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APPENDIX THE NIHR COMETS PARNAIBA* . From the nineteenth century onward, Parnaiba was the main commercial entrepot for imports and exports in a pr imary- exporting economy (initially based on meat, and later on extractive products). Not only has it undergone the fluc- tuations and, f inally, decline that are inherent in such economies, but it has also in recent decades been edged out of the main transportation and trading system by the increasing dominance of road over river and sea transpor- tation. Beginning in the 1950s, this twofold process led to a major change in the region's economy, which entered a phase of stagnation. Nevertheless, the municipality retains the character of an extremely simple pr~mary- exporting model, rooted in a peasantry that is practically unaffected by mercantile relations. The 1970 data for the rural zone of Parnaiba depict a landowning structure in which the large estates, or lati- fundios, are of little commercial importance but are linked to a broadly based peasant agriculture. The importance of peasant activities in this munici- pality is reflected in its agrarian structure, which can be seen in the distribution of land. In 1970, more than 80 percent of establishments (those under 5 hectares) occupied less than 5 percent of the area exploited by tenants and sharecroppers. Less than 1 percent (22 *Summarized by Maria Lucia Indjaian, from a text by Maria Andrea Loyola based on papers by Lopes and Brandt (1978). 209
210 e stabl isbunents with over 50 hectares ) half the total area. Half the value of age Cultural and 1 ivestoclc-breeding activities is attr ibutable to f arming and character istic- ally commercial activities, just under one-th~rd to animal husbandry, and 12 percent to products of plant ex traction . Cultivated areas are small on average, with four basic products ( r ice, beans, cassava, and corn) represent ing 8 2 percent of the municipality ' s agr icultural production. The main commercial products are carnauba wax and cattle. A few establishments report some permanent crop production of a more commercial nature (banana, coconut, cashew, and mango), representing ~ percent of the overall value of agricultural production. Rice is the only widespread commercial comity whose production can be characterized as peasant; its cultivation is aimed at obtaining a mone- tary supplement, and is in this way equivalent to the sale of leftovers from the grower's own consumption, seasonal employment, or craft activities. The most widespread labor relation in the area is sharecropping. Ground rent varies depending on whether the land is handed over to the farmer already prepared for planting, and whether the owner supplier the seed; it may consist of a half, a third, or a quarter share of produc- tion. The most common case is payment of ache ground rent alone in the form of a quarter share; this kind of tenant, known as a rendeiro,, often does not live on the land in question, which is usually let to him For 2 years. He depends in many ways on the landowner, who represents the only channel for obtaining bank credit and even supplies of foodstuffs. Tile sale of products grown on the land will also depend on the landowner since they are often sold son paper,. that is, as a future harvest. Although this dependence may vary in degree, it restricts the alternatives of the great majority who possess neither land nor the conditions to acquire it. Another kind of tenant, the agregado*, usually lives on ache estate and has rue owner - s person to cu~zvace a small plot. In return, he provides payment in the form of services, which may or may not be of an economic nature. represented almost ~ ~ . . . . . *Agregado: a term usually applied to one who lives on a large estate and has the owner's permission to cultivate a small plot in return for payment in the rices (which may or may not be economic in form of ser- nature) .
211 Parnaiba's urban economy is closely tied to this peas- ant economy. As in the past, the main roots of the urban economy are in the commercialization of extractive pro- ducts. Of these, the most important is (and has been since the beginning of the century) carnauba wax, prac- tically 100 percent of which is exported. In 1970, the value of foreign exports, consisting of carnauba wax and jaborandi, represented 90 percent of the total economic output. The babassu nut is distributed to the domestic market. At the present tome, while the town acts as a reception center for products of plant extraction, it also contains a modest manufacturing sector. It remains a service center and a pole of demographic attraction. Its medical facilities are used by other municipalities 100 km away or more (some even in neighboring Maranhao and Ceara), while its commercial establishments often serve more distant townships. Despite the weakening of its economy, the town continues to be the focus of ongoing rural-urban migration, and over the last decade, its growth ha" increased. However, this is probably attri- butable more to the stagnation of the rural economy than to any dynamism in urban activities. In 1970, the urban area contained 60.87 percent of the population; 2S percent of this population was not native to the municipality, having migrated mainly from Ceara {42.25 percent) and Maranhao ( 28.60 percent) . The 1970 Demographic Census showed that 35.1 percent of occupied persons worked in the secondary sector and 62.4 percent in the tertiary. The 1910 Industrial Census reported Me existence of 114 industrial establishments, which absorbed 589 persons. If this number is subtracted from the total of 3, 237 persons habitually occupied in manufacturing activities according to the Demographic Census, that leaves 2,648 persons involved in occasional or irregular activities. This would seem to represent ache reserve labor available to Me town' s industry for sea- sonal var iations and turnover . The increase in Me number of persons engaged in manufacturing activities (21 per- cent) signifies a proliferation of domestic or autonomous craft production rather than a growth of industry. There are only three industrial enterprises with more than 100 employees (Vegetex, Morais e Cia., and Tropical de Alimen- tos). Most of those occupied in the manufacturing sector, according to demographic censuses, work in craft and repair activities, as well as in civil construction, which is in fact mostly represented by craft activities.
