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Appendix
A
Summaries of the 31
Programs Studiect
To identify programs that might provide data on increasing and
sustaining adequate use of prenatal care, the Committee and staff:
· reviewed survey data assembled in Spring 1985 by the national
Healthy Mothers/Healthy Babies coalition;
· sent letters in August 1986 and March 1987 to all directors of state
maternal and child health agencies, requesting assistance in identifying data
on the relative effectiveness of various outreach activities in their states;
· contacted organizations active in maternal and child health, including
advocacy groups (such as the Children's Defense Fund), foundations (such
as the Ford Foundation), and professional societies (such as the American
College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists);
· queried other organizations known to be conducting research in
prenatal care, including the Alan Guttmacher Institute, the Office of
Technology Assessment, the American Hospital Association, the Centers
for Disease Control, and the General Accounting Office;
· commissioned an update of the report on statewide prenatal care
initiatives issued in 1986 by the Center for Population and Family Health,
Columbia University School of Public Health;
· commissioned a paper reviewing comprehensive service programs for
pregnant teenagers funded by the Office of Adolescent Family Life
Programs within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services;
· ran an advertisement in The Nation's Health (newspaper of the
American Public Health Association) requesting program leads; and
163
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164
APPENDIX A
· discussed the project with members of the public health and medical
care communities, and reviewed journals and reports in which relevant
material might be published.
From these sources, a master list of almost 200 programs was compiled.
Each program was contacted directly by telephone or mall or both to learn
more about its activities and to ascertain whether it had adequate data to
judge its effectiveness in improving participation in prenatal care. Written
reports from projects were reviewed, and in some instances program
directors were asked to work with Committee staff to develop summaries
of programmatic activities and data. Out of these approximately 200
programs, 31 were selected for more intensive study and are described in
this appendix. The criteria used in the selection process are discussed in
Chapter 4.
An important part of the program review was a workshop held in May
1987 during which the Committee talked in depth with the leaders of eight
programs using varied means of improving use of prenatal care. These
informal conversations provided valuable insight into the history and
context of these and other programs.
Program directors, particularly directors of projects not already de-
scribed in the published literature, were closely involved in drafting the
summaries that follow. They emphasize each program's origins, its prin-
cipal activities, and evidence that it has influenced registration or contin-
uation in prenatal care. Most note the year of each program's initiation, key
factors in its inception, funding sources, and whether the program is still
under way. Unfortunately, very few projects were able to supply the
committee with data on program costs in relation to impact (that is,
cost-benefit data of some type); consequently, most of the summaries do
not include such information. As wfl} be evident, the program descriptions
vary in length, depth, and intensity of data. This reflects the diversity of the
programs, wide variations in their ability to provide clear descriptions of
their activities, and differences in the amount of relevant information they
could supply.
Chapter 4 describes the five categories developed by the Committee to
group the many programs reviewed briefly and the 31 studied in detail. As
noted there, programs were classified on the basis of their major emphasis.
TYPE 1: PROGRAMS TO REDUCE FINANCIAL BARRIERS
The Committee studied two programs that take a direct approach to
reducing financial barriers to care: the Healthy Start Program in Massa-
chusetts and the Prenatal-Postpartum Care Program in Michigan.
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APPENDIX A
Heatthy Start Program Massachusetts t
165
Massachusetts initiated its Healthy Start Program in December 198S.
The genesis of the program was similar to that of many others reviewed by
the Committee: a rise in infant mortality rates followed by the appointment
of a Blue Ribbon Task Force and implementation of at least some of the
Task Force's recommendations. The scope of the Massachusetts program,
however, is broader than that of many of the other programs reviewed.
Most programs start small, involving a limited number of providers, one
city, or a few counties. The Massachusetts program started statewide and
was designed to include all willing providers. Healthy Start, a joint effort
of the state health and welfare departments, offers financing for a full range
of maternity services for any pregnant woman who lives in Massachusetts,
is not currently enrolled in Medicaid, has no private health insurance, and
has a family income at or below 200 percent (originally, 185 percent) of
the federally defined poverty level.* Healthy Start funds can also be used
to underwrite the initial care of women who are potentially eligible for
Medicaid. Once such a woman has begun prenatal care through the
Healthy Start program, her financial status is reviewed carefully; if she is
found to be Medicaid-eligible in fact, that financing source (rather than
Healthy Start) eventually covers her prenatal care costs.
The program is noteworthy for emphasizing expansion of the range of
sites, including private providers, where low-income women can receive
services, rather than taking the usual route of enlarging the capacity of
existing settings where low-income women have traditionally received
care. A pregnant woman enrolled in Healthy Start decides where she
wishes to receive care, and as long as that provider is enrolled in the
program, she may receive care there. Healthy Start staff believe that the
program's focus on freedom of choice is one of its most important
elements. Women who cannot or do not want to travel Tong distances, who
have a good relationship with a current provider, or who do not want to
use a particular facility have no reason to delay seeking care, because they
can make the arrangements they prefer, provided that their chosen
caregiver participates in the program.
