always been universally present. Then, too, the continuation of the custom of religious marriage, which is so deep-seated in Northeast Brazil, represented a resistance to the new relative prominence granted the Catholic Church by the Republic. Finally, religious marriage as a first union can be seen as a forerunner of legalized union. The relative decline of religious unions in these con- texts may be due to changes in all or some of these ele- ments. One change is undeniable: access to registries became easier with Improved communications. Moreover, the fact that a legalized union entitled one to social secur-

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166 a, 4 _. N 4 4 a] o . I:: ~ O X -o V :D I: o aIJ C) - c: as O ' rat :^ 1 EN ~ ret O ~ - ~9 ._' o A: . _ o ~ 1 - 1 O ~o 3: ~ - ~ _ x: o 1 ~ . - O `:: - o ~, :J ~o ~ O - S O ~ L' E~ x: o - N o 4 U] C) o o CD U o - ~ V ~; 3 C) 4! v U) ~ o U m 0 ~e ~ ~ 0 0 C . C~ q, O 4,, N C-} ~ O U' r~ \0 \0 ~4 U' C~ O \0 O 'O o O U' c~ ~ ~n e~ ~4 O ~ ~4 . ~ e~ ~ O ~ 0 ~ r. 01 O \0 `0 ~ ~ Ce, t~} 0 10 ~ C' ~ 0 0 r~ 0` . ~ ~ ~ O C - o ~ ~ C O _ ~ _ _ _ ~ _ ~ ~ C) 3 ~ o ~ o ~ ~ 4` ~ ~ ~ e c C, ~4 D - C 4 - :, o o 4o - C U C~ . o Cr, ~ . ~ o U~ r~ . ~ :s, r~ ~ ~ c~ ~ ~ eo o e ~ ~ ~ C) t: ~ ~Q 4 - C4 P. ~ ~4 U ~ C~ ~ ~ ~ C~ C, ~ O C~ C~ O `0 r~ ~o . \0 O O U~ U' . ~ O ~ ~n c o - :D - t to ~~i d 0 ~ ~ a' n IO ~ c~ r" . ~ t l ~ ~4 3 -4 ~ ~ `: ~ C o ao :' ~ _ C o _ _ ~ ~ U _ _ ~ ~ ~ ~ P. r~ o rc o :, ~ l: o o U

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167 ity certainly represented a stimulus. For example, in Parnaiba, the Social Security Office performs a most important role in the life of wage-earners (Loyola, 1978), many of whom are laid of f for s ickness due to nervous exhaustion. They then reg ister with the Soc ial Secur Sty Office and, as they themselves put it, Stay on the shelf. for months or even years receiving benef its. A new supply of labor is therefore recruited to replace those laid of f . When some of these fresh workers are in turn laid of f s deck, some who have previously been laid of f are reen~- ployed, and so on. Thus, each family group always has the possibility of one of its members being either laid off and receiving a portion of his or her wage from the gov- ernment, or employed and receiving the full wage. Although this situation may seem strange, At represents an attempt to overcome the problem of poverty in the region, or to Redistribute poverty.. At the other extreme low proportions of religious unions are observed in most contexts, except unions initi- ated before 1960 in Recife, where this type of union still represented 11 percent of the total (Table 58). In Cach- oeiro and Sao Jose dos Campos, this proportion was already low, falling to zero for more recent union=. As for legal unions, Cachoeiro practically maintained stable pattern (around 90 percent); Santa Cruz-Orban and -Rural, which accounted for the highest level of legal unions, saw an increase of this type of union from the first to the second cohort, mainly because of a drop in the relative importance of religious unions. In these two contexts, the decline in the relative weight of legal unions among more recent unions can be explained directly by an increase in free unions. It should be remembered that Santa Cruz do Sul is made up Largely of European immigrants, mostly of German origin, who developed family- based agricultural activities and later specialized in tobacco growing. This led the urban part of the munici- pality to develop an industrial complex based on the pro- cessing of tobacco. The prominence of legal unions can be linked not only to cultural factors, but also to issues of property ownership and inheritance. One possible explanation of any decline in the proportion of legal unions may therefore be removal of the latter stimulus by the breaking up of these properties, already small, over the years.- In Sao Jose dos Campo8, where much of the working population is employed on a wage-earning basis by large and medium-sized companies, it could only be expected that legalized unions would account for a high percentage of the total number of unions.