212 The employment situation for commerce is similar to that for the industrial sector. The 1970 Commercial Cen- sus registered 1, 02S wholesale and retail establishments employing 1, 824 persons. The Demographic Census showed that 2, 751 persons were habitually engaged in commercial activities. This discrepancy can be explained primarily by the seasonal nature of agr iculture and extraction: trading in goods f luctuates with agr icul~cural supply, and job opportunities vary as a result. It is probable that, as with industry' this seasonal variation entails modif ~ - cations in the size of the autonomous sector, rather than a variation in demand for manpower. At present, Parnaiba can be seen as undergoing a rapid increase in the number s of people occupied as ~autonomous. or self~employed in~er- mediaries in the circulation of commodities. Of the 1,824 persons registered by the Commercial Census, the Demo- graphic Census classed 1, 725 as being in this category. As regards local subsistence products, contrary to what might be expected of an economy based on small autonomous production, direct exchange does not predominate, but a multiple circuit based on buying and selling operations. As regards consumer products imported from other regions, the situation is more complex: although there are some wholesale firms, most of the large retail establishments seem to prefer to purchase their goods directly from lar- ger markets, and to this end have representatives in or send buyers to Fortaleza, Rio, and Sao Paulo. The low rates of pay common to several categories of employees and autonomous workers explains why they must resort to a combination of agricultural, extractive, craft' industrial Of and commercial activities to ensure the minimum earnings needed for survival. In 1970' 47.8 per- cent of those occupied in industry earned less than S100 cruzerios (which then represented 80 percent of the legal minimum wage for the region). Among these workers, that proportion was greater for employees (49.9 percent),-and less for autonomous workers (41.4 percent), and those in commerce (47.2 percent). In the service sector, the cor- responding figures were 84.5 percent for employees and 74 percent for autonomous workers. The public sector is a major factor accounting for employment levels in-Parnaiba. The pace of public works has a considerable influence on variations in fob levels, while welfare and government health service agencies seem to be responsible for much of the.municipality's monetary income. This is why a situation characterized by the existence of large numbers of unemployed workers can con-
213 tinue, and why a large part of local commerce can survive In 1970, 6,720 of the total urban labor force of 15,052 persons were calculated to have been laid off for health or other reasons according to the books kept at the Par- naiba branch of the INPS ( Instituto Nacional de Previ- dencia Social--the governmental agency in charge of social secur ity and the health services). Given the stagnation of the region's productive activities, it can be seen that much of the monetary circulation that enables small com- merce to survive in Parnaiba is injected by the INPS, and secondarily by the FUNRURAL (Rural Workers' Welfare Fund). The employment situation will be significantly altered only if there are even greater injections of government resources than those currently maintaining an active local market. A summary of the main demographic indicators for Parnaiba for the period 1940-70 is presented in Table A.l CACHOEIRO DE ITAPEMIRIM* . The growtis of the coffee trade was the main factor in the occupation of the territory now comprising the municipal- ity of Cachoeiro de Itapemir~ and ~~" surroundings, in the south of Espsrito Sanyo state. Settlement began in the early 1700s as a result of the hunt for gold in the Castelo mines and the setting up of the first sugar mills along the banks of the River Itapemirim; however, it was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that the expansion of the coffee trade in the states of Mines and Rio generated a definitive settlement of the Espirito Santo tablelands, where Cachoeiro de Itapemirim lies. This period was also decisive in reinforcing the strategic position occupied by Cachoeiro de Itapemirim since its foundation as a polarizing center for both the economic activities and communications in the south of the state. The coffee trade brought the Leopoldina railroad as far as Cachoeiro, which thus became an entrepot for the enter region's production on its way to the port of Rio de Jan- eiro, via Cachoeiro-Campos. When the coffee trade began to decline, its place wan taken by livestock breeding, mostly of dairy cattle. Cachoeiro was also to be a nucleus for the dairy *Summary by Sales (1979).