After completing a very simple registration process, all obstetrician-gy-
necologists, family practitioners, pediatricians, medical specialists and
other health care providers, health centers, hospitals, laboratories, and
*As this report is being written, Massachusetts has raised its Medicaid income eligibility ceiling
to 185 percent of the federal poverty level. This expansion will result in about 80 percent of
Healthy Start clients being transferred to the Medicaid program. The state has also passed
landmark legislation that significantly expands the availability of health insurance to all state
residents.
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166
APPENDIX A
pharmacies are eligible for reimbursement for services provided to Healthy
Start participants. The registration procedure is intentionally less cumber-
some than that required to become certified as a Medicaid provider.
Registration has also been made easy for the woman. She may apply
through her care provider or by calling a statewide toll-free number
(1-800-531-BABY). The application form can be completed at home and
mailed in, thus avoiding any "welfare taint" that can accompany applying
for Medicaid.
Healthy Start covers all "medical care necessary to maintain health
during pregnancy" plus one pediatric visit. Although the program does not
require a particular type or "package" of care, women who call the project's
800 number for a referral are sent, when possible, to comprehensive
services in their communities. Healthy Start originally reimbursed for
hospital labor and delivery costs as well, but these expenses have recently
been shifted to the Hospital Free Care Pool. Providers are reimbursed at
the Medicaid rate for physicians and community health centers and at the
non-Medicaid Public Assistance Rate for hospitals. The average cost per
program participant has been $1,100 for prenatal care and $2,200 for
hospitalization. The estimated cost of Healthy Start in the 1987 fiscal year
was $20.3 million.
A preliminary evaluation of Healthy Start has been conducted using
program records, hospital discharge data, birth certificates, focus group
discussions, and informal interviews with program staff.2 One major
finding is that the program has been successful in enrolling providers. As
of February 1988, all hospital-based prenatal clinics, all health centers with
prenatal care services, and more than 2,000 physicians and nurse-mid-
wives, including 476 obstetricians (some of whom were not certified as
Medicaid providers) had agreed to serve Healthy Start clients. The program
enrolled 65 percent of all uninsured pregnant women and estimates that it
enrolled 85 percent of the women eligible for the program on the basis of
income. Forty percent of Healthy Start participants used private providers.
The program's penetration has been particularly high among minorities,
teenagers, the unmarried, and those with less than a high school educa-
tion.
Another major component of the evaluation is a comparison between
Healthy Start participants and those insured under other programs or
uninsured. Covering the period of July through December 1986, this
analysis was made possible by the inclusion on Massachusetts birth
certificates of source of payment for prenatal care. More than 40,000 birth
certificates were analyzed and over 2,000 were of babies born to Healthy
Start participants. In general, the evaluation showed that Healthy Start was
more successful in helping women to maintain participation in care once
begun than to initiate care early. Controlling for demographic differences
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APPENDIX A
167
in the composition of the various groups defined by payer status, Healthy
Start participants were found to be more likely than those on Medicaid to
initiate care in the first 4 months of pregnancy, but less likely to do so than
those with private or other government insurance or the uninsured.
Participants were also found more likely than all groups except those with
private insurance or whose insurance status was unknown to have utilized
care adequately, defined as 80 percent or more of the visits recommended
by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (see Chapter
1), adjusted for the timing of initiation of care. The largest difference in
rates of remaining in care was among the highest risk groups: blacks,
teenagers, and the unmarried. These differences, suggesting that Healthy Start
participants received more quantitatively adequate prenatal care, are sup-
ported by comparisons of pregnancy outcomes flow birthweight and
prematurity) across payor groups, which also show Healthy Start having a
positive impact. The evaluators attribute the the program's success in
improving pregnancy outcomes to its emphasis on enhancing the conti-
nuity and content of care, greater participation among program enrollees
in programs such as WIC, and decreased maternal strain because the
program reduces worries about paying for maternity care.
Prenatat-Postpartum Care Program Michigan3
In 1981, Michigan recorded an increase in its rate of infant mortality, a
development that many experts in the state linked to the recession during
the early 1980s and the resultant loss of health insurance by many families
and individuals. To address this increase, the governor established a
Director's Special Task Force on Prenatal Care. In 1984, this group
released its findings and recommendations in Prenatal Care: A Healthy
Beginning for Michigan's Children. The major recommendation of the
report was that the state establish a program to finance prenatal care for
women who were ineligible for Medicaid and had no private health
insurance that is, the uninsured, many of whom worked in jobs that
provided no health insurance or were married to men who had lost their
jobs or health insurance during the recession.
Receptive to this recommendation, the state legislature passed a bill in
1984 that established the Prenatal-Postpartum Care (PPC) Program and in
1986 declared prenatal and postpartum care a "basic health service" in state
law. As such, these services are to be made available and accessible to all
state residents in need of the services without regard for place of residence,
marital status, sex, age, race, or inability to pay. In fiscal year (FY)
1984-198S, about $2.5 million was allocated to begin phasing in the PPC
program; for FY 1985-1986 and FY 1986-1987, $5 million dollars was
provided. By 1988, the appropriation had grown to $S.9 million.
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168
APPENDIX A
The program began enrolling clients around January 1, 1985. It covers
women at or below 18S percent of the federal poverty level who are not
enrolled in the Medicaid program. In addition, as in Massachusetts, funds
may be used to underwrite the cost of early prenatal care for women who
may become Medicaid recipients later in their pregnancies. Once Medicaid
eligibility is established, Medicaid funds are used instead of PPC monies.