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168 The Role of Consensual Unions To understand Brazilian marriage strategies, it is essen- tial to examine the role of Consensual unions more close- ly. Consensual union may be an option for living together when there is no stimulus for legalized union, as discus- sed above. To this reason should be added the far from negligible cost of a civil marriage.8 In Parnaiba, for example, one can clearly observe the phenomenon of ~mar- riage by seduction. (Loyola, 1978) as a strategy to avoid spending money on a civil' or even a religious, marriage. This represents a method used by women--above all those from the poorer groups within the population--to guarantee a union in a context where the male-female ratio in the 15-49 age group was only 84:100 in 1960 and 1970. Once the girl had been ~seduced, ~ her family stoned the ~seducer. and demanded that he remain with the girl To correct his error,. but without a dowry or any wedding feasts or ceremonies, as a pseudo-punishment. Consensual unions are also a solution to separations f allowing legal or even religious unions. Indeed, up until 1978,9 dissolutions of legal unions, even when formalized before a judge (desquite), made new civil unions impossible. The Catholic Church also does not per mit a second religious union, since this bond is indis- soluble according to the law of God. Thus, the only way to marry again was through a free union e Consensual union may also result from a change in values that sees legal bonds as unnecessary. This may be especially important among the younger groups of the pop- ulation' as part of a general questioning of traditional norms and values e Women's liberation has made women both more economically independent and more disposed to express their sexuality, again leading to a preference for f tee unions. The preference for Consensual union may reflect a definitive decision, or it may represent a preliminary stage in conjugal life prior to a legal and/or religious union. It is also probable that pregnancy may contribute to legalization in large Brazilian metropolises. However, the size of the cities included in the NIER, such as Recife and Sao Jose dos Campos, together with the tome covered by the survey (which stopped at 1977), made it impossible to support this conclusion empirically. The issue raised here can be clarified by a brief anal- ysis of Consensual unions for each of the nine contexts. To this end, the following classification has been devel- oped:

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169 (1) consensual union as the only union (2) consensual union following a legal union (3) consensual union following a religious union (4) consensual union prior to a legal union (5) consensual union prior to a religious or permanent union The study was made based on the three above-mentioned marriage cohorts, with results as shown in Table S9. It should be noted at the start that the small number of cases for each context, except Recife, permits a merely illustrative analysis of each situation. It must also be remembered that marriage strategies are a dynamic process; thus a woman living in a consensual union at a given moment has a certain probability of legalizing it or of entering a religious union at any subsequent moment. Sao Jose dos Campos is one context where the great majority of consensual unions represented a second or third union following a civil marriage. It thus illus- trates situations (2) and (31. Out of the total of 42 cases, 16 occurred before 1960, a further 16 between 1961 and 1970, and the remaining LO after 1970. For older con- sensual unions, 68.7 percent occurred as the only marriage solution after a legal union. This proportion fell Deco 56 e 3 percent for the following cohort, while for more recent unions it was 60.0 percent. The 6 cases out of 42 in which consensual union preceded a civil union took place before 1971. Of these, 3 cases involved the legal- ization of a consensual union, with 2 cases taking place after the birth of a child; in the other 3 cases, the legal union was with a different person. Situation (1) represented 9 cases, or 21.4 percent of the total; these 9 cases were equally distributed over the three marriage cohorts. Parnaiba-Rural illustrates a certain balance between the types of consensual unions, with the greatest inci- dence for situations (4) and (5} (34.5 percent). AS noted above, religious union has always been highly valued in this region, one of Brazil 's poorest. Thus there were 6 cases in which a consensual union preceded a legal union and 13 in which it preceded a religious union. Of these 6 former cases, 5 were unions legalized with the same per- son, with 3 of these occurring after the birth of chil- dren. Of the 13 cases where religious unions followed consensual unions, 50 percent were with the same person, with Ache bearing of children an associated factor. In Parnaiba-Rural, it is also worth noting that 21 of the 55