214 ·e to 1 to - c) - ~: - I: P4 o g o s o - I: 3 . , 03 En o o o V . - a ~ 0 ~ 0 ~ JJ I:: id ~ a v a at 0 o En ~ 0 a, 0 _ ._, ~ `: . - ~ ' - JJ C: k4 no ~ O t: al ~ In Q. al O ~ 1 ~ 0 ~ 0 o4 3 ~ P. A ·~1 C ~ 0 Q. _ _ to O O ~ ' a; ~ _ ~ S O ~0 ~ ~ ~ O SJ c' m a: ~ ~ A: c~a ~ P. _ ~ o o o o s ~ ~ o 0 p: c, o o o . · ~ ~D ~ c~ o o · ~ cr~ u a' ~ o · ~ u~ ~ o ~ o ~ ~ o ~ c~ · · · ~ ~ ~ ~ o, .? o ~ t · · · ~ ~n ~ 0 a' ~ c~ c~ ~ · · ~ c~ o ~ ~ (o to ( O C~ d _' c~ ~r ~r ~o o o Q. ~ CO S ~ _ 0 :> o 0 o O D4 u m ~ O 0 ' 0 0 ~ ~ ~ U' `0 ~ S: · 0 :3 o cn
215 production of the state's southern region, particularly after the founding of the Cachoeiro de Itapemirim Dairy Cooperative in the 1940s and continuing to the present, when it absorbs the production from 18 neighboring munici parities. The major consequence of this shift to dairy cattle breeding is shown by Cachoeiro's declining rural population, which from 1950 to 1970 fell from 53,701 to 42,903; this represents a drop from 66.2 percent to 40.1 percent of the municipality' s total population. Its urban population, however, has been constantly growing: in 1970, it reached 64, 219, or 59.9 percent of the total, thus overtaking the rural population in relative terms. This growth in Cachoeiro's urban population is cer- tainly due mainly to the influx of migrants attracted deco the town as the center of economic activities in the entire southern region of the state. flowerer, this has not been the only result of the shift of population out of the municipali~y's rural areas. This migration has very probably reached not only Ca~choeiro, but also, and above all, other rural areas in the same state or even other states with an emerging agricultural frontier; in fact, most of those who have migrated to the town of Cachoeiro have come from neighboring towns. Some data from field observation and secondary sources support this - hypothesis. First, the main labor relation in ene ~oca~ coffee plantations is the half-share sharecropping system, with a predominance of small producers. This leads the producers naturally to look for other agricultural fron- tier regions when their own plantations undergo a crisis; prior to the decline in the coffee plantations, this had already been observed in the migration of small producers from the south to the central region of the state. Sec- and, the municipality as a whole had a negative migratory balance for 1960-70. Given the urbanization level observed for the municipality during the same decade, it is probable that this balance would have been positive if a large proportion of those who "migrated from the coun- tryside had gone directly to the town of Cachoeiro. The initial industrial thrust in Cachoeiro at the beginning of the century was significant the later consolidation of urban society there, as well as for its recent industrial growth, still based mainly on the exploitation of the municipality's natural resources. Although no quantitative data are available for the years following 1970, it seems undeniable that the town has undergone its most significant growth over the last 10 years because of the expansion of its dynamic industrial
216 sector and the resulting increase in commerce and services in general. The influx of immigrants to the town can be seen in the expansion of the urban site itself, which has begun spreading out along the banks of the River Itape- mirim toward the hills around the town. There has been intense civil construction work over the last 10 years, above all in the building of new housing estates through- out the town's outskirts. Industrial Census data show a degree of stabilization in Cachoeiro's industrial sector between 1940 and 1960; from then up to 1970, there was a substantial growth both in the number of establishments and employees, and in the value of manufacturing operations. Of the various kinds of industry, those which grew most over this period were the extraction and production of nonmetallic minerals; the basic raw material in this field comes from the reserves of }limestone and marble located in the municipality near the town of Cachoeiro. The largest and most diversified marble and granite producers, however, began operations or expanded out of already existing~marble and granite cutting workshops in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Between 1970 (date of the last census) and 1979, when the field survey was carried out, the number of firms in this sector decreased (from 80 to 45 establishments), while at the same tome the number of employees substantially in- creased (from 1, 214 to 2 ,100) . This would seem to' indi- cate that during this period, the industrial sector under- went continuous vertical expansion, with the f irms involved growing, diversifying production, and absorbing other existing workshops. Along with this industrial sector, made up mostly of medium and large factories engaged primarily in exporting their products f Cachoeiro also has a large number of small factories, most of which are engaged in supplying local consumer needs. The great majority of industrialists are native to the municipality, while many of its large-scale enterprises arose as a result of individual initiative. me latter managed to expand their businesses into large factories, such as the present~day Itapoa de Calcados "footwear), or even local empires, such as the Itapemirim Group, whose main business is long-distance passenger transport, but whose activities also include a whole range of both service and industrial undertakings. A sugary of the main demographic indicators for Cachoeiro de Itapermirin for the period 1940-70 is presented in Table A.2.
217 - .,' .,. o C, - o o · - o o o 5: o al C, · - C: N a ~ · ~ 0 I ~ 0 A; ED o - _ al Q a: o V c: m 0 ~ 0 ~ _ a 8 At o o ED ~ o ~ o _ .- ~ ~ . - · - ~ ~ o ~ ~ ~ V SO (V ~ 3 Let O let 1 ~ at) ~ ~ ~ O P4 ~ ~ o4 ~ ~ A, _ to O O ' ~ 0 Cal Rae · ~ ~ ~ ~ Cal ~ ~ · ~ ~ 0` · ~ ~ ~4 - - ~ o I :3 ~ ~ o · · · "- - ~ ~ ~ ~ un U=p$- ~r ~ ~ ~ L. c~ c: o; - ~ o o o JJ o ~ ~ ~ u ~ o ~ ~ ~ P4 a: o - ~ :, o o E~ · ~ · ~ ~ co o o ~ · · ~ _1 _I A ~ ~ ~ C~ a' 0 c~ O ~ ~ ~ ~ O O O O ~ U~ 06 - o - C o m o cn
218 SAC JOSE WS CAMPOS* Within the framework selected by the NIHR, Sao Jose dos Campos represents the case of modern Brazilian capitalism powered by the forces of big oligopoly capital. Like the other towns in the Vale do Paraiba region, until the early years of the present century, Sao Jose had an economy based on coffee planting. Unlike the other towns, how- ever, it did not slump where the coffee axis shifted to the western part of Sao Paulo state; rather it developed by replacing coffee partly with semisubsistence activities and partly with livestock and dairy cattle breeding. At the same the, being a point of rail, and later road, intersection, it served as an entrepot for goods being transported from the large urban centers to the coastal ports. It was in the 1950s, and especially in ache 1960s, that Sao Jose began to take on the features of a modern Brazilian capitalist development because of the enormous industrial Mom that took place at this time. This boom involved an industrialization process based on large-scale enterpr ise; above all, it was a ~modern. process in that it was based on the expansion of oligopolies, or the so- called multinationals. The distinctive marks of this process can be seen both in the forms of economic organization that arose and in the structure of local society: since industrialization was based on the investments of large firms with head offices outside the area, it operated through so-called Organizational policies. implemented by employees oper- ating on site (executives ~ managers, personnel heads' technicians, and engineers) . At the same time, the pro- cess of industrialization and modernizat ion formed the workers into the ~masses.. This was in fact a caricature, however, for they kept one foot in their past as migrants and the other foot in the system of aspirations, which suffered drastic changes in the space of a few years. Along with these characteristics, there arose an inter- mediary of great strength--`che government and its agen- cies, and the weight of its Modernizing bureaucracy.. Government action contributed to economic growth from 1950 onward, when the Centro Tecnico da Aeronautica (Air Force Technical Center) was set up. This was initially made up of technical and aeronautical engineering schools, but . . *Spry by Maria Lucia Indjaian, based on Cardoso (1975) .