Services covered include medical care during pregnancy (using ACOG
standards) and one postpartum visit. Also included are outreach and
referral to prenatal care, nutritional and psychosocial assessments, vita-
mins, routine laboratory procedures, patient education, and referral for
high-risk prenatal services; limited reimbursement is available for special
tests, procedures, and medications. It is important to note that the PPC
program primarily reimburses for a basic package of low-risk services.
Women at high risk of poor pregnancy outcomes require additional
nursing, nutrition, and social work services. These ancillary services have
historically been available in some geographic areas through the state
health department's Maternity and Infant Care (MIC) Projects and its
Infant Health Improvement Projects (IHIP). Health departments in these
areas use PPC and either MIC or IHIP funds to provide a more compre-
hensive set of prenatal services. PPC does not guarantee availability of care
in a woman's county of residence or by a woman's provider of choice; it
does not pay for inpatient care, nor does it pay for most special services
that a high-risk pregnancy might require. The program originally did not
include payment to physicians for labor and delivery services; however,
such payment was added January 1, 1988.
The PPC program is administered through the Michigan Department of
Public Health and its 48 local health departments. Local health depart-
ments either contract with area providers "private physicians, hospital
clinics, health maintenance organizations (HMOs) or others] or, less often,
provide the services themselves. Participating prividers must agree to offer
the specified services and to accept Medicaid patients (to ensure continuity
of care for those PPC women who become eligible for Medicaid during the
pregnancy). Providers are reimbursed on a global fee basis, now including
labor and delivery services, as noted above.
During the first full program year, 1985, 32 of the state's local health
departments adopted the PPC program. By October 1986, 47 had. It is not
known how many providers statewide have contracted with these local
departments to provide care or what proportion were private physicians,
hospital clinics, HMOs, or others. However, a recent survey conducted by
a regional arm of the Michigan Healthy Mothers, Healthy Babies Coalition
found that in 27 counties composing roughly one-third of the state, 33
percent of all prenatal providers accept Medicaid patients, and 26 percent
accept both Medicaid and PPC. Leaders of the PPC Program report that
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APPENDIX A
169
some local health departments have been very successful in drawing
individual providers into the program; others have had more trouble,
particularly in areas with a limited number of settings offering prenatal
care. In these areas, local health departments have tried to enlarge basic
system capacity or to develope alternative provider systems, such as
nurse-midwifery clinics. In 1986 the state health department and state
Medicaid agency gave funds to several local health departments to address
problems in system capacity, particularly those caused by the growing
liability crisis. These grants could be used either to underwrite a portion of
the physician's liability premium for each PPC or Medicaid client served or
to establish nurse-midwifery clinics in areas with few or no providers. One
county established such a clinic. All local agencies reported that under-
writing liability premiums helDed keen Droviders participating in the
- r -A r r ~ 1 ~
program.
Data on the use of prenatal care by program enrollees are available for
198S and 1986. In 1985 about 2,500 women participated in PPC; 47
percent began prenatal care in the first trimester of care and 18 percent
began in the third. In 1986 enrollment grew to 6,000 women; S5 percent
began care in the first trimester, and 10 percent began in the third. In 1987
enrollment grew to 8,350 women. Data are not yet available on this group's
patterns of care.
Although there are no baseline data against which to evaluate these
statistics, the program appears to have increased marginally the percentage
of women seeking care early in pregnancy. Program leaders report that,
between 1985 and 1986, many program procedures were smoothed and
administrative problems eased. The program became better known among
social service workers and health professionals generally. News of the
program spread by word-of-mouth, and the various techniques used to
publicize the program became more extensive and better organized (the
baby showers program and the 961-BABY hotline, described later in this
appendix, both included PPC as one of their referral listings). In particular,
the number of local health departments participating in PPC increased
significantly between 198S and 1986.
TYPE 2: PROGRAMS TO INCREASE SYSTEM CAPACITY
Four programs were studied that improve use of prenatal care by
expanding the capacity of the clinic systems relied on by low-income
women for their prenatal care. The four are: the Obstetrical Access Pilot
Project in 13 counties in California; the Perinatal Program in Lea County,
New Mexico; the Prenatal Care Assistance Program in New York State; and
the Prevention of Low Birthweight Program in Onondaga County, New
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170
APPENDIX A
York. The first two in particular emphasized developing services for poor
women where few had existed for this population before.
Obstetucat Access Pilot Project- Californian
The Obstetrical Access Pilot Project (OB Access) was developed in the
late 1970s in California to address the fact that, despite the enactment of
Medi-Cal (the California Medicaid program), serious gaps existed in the
availability and extent of perinatal services for low-income women,
particularly in certain geographic areas and ethnic groups. The proportion
of California obstetricians who accepted Medi-Cal patients actually de-
clined from 65 percent in 1974 to 46 percent in 1977. Patients and
communities complained that many low-income women, both those
eligible for Medi-Cal and others were experiencing severe problems in
finding physicians with formal training and experience in obstetrics. Also,
an increasing number of physicians were complaining about their inability
to provide adequate care at the prevailing Medi-Cal reimbursement rates.