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170 ..- N m . x I:: a u A: QJ a ~ 3 o :) ~ I:: U! w o o o o I: O e ~ c o ~ ~ W 0 hi a~ C) o 0 ~ ~ 0 0 ~ - V m ad: ~ 0 it_ I: ~~ V 0 0 OR x a C) ~ US ~ UP \0 ~ Cal ~ ~ ~ ~o ~ r~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ e ~ ~ 0 ~o ~ 0 ~ a, C~ ~ ~ ~ ~ t~ U~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~o ~ ~ ~ cr' 0 ~ ~ 0 0' ~ `0 0 ~ O ~ ~ 0 ~ u~ O a' ~ 0 C~ ~ ~ ~ ~ U~ - _ O 0w ~ ~ ~ O ~ ~ O O ~ ~1 ~ 1 0 N S N 1 0 ~ ~ ~ O "Q ~2 0 U N (,~ ~ O ~ , O O O S:: O ~ ~ ~ U C S~ C ~ It' ~ ~ O ~ ~ ~ ~ (tS u~ ~ 134 C~ ~ tQ cn u~ c~

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171 consensual unions began before 1961, meaning that they had already lasted at least 16 years; only 3 of these had occurred following a legal and/or religious union. The picture presented by Parnaiba-Urban is to some extent parallel. Of the consensual unions prior to another union (24.3 percent), 6 cases preceded fecal unions and only 2 preceded religious unions. Of the 6 former cases, 5 were with the same person, with legaliza- tion occurring after the birth of one or more children. Santa Cruz-Rural and Sertaozinho were the contexts that showed the highest proportions of consensual unions as the only union (situation (1)); in both contexts, most of these unions occurred before 1961. Consennual union as a strategy preceding another type of union (situations (4) and (5)) was most infrequent. It was also infrequent as a solution following a separation, perhaps because the separation rates in these two rural contexts were among the lowest for the whole NICER (12.4 percent and 18.S per- cent, respectively for Santa Cruz and Sertaozinho, as com- pared, for example, with 34.4 percent and 39.5 percent, respectively, for Parnaiba-Rural and Recife). In Sertao- zinho, there were 2 cases in which consensual union pre- ceded a legal union, with legalization associated with the birth of a child; in Santa Cruz-Rural, Were were 2 such cases. However small the number of consensual unions in Santa Cruz-Urban and Cachoeiro, where the numerical results were subject to considerable sample fluctuation, it should be noted that these contexts showed a very similar absence of consensual unions as a stage prior to a legal union. This may simply indicate that not enough time had passed for these unions to be converted into legal marriages since, as seen Wove, religious unions were extremely rare in these two urban contexts. However, from the data for Cachoeiro, it can be seen that of the 14 consensual unions as only unions, 7 had already occurred by 1961, while the other 7 had occurred during the past 15 or 16 years. Thus, th:s is not a recent practice. The situation was analogous in Santa Cruz, where for 7 cases, 3 were older and 4 had occurred over the preceding 15 years. The context with the highest number of consensual unions was Recife, which represents 36 percent of the total for these unions. Table 60 shows how the different consensual situations were distributed in Recife for three distinct carriage cohorts. These figures show that the first two marriage cohorts behaved in a very similar way: consensual union as the only union had a greater weight,