219 later developed the nuclei of an aeronautics industry. A further contr ibution now being made by the state is the installation of huge facilities belonging to Petrobras (the state oil monopo, y) for the construction of ref ineries. From 1960 onward, moreover, Sao Jose saw a change in the pattern of its population dynamics. In 1960, there were 76, 997 inhabitants, a f igure which rose to 148, 332 by 1970; of the latter, 74, 39S were born outside the muni cipality, and 94.2 percent of these were located in the urban area. Most of the migrants in the local population were of Brazilian nationality, the majority from the states of Sao Paulo (48.94 percent) and Minas Gerais (37.09 percent). There were 2,651 foreigners t2 percent of the population), the same proportion as had been regis- tered for 1920, 1940, and 1950. As regards the urban or rural origins of the migrants, the available data show that around 23,000 persons from the rural area were present ire the urban area in 1970; this suggests that the rural area must have had little capacity to absorb workers. In 1940, the rural population represented 63.5 percent of the total population, falling to 11 percent in 1970. The degree of change undergone by the municipality's productive structure is reflected in its employment struc- ture. There has been a rapid decrease in the economically active population in the primary sector; in 1940, it represented 60.86 percent of the labor force, and by 1973, it had been reduced to 2 percent. At the same time, there was an increase in the secondary sector, which by 1973 comprised 51 percent of the labor force; the remaining 47 percent was distributed among the commercial and service sector (2405 percent), public administration {11 percent), autonomous workers ~ 11 percent), and others ~ 0.3 percent) . Meanwhile, women's participation in the labor force increased considerably: it grew in the tertiary sector to 68.69 percent, where it was concentrated in individual consumer services (39.96 percent) and others, although it lost relative Importance in the primary (1.89 percent) and secondary (29.42 percent) sectors. These data indicate the proportionally greater increase In individual consumer services than in production ser- vices for the years after 1950 in Sao Jose. It is true that the collective services sector also grew (education, police, health, etc.); indeed, for the latest intercensal interval, this sector grew more than individual consumer services. Even S°r the number of domestic servants, -
220 chauffeurs, snack bars, and so on greatly increased along with the so-called ~modernization. caused by industrial growth. This shows in turn that Sac Jose is no exception to the occupational pattern created by the prevailing style of dependent capitalist soc iety. In parallel, ther e was an expansion in tertiary social areas (along with the state bureaucracy), and social consumer services continued to expand. As regards wage distribution in 1970, in general, white collar employees earned twice as much as workers, although this gap was greater in some industries than in others. There was also a strong average differentiation among wages within the various industries for both white and blue collar workers. Those industries with the highest pay for blue collar workers were chemicals and transpor- tation materials; together, those industries absorbed 37 percent of occupied blue collar workers in Sao Jose, and thus forced the average wage upward. On the other hand, 32 percent of blue collar workers earned less than half the average wage of all workers in the two industries referred to above; the corresponding figure for foodstuffs or metallurgy is 2S percent. Despite these wage differ- entials, however, the population's living standard did not move beyond a Relative poverty horizon.. As for rural economic activity, until 1960, the ~abso- lute population level. remained steady, although it slowed in some periods. This activity comprised mainly cultiva- tion of rice, Irish potatoes, and sugarcane (especially for fodder}. There was also livestock (mainly dairy cat- tle) and poultry breeding; the latter, along with market gardening ~ was intensif fed through use of the low-lying land along the River Parnalba. Dairy production and l~ve- stock breeding were not adversely affected by the indus- trial boom; on the contrary, they even increased after 1950, despite the loss of rural population. This suggests that resources were used to greater advantage and that production was focused in large-scale agricultural enter- prises . A sugary of the main demographic indicators for Sao Jose do`; Capon for the period 1940-70 is presented in Table A.3. CONCEIC&O W ARAGUAIA* Conceicso do Araguaia was founded in 1897 as a combined catechistic mission and hinterland settlement. Over the ~ . *Sugary by Maria Lucia Indjaian from Ianni (1978) .