In 1977, an emergency statute was enacted to revise physician reimburse-
ment and stimulate Medi-Cal provider participation in primary and
maternity care. By 1979, however, it was clear that the initiative was not
having the desired effects, and a formal legislative resolution was passed so
stating.
In the wake of this incident, the OB Access Pilot Project emerged (1) to
provide better access to comprehensive and early obstetric services for
Medi-Cal eligible mothers in areas where there were no obstetricians or
where providers declined to participate in Medi-Cal and (2) as a conse-
quence of improving access, to reduce the incidence of Tow birthweight
and the associated incidence of perinatal morbidity and mortality. OB
Access was a pilot program to test the feasibility and impact of providing
reimbursement for a comprehensive package of perinatal services under
Medi-Cal. The project operated for 3 years (1979-1982) and registered
almost 7,000 women.
OB Access' comprehensive care included psychosocial and nutritional
assessments, perinatal education (hearth, labor, delivery, and parenting
education), and an initial outpatient well-baby examination, in addition to
routine antepartum, intrapartum, and postpartum care (11 recommended
examinations), prenatal vitamins, and routine laboratory tests (generally
blood and urine analyses). The assessments determined what, if any,
psychosocial, nutritional, or educational risks were present; when prob-
lems were detected, counseling was provided and referrals to other services
were made as needed. Formal birth education classes were also provided.
Following an application and review process, seven community clinics
and four county health departments (one in collaboration with a university
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APPENDIX A
17
hospital) were selected as OB Access providers. These were located in
obstetrically underserved areas and appeared to be able to provide the
amount and range of services specified. All the sites used a variety of
methods to inform pregnant women of their programs. These included
public service announcements on radio and television, newspaper articles,
informational brochures, community meetings, and the casefinding efforts
of welfare workers. The evaluators commented, however, that "the most
effective method appeared to be word-of-mouth from patients who were
satisfied with the care that they were receiving."
A fulI-scale evaluation of OB Access was conducted. With regard to
initiation of care, evaluators found in the OB Access counties a reduction
in the weighted average percent of inadequate care among pregnancies
terminating in a live birth, from 10.1S percent in 1978 to 5.49 percent in
1982, a 45.9 percent decrease. (Inadequate care was defined as care begun
in the third trimester, no care, or unknown care.) During the same period
in the entire state, the percentage with inadequate care dropped from 10.0
percent to 6.60 percent, a 34.0 percent decrease; the reasons for this
statewide decrease have not been defined. A second analysis compared the
percentage of OB Access participants who received care in the first
trimester with a matched group of Medi-Cal women. The results were
negative, that is, the percentage of women who began care in the first
trimester was higher in the Medi-Cal group.
The evaluation also suggested that the project had reduced the rate of
low birthweight among program participants, which in turn formed the
basis for benefit-cost analyses. It was estimated that every new dollar spent
on OB Access services would save between $1.70 and $2.60, principally
through reduced expenditures for neonatal intensive care. These estimates
did not include any additional state administrative costs or start-up costs.
The cost-effectiveness data in particular convinced the California legis-
lature to extend the program. In 1984, a bill was passed establishing the
Comprehensive Perinatal Services Program, which requires that OB Access
services be made available to all pregnant women enrolled in Medi-Cal. A
closely related program currently in operation is the Community-Based
Perinatal Services (CBPS) Program, which provides comprehensive peri-
natal care (prenatal care in particular) to Tow-income women (that is,
women whose incomes fall below 200 percent of the federal poverty level).
In 1986, CBPS served about 30,000 women.
Perinatat Program Lea County, New Mexico5
One of the programs funded under the Robert Wood Johnson Founda-
tion's Rural Infant Care Program was in Lea County, New Mexico, a
relatively wealthy county that nevertheless had an infant death rate in 1980
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172
APPENDIX A
of 19.8, 80 percent higher than the state average and among the highest
county rates in the nation.
Problems obtaining prenatal care, delivery services, and assistance with
infants' medical problems were described in the application for funding
prepared by the University of New Mexico School of Medicine (Depart-
ment of Pediatrics). It was the horror story found only too often in
underserved areas. Many physicians required patients to pay in advance for
prenatal care, even if they had insurance. This meant that a woman had to
find $600 to $800 before she was accepted for her first visit. The local
health department provided no prenatal care, nor did its nurses make
home visits. The local hospital was operated by a for-profit chain and had
no outpatient prenatal clinics. The result of these limitations was that
approximately 20 percent of the women who (lelivered in the local hospital
were walk-ins, defined as women who came to the emergency room for
delivery having had five or fewer prenatal visits or no prenatal care at all.
Others chose to go to Texas for prenatal care or labor and delivery, or both,
claiming that these services cost less and were more easily accessible there.
A survey of barriers to prenatal care in Lea County showed that, among 92
women who had received little or no care during a recent pregnancy,
financial barriers were the explanation most commonly given.
Foundation funding made it possible for the medical school, working
with the community, to develop ways to reduce infant mortality and
increase access to prenatal care. A proposal to have the local health
department operate prenatal clinics was turned down by the local physi-
cians. According to the physician who coordinated the foundation grant,
the local physicians argued that a county as wealthy as theirs would have
few medically indigent families. They believed that those women who did
not receive adequate prenatal care probably lacked motivation or educa-
tion or both, and that other factors not associated with financial need
accounted for the poor enrollment in prenatal care. A health department
clinic, therefore, might compete with the private sector, attracting women
who could afford private care but chose instead to use a "government
giveaway program." Furthermore, local physicians were adamantly op-
posed to having a nurse-practitioner or other nonphysician provide
prenatal care, as some had suggested.