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172 TABLE 60 Distribution of Consensus Unions, by Type for Three Marr iage Cohorts, Recife: Brazil Marr iage Cohor t Consensual Union Only Type of Union 44.2 42.5 61.1 Before a Legal and/or Religious Union Af ter a Legal and/or Relig ious Union 28.9 27.0 5.6 26.8 30.0 33.3 Total ~ ~ er of Women S2 40 54 from 42 percent to 44 percent, while the remaining 60 percent was equally divided between the other two situa- tions. In other words, almost 30 percent of consensual unions preceded a legal and/or religious union. For the more recent cohort O the situation is the same as regards consensual union after a nonfree union. It can therefore be seen that around 30 percent of consensual unions, irrespective of the marriage cohort, represented a solu- tion to the problem of separation. As for consensual union preceding a nonfree union, this percentage fell con siderably for the last cohort, with a resulting rise in the percentage of consensual unions as only union. This suggests that there had not been enough tome for a con- sensual union initiated between 1971 and 1977 to be trans- formed into a legal and/or religious marriage. Examining the 17 cases of consensual unions preceding a legal union for the three cohorts, it can be seen that in 8 cases, legalization occurred with the same person and following the birth of a child; in 2 cases, legalization was not associated with the birth of a childe Type of Union and Fertil' ty The mean number of children born in consensual unions, while lower in most instances than the means for religious a

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173 and legal unions, is still significant in all nine con- texts, as can be clearly seen from the data in Table 61. Except for Cacho-~ro de Itapem~rim and Santa Cruz do Sul- Urban, the mean number of children born per woman was greatest for women in religious only unions, followed by those in legal unions, and, lowest of all, those in con- sensual unions. Unfortunately, the small size of the samples makes it impossible to break down each type of union by its duration. For this reason, although a central point of this report is variation among the contexts, it is useful to combine them in order to increase the sample size and be able to control for the duration of the union, which enhanced the study of the influence on fertility of the type of union. Table 62 shows ache mean namer of children for those women who had had only one union and were still married at the time of the interview. This group was chosen to avoid the problems raised by combining all the children born of different unions that might have occurred within the same period. As can be seen, there is a clear decline in the mean number of children from only religious to permanent unions for the first two marriage cohorts. TABLE 61 Mean Nether of Children Ever Born Alive by Ever-Married Women, by Type of Marital Union, Nine Contexts, lets: Brazil Context - of union Civil and Religious Religious and Only Civil Only Consensual Cachoeiro de Itapemirim 2~2 3el 3~2 Santa Cruz do Sul-Urban 3.5 2.5 305 Sao Jose don Campos 4.2 304 1.2 Sertao Zinho 5.8 4.3 2.6 Santa Cruz do Sul-Rural 5.8 3.9 2.3 Recife 4.4 3.5 2.1 Parnaiba-Urban 5.6 5.3 3.1 Conce$ceo do Araguata- Rural 4.1 3.9 2.3 Parnsiba-Rural 6. ~ 5.3 2.7

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174 TABLE 62 Mean Number of Children Ever Born, for Currently Married Women (first marriage), by Type of Union and Three Mar r iage Cohor ts, N ine Contex ts: Br ~ z i 1 r _ Marr iage Cohorts Types of Union Until 1960 Prom 1961-70 A B From 1971 on All C Religious Only 406 (181) 4.4 (128) 1.9 t46) 4.2 Civil and Religious and Civil Only 4~3 (922) 3.2 (708) 1.5 (464) 3.3 Continual Permanent 3.9 (46) 20 ~ (~7) 1.6 (79) 2. ~ 3.4 (32) 2.? (40) 1.6 (45) 205 Note: Numbers in parentheses are nor of women. However, the difference between the fertility of women who had only religious unions and those who had civil and/or religious unions tended to increase considerably for unions between 1961 and 1970. It should be noted that any conclusion about the most recent marriage cohort must be regarded with caution since this period covers 6 years at the most, and may thus include unions that lasted a very short time; in this period, a difference of, say, one year makes a considerable difference as regards fertility. AGE AT MA=IAGE It is valuable for the study of nuptiality and fertility to estimate some nuptiality parameters, such as initial, mean, and final age at marriage. The information used for this purpose concerns the proportion of nonsingle women and the average par ity per age bracket for 1965, 1970, and 1975. The method used to adjust nuptiality patterns to the empirical data was that suggested by Coale (1971), with r2 defined as the ratio of nonsingle women aged 15-20 to those 20-25, and r3 the ratio of nonsingle women aged 20-25 to those 30-35. Initial age at marriage was conf ined to the 10-14 age bracket . The small number of cases in each context once again made it duff icult to interpret the results, as shown by the data in Table 63. Indeed, these estimates fluctuate considerably from one period to another within a single context, thus restrict-