221 ._. N ·e So rat 1 to cry . - ·r1 :' - a~ o Cal o o 0a U]e ~ o o P4 o P' O' C, He C: . A: o o _ al Q A; o U ~ _ o m I: O _ a~ 0 O U Z ~: O C) `: O _ ,~ _ O u u ~ ~: CI ~ O o c ~ p ~ O ~ O^ · - _ Ld ~ ~ ~ ~ U O ~ 1 O ~ 0 3 _~ P~ _ JJ ~ ~ ~ `4 _ ~ 14 C) ~ S~ - ~C :, :! o; ~ ~4 :z ~ o - ~4 - ~: ~: o~ ~ ~ u ~ o ~ o: ~ :, o o . ~ ~ r~ ~r · ~ · ~ ~ ~ ~r c~ ~ ~ c~ o ~ ~ ~ ~ o · ~ ~ ~ o ~ ~ o ~ o ~ ~ ~ u~ o · · · ~ ~ ~ c~ ~ g ~ ~ ~ O 1 · · 1 ~ c~ ~ 1 1 c~ 1 1 1 1 · o o, 1 1 1 ~ t · · ~ I ~ o ~ ~ ~ a' c~ ~ ( o o o o ~ ~ ~o ~ , - un - o m C) o U)
222 years up to 1912, its economy was based on monoextraction of caucho-type rubber, and the town underwent a growing influx of immigrants. These were mainly from the Goias, Maranhao, and the Piaui hinterlands; they arrived looking for industr ial and commercial work . With the beginning of the rubber crisis in 1912, the municipality began to diversify its extractive economy by combining it with agriculture and livestock breeding. This economy, of the peasant type and partially mercan- tile' prevailed~ntil 1960. Production mainly served the producer ' s own needs or those of local co~erce, as well as trade with Belem; the main products were rice, corn, beans, cassava, cotton, tobacco, sugarcane, and coffee. Livestock breeding was also carried on, mainly of cattle, horses, and pigae During the years from 1960 to 1977, the economy and society of Conceicso do Araguaia changed more rapidly, which in turn brought about changes in all social rela- tions and activities. Two events were central to this process. The first was the construction of the Belem- Brasilia highway, completed in 1960, and later connected by another highway to Conceicso do Araguaia. This brought new possibilities for the exchange of goods, people, and information, as well as communication with Goiania, Anapo- lis, Belem, Brasilia, and other towns. The second major event was the setting up of SUDAM, the Superintendency for Development of the Amazon, in 1966 e This official agency was established to provide concessions for in~res- tors through tax and credit incentives, thus facile sating the introduction of livestock breeding and agricultural enterprises. Its activities are still being carried on in the region encompassing the municipalities of Conceicso do Araguaia and Santana do Araguaia. These stimuli led to a rise in population, from llo 283 in 1960 to 28~953 in 1970. Of these, 65.4 percent were not born in the municipality, but had come mainly from Goias (16,610) and Maranhao {2,779~. Most were landless peasants looking for land on which to squat and for better working conditions and therefore emigrated to the country- side. In 1970, the great majority (83.41 percent) of the population was engaged in agriculture and livestock breed- ing, along with extractive activities. The rest (430 persons) were absorbed by activities located in the urban center, but closely linked to rural production. A comparison of some of the available data shows the changing character of the landowning structure. In 1950, there were 292 occupants (posseiros, or squatters) and one
223 landowner (big farmer ) with control of land in the muni- c ipality. The occupants were responsible for about 96 percent of rural establishments and occupied over 91 per- cent of the land involved. In 1970, the 2,136 occupants accounted for over 95 percent of rural establishments, but occupied only 43.64 percent of the land; at the same time, there were 100 landowners, who accounted for 4.46 percent of rural establishments and occupied 56.33 percent of the land. According to data collected by IP~. (Brazilian Geo- de~ics and Statistics Institute), agricultural and live- stock production grew overall In the years from 1960 to 1970, and the n''-her of rural establishments rose from 982 tl960) to 2,242 {1970~. The composition of the population engaged in agriculture and livestock breeding in 1972 clearly shows this change. In 1972, INCRA (National Set- tlement and Agrarian Reform Institute} registered 857 permanent wage workers and 7,011 temporary workers. Of these, the peso, or unskilled wage laborer {mostly of migrant origin, as well as a peasant in the process of proletarianization) , was the central figure in the forma- tion and expansion of the large agricultural enterprises. Thus, it is above all in the countryside that the bour- geoisie and proletariat were increasingly taking shape. On the one hand, there were the landowners, the fazen- deiros, and the entrepreneurs or their agents' on the other, there were the rural laborers and cowhands. Along- side with these, there were the peasant nuclei of ~mall- holders, squatters, and colonos, all in ~ critical phase of reorganization or dissolution. This peasantry, whose economy originally consisted of family labor and was at a very low technological level, and who produced mainly for their own consumption, began to produce for selling on the urban market, where the demand for agricultural and extractive products was con- stantly rising. Together with this growing articulation between the peasant economy and the market, Me peasant was increasingly dependent on a supply of merchandise (both essential and superfluous} generated by industris1 capital. This dependency develop - ] and led to a dissolu- tion of the peasant economy. A large number of the peas- ants were transformed into disguised wage-earner, or simply proletarianized; others, longstanding or recent squatters, managed to have their legal situation redefined and thus received permission to occupy or even own the land, becoming colonos. According to INCRA, in 1971, 90 percent of all rural establishments were in the hands of