An alternative plan was suggested by the community physicians and
implemented in December 1980. Two women were employed to identify
pregnant women in need of prenatal care (casefinding), to provide
transportation, translation, and follow-up services for the women and their
infants, and to serve as community health educators. Potential program
participants identified by these community workers were then interviewed
by a community coordinator to establish financial eligibility, to identify
medical and social issues that required referrals, and to function as a
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APPENDIX A
173
liaison among the various program components. More than half of the
physicians with obstetrical privileges at the local hospital agreed to care for
eligible women in their offices on a sliding fee schedule, or without charge,
if necessary. Medically indigent women were assigned to these physicians
on a rotating basis for both prenatal care and delivery. The health
`department did pregnancy testing and routine laboratory work and
distributed prenatal vitamins and iron. The March of Dimes and the Levi
Strauss Company provided funds for supplementary services and prescrip-
tion drugs. Additional funding was also provided by the state's Crippled
Children's Services agency to finance the program and to support program
evaluation.
It soon became apparent to the private physicians in the area that the
unmet need for prenatal care among indigent women was significant and
beyond their capacity or willingness to accommodate. It was not uncom-
mon, for example, for women referred to private physicians by the
community coordinator to report a 3- to 4-month waiting time for a first
prenatal appointment, because the private physicians limited the number
of indigent patients they would accommodate. Accordingly, about a year
and a half after the community workers were initially funded, the health
department was encouraged by the private physicians to hire a family
nurse-practitioner to offer prenatal services at two field health offices
run by the county health department. The nurse-practitioner referred
high-risk women to the private physicians for prenatal care; county
funds were made available to pay for such specialized care. In addition,
the obstetrical staff at the local hospital voted to require physicians who
agreed to care for high-risk indigent women with payment provided by
the county to serve periodically as attending physicians in the health
department prenatal clinics. This new service was soon saturated with
women seeking care who had formerly remained outside the maternity
system, thereby lessening the need for direct casefinding, except in some
areas, such as trailer parks, occupied by exceedingly poor, socially
isolated families.
Direct measures of the impact of these initiatives on, for example,
trimester of registration in prenatal care are not available; however, the
program reported that by 1984 the percentage of walk-ins at the local
hospital (virtually the only hospital available for maternity care in the
county) had fallen to 5 percent from the 1979 figure of 20 percent.
Program staff believe that the availability of providers willing to accept
some low-income women and the institution of new clinic services were
probably the keys to this apparent change in prenatal care use, not the
casefinding activities. As the program director noted, "Word of mouth
makes complicated identification of patients unnecessary." Increasing
social support through home visits from the outreach workers and other
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HINDS ~
199
He Ho groups was about He same, but the OU3HC group bad about
bag He proportion of black women Hat the project group did (16 percent
versus 30 percents Based on this difference, women in the OU3HC
group would be expected to register earDer in prenatal care than women in
He patient suffocate group. Nonetheless, 51 percent of the special
intervention group registered far prenatal care in He brat trimester,
compared to 29 percent in He OU)HC group. Hong Ibid women, He
percentages were 51 versus 30: among black ~omen, 47 versus 26: and
among teenagers, 47 versus 28 percent.
~~ougb selEselechon issues and Misdone about the comparabih~ of
the groups loom large in this project ~ reasonable conclusion is that this
Bee pregnancy testing service coupled Aim social support probably
contributed to earDer registration in prenatal care. Tulsa area officials share
this generally postage view of He program and bee provided far a years
conOnuadon, ~~ougb He program teas been raised. For example, at
present, paid stag bee replaced volunteers as patient advocates.
The Speci~I SKI Food Prom ~men, 1
~~d Children HO 3~ SfuJic~
One of the o~ect~es of the SAC program ~ to ensure Hat pregnant
women recede adequate prenatal care. SAC agencies are rewired to check
that pregnant women are obtaining care and to refer Hem if Hey are not:
in a paraDel Euro prenatal chnics oRen stem Hat linking pregnant women
to SAC services ~ one of their Unctions. Consequently, in communizes
Obese SAC ~ Hatable, women might be expected to seek prenatal care
Barber by virtue of close reheal links. Similarly, women Ho obtain
prenatal care at bcHides Hat also house the TIC program might be
expected to keep more of Bed prenatal appointment if the appointment
mere scheduled on the days they could obtain TIC vouchers. (A recent
Department of Realm and Human Services pubUcabon, leaving ACE
~C Coo~inchon, provides numerous suggestions far improving He
relationship between these Ho agencies: ~ also includes case report of
eight sate programs.
Several studies bee explored the relationship between participation in
TIC and use of prenatal care. The largest is ~sb's historical study, rabid,
beginning in 1972 Nab He Commodity Supplemented Food Program and
extending through 1980, linked He proportion of eligible pregnant~omen
sewed each year by He TIC program in individual counties ('~C
penetration") to levels of prenatal care far the same county and year.25 A
sutisUcal~ signiRcant relationship was Lund between TIC program
penetration and bow hcst-~imester regis~adon and bigher numbers of
void. The beneR~ were greatest among women with less education Sub
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200
APPENDIX A
concluded that the WIC program is an inducement to and a vehicle for
achieving greater use of prenatal care.