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176 ing any analysis of trends. This effect of fluctuations in the Samples is reduced by working with data for al 1 the women in the household rather than just one woman per household, as has been the case until now in this discus- sion. In fact r this leads to a substantial increase in the size of the sampl es for each context; unfortunately, however, it is only feasible for the year of the investi- gation, for which information on all members of the house- hold is available. Table 64 shows mean age at marrisqe calculated by Hajoal I s method (1953), on the basis of information about single women in the households by age bracket. As can be seen, the f indings for 1975-77 are generally very similar to those for the various regions of Brazil (see Table 7) in 1976; this suggests that the quality of the data is acceptable and that the fluctua- t ions observed in Table S7 were in fact due to the small number of cases. Moreover', the effect of migration must also be present as a disturbing element in this type of analysis. All the contexts were indeed subject to migra- tory influxes of varying intensity and durations affecting the contingents of men and women apt to marry.1 With these reservations in mind, it can be seen that the highest initial age at marr iage in 1975 was found in Sao Jose dos Campos (14.9 years) and the- lowest in Sertao- TABr~ 64 Mean Age at Marriage (Hajnal method), Nine Contexts : Brazil . Context Mean Age at Marriage Sao Jose dos Campos Santa Crllz do Sul-Urban Santa Cruz do Sul-Rural Parnaiba-t~rban Parnaiba-Rural Sertaozinho Conceicso do Araguaia Cachoeiro de Itapemirim Recife 23.74 2S.22 23.37 23.39 23.47 23.42 19.64 23.9S 23.26

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177 z intro (10.2 years). These extremes seem consistent with the mean for Brazil in 1976, estimated by Altmann and Wong (1981b), at 13.3 years. For the Northeastern region, the age found was 12.7 years, very close to the values for Recife (12.8) and Parnaiba-Rural (12.7). For 1970-75, even taking all the above reservations into account , i ~ can be seen that, in general, there was a certain increase in the initial age at marriage. As regards the f Anal Able at marriage r an important index of nuptiality and closely related to the Marriage market,. the larger urban centers and metropolises were the regions that most favored late marriage; this applies to Recife, Sao Jose dos Campos, and Santa Cruz do Sul-Urban, contexts in which final ages were highest in 1975. With some exceptions, it can also be said that the final age at marriage generally increased between 1970 and 1976. It should be observed, on the other hand, that the contingent of women who remain single after a given age depends, among other things, on the availability of men Exposed to the risk. of forming a union. In 1970, the sex ratio varied considerably in the 15-49 age bracket for all the areas studied. If the information at the level of municipalities from the 1970 census is used, the sex ratios per 1, 000 women aged 15-49 were as follows: Ser- taozinho, 1,115; Sao Jose, 1,040; Santa Cruz, 970; Cacho- eiro, 960; Parnaiba, 953; Recife 0 785. The proportions of women still single in the 30-39 age bracket, as shown by the data at the household level, were, in the same order, as follows: 7.4 percent, 8.8 percent, 9,1 percent, 12.3 percent, 12.5 percent, and 14.8 percent. In other words, the higher the sex ratio, the lower the proportion of still single women. Given the reservations mentioned above, it may be con- cluded from this descriptive analytic that, despite the different levels in the parameters for the various con- texts, initial age at marriage is rising, mean age at marriage is also increasing, and final-age at marriage has also risen. What is far less clear from these data is the timing of the changes, which makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions about how they affect fertility levels. In any case, as indicated in the following chapters, the primary factor involved in Brazil's accelerated fertility decline is declining marital fertility, traceable to changing patterns of contraceptive use.