224 squatters (posseiros), who occupied 39 percent of the land; about 9 percent consisted of rural real estate with title deeds, compr ising 60 percent of the land . These data help clarify how the area's formation and expansion of age icultural enterpr ises has taken place . The crisis undergone by the peasantry is a specif ic aspect of this expansion, involving the struggle for possession or ownership and control of the land, the expuls ion and proletarianization of the autonomous producer, and the expropriation of the most important means of production and subsistence--the land. The antagonism between landowners and squatters took many different forms, from legal negotiations to armed struggle. Despite legislation designed to protect the squatters, the significant laws supported the policies implemented by SUDAM, Banco da Amazonia S/A (BASA), and other federal and state government agencies to protect the formation and expansion of medium and large agricultural enterpr ises . In short, the process underway in Conceicso do Araguaia-~one which helps to clarify the social and economic relations in the municipality--is private appro- priation of the land under the control of big capital, with the political and economic protection of the state. SERTAOZI~IO* Sertaozinho was shaped by the expansion of capitalism in the agrarian world, and serves as a good example of the society and economy constructed by the coffee trade in the west of Sao Paulo state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (1880-19301. This period was characterized by the strong influence of coffee, planted as a commercial crop mainly in compliance with ~nterna- tional demand. This dominated all other activities, such as sugarcane and cotton planting, foodstuffs, crafts and manufacturing, transportation , and commerce . As it pro- gressed, the monoculture of coffee brought about a reor- ganization of the productive forces. While a free labor system was being set up, a local market was created in connection with the regional one and with the country's most dynamic centers. This in turn involved the trans- formation of unoccupied public land into private property *Sugary by Maria Lucia Indjaian front Ianni (1976).
225 and the occupation and concentration of landed property. This per iod also saw increased i`.u'~igration, mainly of talians, into the cof fee plantations. The expansion of coffee created local and regional economic subsystems . With these came a more dynamic soci- ety and economy, even with the advent of the cof fee crisis. Crops were then combined--some perennial, such as coffee, and others temporary, such as beans, corn, and cotton. From 1918 onward this process became more intense and structurally significant, for in that year Sertaozinho suffered a serious frost. In 1924 and 1926, there was drought. All this, added to the 1929 economic slipup, led to severe unemployment, with a steep upsurge in the reserve force of agricultural laborers. Some of these laborers attempted to adjust to other agricultural activities, while others went to the towns. Sugarcane was cultivated in Sertaozinho from the end of the nineteenth century onward,-and in the 1930s began gradually to increase in importances by 1944, the land area devoted to sugarcane had overtaken that of coffee, and by 1953 that of coffee and cotton together. The muni- cipality continued to produce coffee, cotton, corn, pea- nuts, rice, and other products for local consumption and for trading outside the region. However, the main product remained sugarcane. In 1968, it accounted for 90 percent of the value of agricultural production. This result was repeated in 1970, but increased in 1974, when the figure was 9206 percent; there were then five sugar mills pro- ducing for the regional and foreign markets, in accordance with policies coordinated by the IAA (Sugar and- Alcohol Institute) . The organization of productive activities to meet the demands of the sugar industry led to a restructuring of the municipality's productive forces. From 1940 to 1972, there was a significant reorganization of Sertaozinho's landowning structure. The number of rural units fell from 780 Deco 515, and the sugar mill, under stood as a productive complex including the mill itself and the surrounding plantations, became the dominant agro-industrial nucleus. The population working at a mill now comprises rural laborers and industrial workers, supervisors, inspectors, foremen, administrative employees, technicians, and owners. At harvest time (June to December}, this popula- tion is joined by temporary hired laborers (known as boias-frias or volantes} from the outskirts of Sertao- zinho, or from other towns or states, mainly Minas Gerais, Bahia, and Pern~mhuco.
226 s The growth of the sugar industry has led to the expul ion of some workers and to the redef inition of working - conditions for those who remain. This change has occurred not only because of an interest in increasing and improv- ing production r but also because of the formalization of production relations according to the legal' political' and economic requirements imposed by the state or the IAA. The social division of labor dur ing and between harvests has developed '30 that the production rel ations are dis- t inct for different segments of ache proletar tat. The colonos* have tended to become permanent or temporary laborers on a daily or monthly wage, and the colonato system is agriculture has thus been dissolved. This pro- cess has also tended to reduce the number of permanent laborers employed and increase the contingent of temporary laborers. According to INCRA, in 1972 only 11 rural props erties were being worked by sharecroppers, 21 In number, only 10 of whom had a written contract. With this modif ication in production relations in the countryside, the sugar industry has indirectly imparted new energy to the town, to which a significant part of the rural population has migrated. It has thus contributed to a gradual increase in the urban population, which by 1960 had become larger than its rural counterpart: in 1940, 25 percent of the population was concentrated in the urban area and 75 percent in the countryside; the figures for 1970 show an inversion of this composition. This change was accompanied by the influence of remigration from other municipalities and states, which was mainly concentrated in the urban area. The rural population fell f became progressively urbanized, and became consumer s of the urban world's production. The continuous expansion of the sugar industry and the resulting change in the organization of production also led to corresponding changes in other agricultural acti~r- ities (soybeans, corn, rice, peanuts, and other crops). In addition, industrial production grew and diversified, *Colono/Colonato: In Sertaozinho, these terms do not refer to squatters or owners of land, but rather to a system whereby the owners of the big estates granted a cottage and small plot for subsistence to those war k ina on their lands or at the mills. With else dissolution of this system, these workers lose such rights and are evicted f tom the land.