More recent studies have confirmed this conclusion. Among Massachu-
setts women who delivered in 1978, those who participated in WIC, as
compared to a non-WIC group matched by age, race, parity, education,
and marital status, had a higher number of prenatal visits (11.8 versus
10.8) and started care earlier (2.7 versus 2.9 months).26 These results were
all statistically significant, although they may not be programmatically
meaningful. There was a large difference, however, in the percentage with
inadequate care, as measured by the Kessner index (3.9 percent in the WIC
group versus 7.0 percent in the non-WIC group).
Schramm conducted two studies of Missouri women who delivered in
the early 1980s. The first study was of women enrolled in Medicaid who
delivered in 1980.27 In this analysis, with no variables controlled, women
on WIC were less likely to have had inadequate prenatal care (defined by
a combination of frequency of visits and number of weeks pregnant) than
those not on WIC (39.1 percent versus 41.S percent). In a 1982 replica-
tion, the percentage of WIC participants receiving inadequate prenatal care
had been reduced to 35.4, while the percentage of non-WIC had increased
to 44.8. Schramm suggested that the increased difference might reflect an
improvement in referral patterns among WIC providers or changes in the
types of mothers participating.28
Stockbauer also published two studies of Missouri births, but the
analyses were not limited to women enrolled in Medicaid and were
adjusted for race and education. In a study of 1980 births, the percentage
of mothers obtaining inadequate prenatal care was higher in the WIC than
in the non-WIC group (32.8 versus 29.59.29 However, in a 1982 replication
that controlled for a larger number of variables, the percentage receiving
inadequate prenatal care was lower in the WIC group overall (30.4 percent
versus 31.7 percent), significantly lower among blacks (32.1 percent
versus 37.9 percent), but slightly higher among whites (29.S percent
versus 28.4 percent).30
Baby Showers Seven Counties in Michigan3i
The Detroit-Wayne County Infant Health Promotion Coalition not only
organized the 961-BABY hotline described above, but also sponsored a
series of community baby showers. These events were directed at identi-
fying pregnant women early in pregnancy, enrolling them in a compre-
hensive prenatal care program, and sustaining their enrollment. They were
also designed to identify women with infants in need of pediatric care and
related social services.
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APPENDIX A
201
In essence, the showers were casefinding and health education sessions
that were open to the public and that included prepared presentations,
small group discussions, and opportunities to make appointments on the
spot for selected maternity, pediatric, and social services. In addition,
various gifts, door prizes, and other incentives were offered throughout the
day in order to create a baby shower atmosphere, encourage attendance,
and underline the health education messages. In each county, the showers
were publicized in advance by such efforts as door-to-door canvassing,
direct mailings, posters, public health nurses' spreading the word, local
McDonalds and grocery stores handing out shower invitations, billboards,
car signs, "Mother's Day" sermons in target area churches, school presen-
tations, and poster contests.
Eight showers were given in seven counties from October to December
1985. Attendance at the baby showers varied from 287 in Detroit to 34 in
one county, for a total of 689. Approximately half the participants were
black and more than a third were teenagers. Almost 70 percent of attendees
were pregnant (478), but only 3 percent (21 women) were not receiving
prenatal care already. Nonetheless, 74 prenatal appointments were made at
the baby showers—a few for the women not in care, but most for those
who stated they were already in care but who, in the opinion of the shower
sponsors, required additional supervision. An additional 148 appoint-
ments were made for a variety of other services, including pediatric care,
WIC, family planning, and social services. No information is available on
the percentage of appointments actually kept.
Although the showers may have provided health education and social
support, as well as facilitating the use of some services, their value as a
casefinding too! for pregnant women not already in care was clearly
limited. Anecdotal reports from similar efforts in California suggest greater
casefinding success from this type of activity. The director estimates that
the eight showers cost about $32,000 in the aggregate, not counting the
substantial in-kind contributions of the sponsoring agencies and volunteers.
One major value of the showers may be that they increased the
involvement of various church and community groups in issues of infant
mortality and maternal health. This consciousness-raising function for the
middle-cIass organizers of the events included a new appreciation of the
problems faced by low-income women in securing prenatal and pediatric
health care.
TYPE 5: PROGRAMS THAT PROVIDE SOCIAE SUPPORT
Many projects offering intense social support to improve pregnancy
outcome have been implemented in recent years. In this section, several
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202
APPENDIX A
are described beginning with the Resource Mothers Program in South
Carolina, which focuses exclusively on adolescents. Following this is a
summary of six additional comprehensive programs for pregnant adoles-
cents. The section concludes with a description of the Prenatal and Infancy
Home Visiting Program in Elmira, New York, and a brief note on the
Grannies Program in Bibb County, Georgia.
Resource Mothers Three Counties in South Carolina32
The Resource Mothers (RM) Program began in 1981 as a component of
the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation's Rural Infant Care Program. It was
originally confined to a three-county area, the Pee-Dee, which is very poor
and rural, with few adequate health facilities and a postneonatal mortality
rate (deaths that occur between 28 days and 12 months of age) in 1980 that
was the highest of all 200 Health Service Areas in the United States.
