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OCR for page 89
3
The Relationship of
Problem Drinking to Individual
Offending Sequences
James I. Collins
INTRODUCTION
This paper examines the empirical as-
sociation ant! etiological relevance of
problem drinking to the onset, continua-
tion, ant! pattern of criminal careers. The
main purpose is to determine, based on
previous research, what inferences can
be macle about the relation of problem
drinking to serious and repetitious in-
volvement in crimes that victimize per-
sons or property. Hence, the paper is not
concerned with crimes that are related to
the use or distribution of alcohol. Uncler-
age clrinking, public clrunkenness, the il-
legal sale of alcoholic beverages, ant]
driving while intoxicated are alcohol-
clefined offenses and are considered! here
only if they are relevant to incliviclual
offending sequences (criminal careers).
Nor is the paper concerned with the in-
fluence of alcohol use in particular crim
Jarnes I. Collins is a staff member at the Cer~ter
for Social Research and Policy Analysis, Research
Triangle Institute, Research Triangle Park, North
Carolina. The author acknowledges the assistance
of Patricia L. Kristiansen and Elizabeth R.
Cavanaugh, both of the Research Triangle Institute.
89
inal events. A substantial literature ad-
dresses whether drinking precipitates
criminal events or changes their charac-
ter especially violent events. Some of
that literature will be partially relevant
here, but the criminal career focus of the
paper requires an emphasis on offenders'
life cycles and not on particular events.
fReviews of the alcohol-criminal events
literature can be found in Roizen and
Schneberk (1977) ancl Collins (19811.]
It is clear that identifiecl offenders are
much more likely than the general popu-
lation to engage in problem drinking. It
has not been established, however, that
the problem drinking explains serious in-
volvement in crime. Indeecl, the funcla-
mental difficulty of this paper will be
distinguishing the pervasive use of alco-
hol among offenders from the explanatory
relevance of alcohol use to inclividual
offending sequences. A basic assumption
of the paper is that alcohol use is never
the sole cause of a criminal career.
Alcohol's behavioral effects are filtere
through a variety of physiological, psy-
chological, social, an(1 cultural factors.
Thus (lrawing etiological or causal infer
OCR for page 90
go
ences will be clifficult because of the
complexity of the aTcohol-behavior rela-
tionship and because most of the relevant
research has not addressed causal-infer-
ence problems.
The ideal research design for making
inferences about the effect of alcohol use
on individual offending sequences is a
longitudinal one that begins to collect
data on drinking and criminal behavior
before the onset of either behavior. No
such research has been clone, nor is any
planned, so far as this writer is aware. A
number of completecl or ongoing longitu-
ctinal studies have the ciata with which to
analyze the effects of alcohol use on crim-
inal careers, but completed Tongituclinal
analyses have not focused on the role of
alcohol. Some researchers have examined
the importance of drug use Johnston,
O'Malley, and EvelancI, 1976; Elliott,
Huizinga, and Ageton, 1982) but they
either ignore alcohol use or combine al-
cohol use with drug use in their analyses.
Most of the promise of completed and
ongoing longitudinal research to cleter-
mine whether and how alcohol use affects
individual offending sequences remains
to be realizecl.
METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES
Definition and Measurement of
Problem Drinking
Problem drinking is the main inclepen-
dent variable in this analysis. The term
can have many definitions and is not
consistently clefinect in the literature. Oc-
casional ant! light or moderate use of
alcohol that does not have adverse out-
comes is not of interest here. Neither is
the focus only on the conclition of aTcohol-
ism. Problem drinking is interpreted here
to include: (1) excessive use of alcohol
based on quantity or frequency of intake;
(2) adverse consequences of drinking,
such as family, job, or health problems;
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
and (3) perceptions of the drinker or oth-
ers that he or she has a drinking problem.
The literature includes work that is not
explicit about the definition of drinking
problems or alcoholism. In the discus-
sions of inclividual works that follow, the
basis for cleaning drinking as a problem is
macle explicit. Usually, the definition re-
lies on some measure of excessive intake
or of adverse outcomes of drinking.
Sometimes drinking is defined as a prob-
lem on the basis of criminal outcomes,
such as arrest or violence after drinking.
For the purposes of this paper the latter
definition confounds independent and
clepenclent variables ant] inhibits a cleter-
mination of whether drinking is a causal
factor in criminal careers.
Problem drinking is usually measured
by records of aTcohol-relatec3 arrests or
alcohol treatment or by self-reports of
aTcohol-use patterns or problems. Bloo
alcohol content (BAC) measures, physio-
logical indicators, and use of instruments
with known reliabilities are rarely found
in the literature. The incompleteness an
inaccuracy of public records are well-
known problems, and the reliability and
validity of self-report data are infre-
quently cliscusse(1 in the literature. The
discussion below specifies the source of
data on problem drinking anct discusses
those measures when that seems appro-
priate for methodological or substantive
reasons.
If an inclivi(lual clevelops a drinking
problem, it is very often not permanent.