227 absorbing 60 percent of the municipality' s economically active population; in cer tain cases, this involved the primary sector. Industrial establishments increased in number from 33 in 1940 to 172 in 1973. In the same year, metallurgical and mechanical f irms, mainly engaged in production and repair of machinery and equipment for the sugar industry, employed 50 percent of all persons occu- pied in the industrial sector. New capitalist production patterns became generalized through the influence of the sugar market; the relations of mutual dependence and antagonism between town and country, agriculture and industry, workers and bourgeoisie all changed as a result. A summary of the main demographic indicators for Ser- taozinho for the period 1940-70 is presented in Table A. 4 . SANTA CRUZ DO SUL* The lands in the settlement of Santa Cruz do Sul were occupied from 1849 onward. In that year, 77-hectare plots were distributed as an incentive to foreign immigration, which was needed to make up for the scarcity of manpower, especially in the field of agricultural exports, and to promote the free land system. The migratory influx to Santa Cruz do Sul steadily increased until the end of the nineteenth century and was partly made up of German settlers. The economy of Santa Cruz was based from the start on family agricultural production for export. Its main pro- duct was tobacco, but there were also lard, Paraguay tea, beans, and corn e Together with these activities, this development of an export trade in agricultural products led to an accumulation of capital, which in turn facili- tated the installation of production units along capital- ist lines . From 1918 on r most of the f iron in the town were engaged in processing agricultural products (drying tobacco, refining lard) and preparing them for export as raw materials. This led to an expansion of tobacco- related activities and a decline in those related to pro- ducts sold on the home market, subststence, or pig breed- ing, thus making the municipality's economy more and more dependent on a single product. . . *Summary by Maria Lucia Indjaian' from Lima (n.d.) and Oliveira (1975).
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229 There was also a greater fragmentation of rural prop- erty, reaching a peak between 1920 and 1940. Over this period, the average area of properties fell from 40 to 26.93 hectares, while the number of establishments with between 1 and 20 hectares grew. This considerable reduc- tion in the size of properties meant that it was no longer possible to maintain the system of dividing them up ac- cord~ng to inheritance; thus some owners' children were forced off the land, to undergo a process of proletarian- ization in later years when the town's industrialization was under way. The process of emigration f rom the rural zone, already intense in the 1940s and lasts, became more so in later decades as the parceling out of property continued. It was also encouraged by the tobacco crisis since this pro- duct dominated the municipality's agricultural and indus- tr ial economy . . ~ ~ The tobacco crisis was partly caused by the federal government's inflationary policies from 1962 onward, and partly by a failure to update production tech- niques. As a result, this major export lost its market competitiveness. This in turn led to the introduction of foreign capital, which was gradually invested in the pur- chase of the existing tobacco factories. The landowning structure of Santa Cruz do Sul is char- acterized by a predominance of small agricultural estab- 1 ishments: in 1970, the Agr icultural Census reg istered 8,226 establishments in the municipality, absorbing 27,423 persons. There are, however, no precise data on the num- ber of people engaged in tobacco planting. The proportion of wage-earners is small (around 10 percent of the ecoo comically active population), as is the share of tenant farmers, squatters, and occupants (around 8 percent). The majority consists of smallholders (colonos) and members of their families (82 percent), who are engaged in subsis- tence production, along with tobacco and soybean planting and pig breeding. These activities are carried on in the area where Germ man settlers predominate, which is also the richest. The northern part of the municipality, occupied mainly by Italians, has different features. Here, properties are relatively larger, the ground is. less even, and livestock breeding thus predominates, along with Paraguay tea extraction. Wage labor is also common in this area. Industrial activities are an extension of agriculture, especially tobacco processing and cigarette manufacturing. The 1970 Industrial Census registered-5,287 persons occupied in industry, of whom 3,899 were in production.