The RM Program is for teenagers under 18 who are pregnant with their
first child. The project emphasizes social support, health education and
information, and general assistance offered by a Resource Mother. Teen-
agers are referred to the program by schools, health departments, private
physicians, service agencies, civic and church groups, and peers. The
Resource Mothers themselves are all mothers (many were pregnant as
teenagers), high school graduates, and residents of the target counties.
According to the project director, they are chosen on the basis of"personal
warmth, successful personal parenting experiences, knowledge of commu-
nity resources, demonstrated ability to accept responsibility, evidence of
natural leadership, ability to use written and spoken language effectively,
and subtle interpersonal skills." Resource Mothers participate in a 6-week
training course. In addition, there are biweekly continuing education
sessions and patient reviews with a social worker supervisor. The average
caseload for a Resource Mother is 30 to 35 pregnant and postpartum
teenagers.
Resource Mothers visit the participating teenagers at home or in other
settings during pregnancy, in the hospital at the time of delivery, and
during the first year postpartum. Visits are scheduled more often if there
is a crisis. Although the visits are very structured, with a well-defined
approach and specific content to be covered at each session, the Resource
Mothers are encouraged to get to know the air! and her family very well—
to become involved. They make sure that appointments are kept, providing
transportation if necessary, and that recommendations from physicians
and others are followed.
The program has been the subject of several evaluations, many of them
focusing on reductions in low birthweight and improvements in infant
development, since those are major goals of the program. The Committee,
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APPENDIX A
203
however, reviewed only those studies that examined use of prenatal care.
One retrospective analysis compared a sample of RM women with matched
controls drawn from the same counties. Women in both groups had a first,
live birth (single) during the 1981-1985 interval. Using birth certificate
records, controls were selected from women under 19 who had no known
previous pregnancy; matching variables were year of delivery, county of
residence, and race and sex of the child. Adequate controls were found for
519 of 575 RM cases. Of the RM clients, 17.S percent evidenced inadequate
prenatal care (fewer than five visits or care begun after the sixth month o
pregnancy) versus 24.S percent of the controls; the RM women averaged
8.6 prenatal visits versus 7.9 for the controls.33
Because of concern that selection bias limited the validity of these
observed differences, a second retrospective analysis was conducted in
which the controls were drawn from different counties that were nonethe-
less sociodemographically comparable to the Pee Dee area in which the RM
Program operated. The study matched 565 women who had participated in
the RM Program between 1981 and 1985 with women from nearby rural
counties who also had first, live births (single) and no previous pregnan-
cies; variables matched were year of delivery, maternal age, and child's race
and sex. Of RM patients, 18.3 percent had received inadequate prenatal
care versus 3S.9 percent of the controls.34
The program still operates in the Pee Dee and has been expanded to
other areas of the state as well. At present, some 16 Resource Mothers are
at work in 20 counties, financed primarily by federal funds. Although state
funds have been sought, few have been provided. Program leaders claim
that state officials seem favorably impressed by the project, but thus far
competing demands for public dollars have been too strong to allow RM
much state support.33
Comprehensive Service Programs for Pregnant Adotescents-
A Summary of Six Programs35 36
Because the needs of pregnant adolescents are so great, many commu-
nities have developed comprehensive programs to meet them. Such
programs usually include, at a minimum, educational, social, and medical
services in one facility or by referral. These types of programs have been
encouraged and sometimes funded by the federal Office of Adolescent
Pregnancy Programs. As with most of the services described in this
appendix, few comprehensive adolescent programs use only one
method to draw teenagers into prenatal care and sustain their partici-
pation. The three most commonly employed by the six programs
described in this section are improving institutional arrangements,
casefinding, and social support. The six projects summarized are the
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204
APPENDIX A
Teen Mother and Child Program at the University of Utah School of
Medicine; Youth Health Services in Elkins, West Virginia; the Teenage
Pregnancy and Parenting Project in San Francisco: the adolescent
program of the Visiting Nurse Association of Manchester and Southern
New Hampshire; the Ethnic Adolescent Family Life Project in Provi-
dence, Rhode Island; and Johns Hopkins Hospital's Adolescent Preg-
nancy Program in Baltimore.
Improving Institutional Arrangements Adolescents frequently have
difficulty using health services designed for older women. Hours may
conflict with school, the site may be clifficult to reach without a car,
education may be minimal, and provider attitudes may be negative. All of
the six programs address such issues by holding separate clinic sessions for
teenagers, emphasizing continuity of providers, holding special group
educational sessions, and so on. Some programs use vans to pick up clients
at home and take them to sessions. A program serving rural adolescents
provides transportation to and from the program site, the prenatal clinic,
the WIC office, and other agencies. An inner-city program has developed
a prenatal clinic in a school, providing medical care, prenatal education
classes, and counseling and referral. Two programs have nurse-practitioners
providing routine prenatal care because of their special skills in working with
this age group. Other programs use nurse-practitioners for educational
sessions and support during labor. One program provides in-home nursing
care to adolescents between medical appointments. The visiting nurses
provide routine health assessments, counseling, and prenatal and parenting
education.
Casefinding Programs for adolescents rely heavily on referrals from
current and former clients. Clients are educates! to the need for such
referrals. In one program, if an adolescent is missed—that is, not identified
at an appropriate time—the staff asks currently enrolled clients how they
could have found her earlier. Schools are an obvious source of referrals for
adolescents. One program stations workers in two inner-city high schools
1 day a week. Students who have been identified as pregnant by a teacher
or school nurse or who are suspected of being pregnant are seen by the
worker during school time and helped to register for care. Pregnancy
testing sites are also used to locate pregnant adolescents. One program
continually reminds private physicians of its presence in order to obtain
referrals. Another has a counselor visit adolescents who have been referred
but who have not made contact with the program.
Social Support Many programs assign
single individual (one program calls her a
each teenage participant to a
"continuous counselor") who
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APPENDIX A
205
coordinates and integrates the many services typically required by preg-
nant teenagers. While such counselors have traditionally been social
workers, they may also be nurses, nutritionists, or other staff members.
One program director said, "We have to rid ourselves of the medical model
in serving teens. Teens need to be treated as whole persons. We can't have
one practitioner counseling them in the clinic and another going out to
make home visits. Everybody does everything here." These case supervi-
sors provide counseling, education, referrals, advocacy, and follow-up,
addressing the entire constellation of client needs. They must be able to
become a "significant other" for young women who lack support from
family members; in some programs they are expected to be available
during nonworking hours, visit homes in inner-city neighborhoods, and
provide support during labor. Bilingual case supervisors are often recruited
by programs serving linguistic minorities.
Evaluation The six programs have all studied the results of their
activities by comparing program participants to other, similar groups on
various measures of pregnancy outcome and use of prenatal care; none,
however, has used randomization to overcome the possibility of selection
bias. Five of the six programs demonstrated earlier entry into prenatal care,
more prenatal visits, or both in comparison to a control group of
adolescents. Only one program (the Ethnic Adolescent Family Life
Project) found that the special program group entered prenatal care later
and had fewer visits than the comparison group.
The Prenatal and Infancy Home Visiting Program—
Elmira, New Yorh37
This research and demonstration project was carried out between 1978
and the early 1980s in the target community of Elmira, which is semirural
and located in the Appalachian region. In 1980 its economic conditions
were rated the worst of all U.S. Standard Metropolitan Statistical Areas; its
rates of child abuse and neglect were the highest in the state; and its infant
mortality rate during the 1975-1977 interval, prior to the study, was 15.2
per 1,000 live births.
The program was designed to prevent a wide range of health and
developmental problems in children through prenatal and postpartum
home visiting by nurses. A sophisticated research and evaluation plan was
built into the program at the outset. Pregnant women were recruited into
the program if they had no previous live births and one or more of the
following additional risk characteristics: under 19 years old, single, and
low socioeconomic status. Other women expecting their first babies who
asked to participate were also admitted.
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206
APPENDIX A
Four hundred women were enrolled, stratified by marital status, race, and
geographical region within the county, and assigned at random to one of four
groups: (T1) assessment of the infant but no services; (T2) services limited to
infant assessment and transportation assistance; (T3) home visiting during
pregnancy only, plus transportation assistance and infant assessment; and
(T4) same as (T3), but visiting continued through the first 2 years of the
child's life. Nurses visited families about once every 2 weeks during the
pregnancy, for an average of nine visits, each of which lasted over an hour.
The visits had three basic objectives: parent education, the enhancement of
women's informal support systems, and the linkage of women with commu-
nity services. The nurses were taught to emphasize the strengths of the
women and their families. (In assessing program results, the few nonwhite
women in the program and women with maternal or fetal conditions that
might lead to preterm birth were eliminated from the analyses.)
There was no difference between the groups visited by nurses (T3 and
T4) and those not (T1 and T2) in number of prenatal care visits made by
the pregnant women: both sets averaged about lO.S visits, reflecting in part
the fact that prenatal services were easily available through nine area
obstetricians and a free antepartum clinic sponsored by the health
department. There were, however, differences between the groups visited
by nurses and those not visited on several other prenatal factors. For
example, the visited women were aware of more community services,
attended childbirth classes more frequently, received more WIC vouchers,
talked more with service providers and members of their informal
networks about the stresses of pregnancy and family life, indicated that
their babies' fathers showed a greater interest in their pregnancies, and
were accompanied more frequently in labor. Smokers who were visited
reduced their smoking more than those who were not. The program is still
operating, but as the years proceed and staff change, its original clarity of
purpose and energy have diminished. Supported at first with federal
research dollars, it is now funded by state monies and administered
through the local health department.
The Grannies Program Bibb County, Georgia38
The Grannies Program provides social support via the telephone.
Women who come to the Bibb County health department prenatal clinic
are assigned a Granny, who calls them twice a month before their babies
are born and once a month for 12 months afterward. Grannies are paid by
the hour and work out of their homes. They are supervised by a part-time
program coordinator. The Grannies remind patients of their clinic appoint-
ments, suggest ways to obtain assistance when needed, and provide education
and support.
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APPENDIX A
207
The rate of broken appointments at the clinic has fallen from about 34
percent to 10 percent since the program has been in operation. Other
measures of impact, such as trimester of registration, are not available.
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