230 Among these, the tobacco industry (including cigarette factories and tobacco-processing plants) employed 1,141 persons as permanent workers. The processing plants are directly linked to the planters; they render technical assistance, supplying fertilizers and insecticides, and f inance the construction of curing barns. Thus, the planters are distinctly dependent an these processing firms: although there is no formal contract, any planter who fails to sell his production to the f irm that f inanced him will stand little chance of receiving financial aid in the future. The tobacco-processing firms employ few permanent workers since their demand for labor increases 3-5 times at the harvest peak (March-April). Souza Cruz has 200 permanent employees, but at harvest time this rises to ~ ,000. No preference is shown to either sex in the employment of harvest workers (usually it is 50 percent for each), and workers may be either single or married. They work for the processors around 3-4 months every year. The rest of the year they are employed in civil construc- t~on or do odd jobs. A few emigrate to Rio Pardo or Cachoeira do Sul, where they work on the rice or wheat harvest, while some remain unemployed. The women usually work as domestic servants in private residences. Of Me large enterprises outside the tobacco industry the most important are a meat packing plant and a rubber goods factory. The remaining enterprises mainly l',~nber- ing and the manufacture of furniture, perfume, and bev- erages--employ relatively few worker-. In fact, there are many small firms with few or no employees; on the basis of the census data, it can be assumed that most industrial establishments employ on average less than 10 persons. . Along with industrial activities, Santa Cruz has small and medium-sized commerce that serves the needs of the municipality and its neighbors. Most of the larger tradesmen are former tobacco entrepreneurs who, in the late 1960s and early 1970=, were brought up by interna- tional groups. It is impossible to obtain a clear picture of the occupational categories in commercial activities from the 1970 Commercial Census since it also includes information on industry. The 1960 census, however, clearly shows a predominance of proprietors and their families In commerce, mainly in the retail sector {39 percent wage-earners); In contrasts wage-earners predomi- nated in wholesale commerce (76.7 percent). The service sector also remained small, absorbing around 7 percent of the municipality economically active population; of
231 these, 71 percent were proprietors and their families, and 29 percent were wage earners. Although urban activities were consolidated and absorbed a growing share of the nether of occupied persons between 1940 and 1970, the agricultural sector retained the largest share of the municipality~s labor force (63 percent), a share that was permanently threatened by the pressure of big capital. A summary of the main demographic indicators for Santa Cruz do Sul for the period 1940-70 z~ presented in Table A.5. TABLE A.5 Dynamics of the Population of Santa Cruz do Sul (municipality), 1940-70: Brazil Decomposition of Natural Increase Rate of Crude Death Crude Birth Total Growt2` Rate tPer "te (per Year Population (percent) 1,000) 1,000) 1940 55, 041 12.50 36.55 2.38 1950 69,605 18049 35.96 2.16 1960 86,147 7.~4 36.57 1.33 1970 . 98,714 7094 31.39 - a1,hese population figures also include Vere Cruz, because until 1959 it was part of the municipality of Santa Crus do Sul. Source s Godinho (1980) . RECIFE* In the earliest years following its foundation, Recife expanded into the hinterland occupied by Me first primi- tive sugar mills of the colonial period. The town was also linked with the sugar economy through migration since it was the natural channel through which the rural exodus passed on its way from the Zona da Mata. In the l9SOs, *Summary by Sales (1980) .
232 when the population of the town of Recife most increased, the proportion of the migratory increase to the total population growth was nearly 50 percent. The few data available point to the fact that these migrants came above all from the Zona da Mata, a hinterland region which in turn receives migratory currents of a temporary or perma- nent nature (the so-called corumbas from the Agreste region) coming from regions even farther inland in the same state. The Zona da-Mate therefore forms a green bell around Recife, as happens with other regional metropolises. However, it does not supply the town with foodstuffs--only with migrant population. Apparently, the structural con- ditions associated with changes in the sugar economy led to this emigration from the sugar-producing region, most of which empties into Recife. The urban problems gener- ated by this sizable influx of migrants can be seen above all in the proliferation of shanty-towns (locally known as mocambos) in the waterlogged outskirts of the town. The dynamics of interregional integration under the hegemony of the Center-South and its process of indus- trialization resulted both in the intensification of com- merce and migration between regions and in the growth of Recife after 1950. The integration of the Northeast into the model of capital accumulation (whose hegemonic pole was located outside the region) led to the disorganization of the agrarian and productive structure of the Recife hinterland and thus further encouraged migration into the town. Recife' s urban problems therefore became linked to those of the region, which centered on the decline of local productive activities. The same factors which account for migrations at the macro-structural level also account for the d~sorganiza- tion of certain industries. The introduction of manufac- tured goods from the Center-South was the main reason for the closing down of certain branches of Recife~s industry, in particular the textile industry. This helps to explain the creation of SUDENE (Superintendency for Development of the Northeast) in 1959, with headquarters in Recife. The primary objective of this agency was to resolve these problems by revitalizing industry, creating jobs, and diversifying production. The appearance of SUDENE marked a new era in the life of the town of Recife, primarily because of the new dynam- ics of urban employment resulting from the industrial projects implemented in the Northeast through tax incen- tives. In the 1960s, industry in the metropolitan area
233 received a new in jection of resources. However, this in fact led to an increase in manufactur ing production rather than in the number calf jobs, indicating the importance of the technological component in the industrialization of the Northeast under the auspices of SUDENE. The ef feet of the reorganization of industry in the area on the labo r force can be seen in a drop in employment in the secondary sector in municipalities that traditionally housed a major portion of the state ' s textile industry (Paulista and Moreno). The greatest growth was in the tertiary sector, espeo cially in those branches where urban underemployment had been heaviest. If the various census data are combined with the f indings of anthropological investigations car- ried out in Greater Recife, the most salient recent fea- ture of the occupational structure in Recife's metropoli- tan area that emerges is intense fluctuation in the labor force between employment, unemployment, odd jobs, and various kinds of underemployment. Attention must also be paid-to the increasing importance of the so-called infor- mal sector in the economy as a whole, particularly during the post-SUDENE period; one example would be small com- mercial establishments, whose initial capital often depend-. on the small trader's position in the regular labor market e The conflicts between the intense population growth, the poor living conditions in the marshland shantytowns, and the rising value of urban land after 1960 led to a new kind of migratory movement~intrametropolitan migration. This movement led to considerable population increases in the 1960s in the municipalities of Olinda, Jaboatao, and Sao Lourenco da Mata, which underwent a process of urban expansion as if they were outlying districts of Recife itself . A spry of the main demographic indicators for Recife for the period 1940-70 is presented in Table A.6.
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