Typical prevalences and types of clrink-
ing problems vary by segment of the life
cycle, and drinking problems ten(1 to be
highest during the young a(lult years
(Cahalan and Room, 1974; Cahalan and
Cisin, 1976; Mandell and Ginzburg,
1976; Noble, 19781. There is evidence
that problem (lrinkers often stop having
problems through abstinence or con-
trollec! drinking (Robins, Bates, and
O'Neal, 1962; Fillmore, 1975; Cahalan
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PROBLEM DRINKING AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
and Cisin, 1976; Roizen, Cahalan, and
Shanks, 1978~. The type of drinking prob-
lem experienced by an incTiviclual also
varies by age. For example, Cahalan and
Room (1974) show that "police" prob-
lems clue to drinking are highest between
the ages of 21 and 24, but that health
problems due to drinking, comparatively
Tow between the ages of 25 and 44, in-
crease after age 44.
An implication of the age-variation and
spontaneous-remission evidence is that
the lifetime and current prevaTences of
drinking problems cliffer. Much of the
ciata in the literature on problem drinking
ant! criminal careers, however, do not
distinguish "ever" having drinking prob-
lems from "current" problems, nor do
they place the drinking problems within
a life-cycle segment. This lack of speci-
ficity limits the career inferences that can
be drawn from the findings. Long-term
drinking patterns and the cumulative ef-
fects of drinking alcohol over a long pe-
rioc! are more relevant to the career focus
of this paper than the acute effects of
alcohol use in single drinking episodes.
This is also consistent with the focus on
indiviclual offending sequences rather
than particular criminal events.
Some Tong-term effects of drinking are
well known. Misuse of alcohol is associ-
ated with liver disease, nutritional defi-
cits, brain dysfunction, cardiovascular
problems, and an increased risk of cancer
(Eckarcit et al., 19811. Much less is known
about the Tong-term behavioral effects of
problem drinking. There are empirically
unsupported suggestions in the literature
that alcohol's chronic effects may cause
"irritability," and although the inference
must be tentative, chronic alcohol effects
may increase inclividual tendencies
toward violence. A more reasonable basis
for the pharmacological and physiological
effects of alcohol on behavior is through
its impact on cognitive capacity. Alcohol
use impairs a (lrinker's ability to perceive,
91
process, assess, and integrate cues from
the environment (Pernanen, 1976, 19811.
A distinction is relevant for purposes of
this paper, although it is a distinction not
usually made in the literature and thus is
not sustainable in the analyses that fol-
Tow. Problematic alcohol use over a Tong
period creates "neuropsychological clefi-
cits" in the drinker (Tarter and Alterman,
19841. Presumably, some ofthose cleficits
will affect behavior and may explain
some criminal behavior. A priori it seems
reasonable to expect such criminogenic
deficits to impel one to "irrational" (vio-
lent) crime rather than to "rational" (ac-
quisitive) crime. A second type of chronic
criminogenic effect of problem (lrinking
may be a recurrent effect in indivicluals
who are not necessarily chronic problem
drinkers. Examples would be an infre-
quent drinker who totals to have prob-
lems when he or she does ([rink ant] a
regular drinker who occasionally com-
mits offenses when drinking. Even
though these distinctions cannot be macle
from the existing literature, it is useful to
recognize them because of their potential
relevance for etiological understanding.
The "eye of the behoIcler" issue is also
an important one for interpreting alcohol
use as problematic. Alcohol occupies
unique psychological, cultural, moral,
en cl scientific territories in American life.
The phenomenological dimension causes
definitional and inferential problems,
some of which are discussed below. The
phenomenological complexities cannot
be resolved here, but they are partially
arldressec! through explicit (definitions of
what is meant by problem drinking.
Definition and Measurement of
Criminal Careers
Criminal careers involving "street"
crime are of interest here. In general,
these are Uniform Crime Reports Part I
and Part II offenses that involve actual or
OCR for page 92
92
attempter] violence or property loss. This
focus exclucles two major categories of
crime: (1) victimless crime, especially al-
cohol- and drug-clefined crime includ-
ing public-order crimes that result from
substance abuse (vagrancy, disorderly
conduct, et cetera) ant] (2) white collar
crime. The first category is not used to
define a criminal career because, as
noted, it confounds independent and cle-
pendent variables and because interest is
in criminal behavior that involves victim-
ization of someone's person or property.
It will not always be possible to distin-
guish the victimless or public-order of-
fenses from other offenses because some
studies do not make the distinction.
White collar crime is not considered
because almost no information is avaiT-
able on the relationship of alcohol use to
such offenses. It is reasonable to infer that
white collar criminal careers would be
influenced by problem drinking. Alcohol
is the principal drug of choice for white
collar, psychoactive substance users, and
it is known that significant percentages of
people of high occupational status are
heavy drinkers or have problems with
alcohol (Cahalan, Cisin, and Crossley,
1969; Trice and Roman, 1972~. The rela-
tionship between alcohol problems and
white collar crime, however, has not been
studied.
Official records and self-report data are
used to estimate involvement in crime.
Each type of ciata has its strengths ant]
weaknesses. The most serious problem
with using official records to estimate
criminal behavior is their incomplete-
ness. Most crimes are not reported to the
police (Bureau of Justice Statistics,
1983b). There is also some evidence that
alcohol abusers are more By than
nonabusers to be arrested. Petersilia,
Greenwood, and Lavin (1978), for exam-
ple, found that alcohol abusers were ar-
rested for 12.1 percent of the offenses
they committed compared with 2 to 3
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
percent for drug abusers ant! offenders
who were neither drug nor alcohol abus-
ers. If the problem (drinker is more likely
to be arrested given commission of an
offense, it may be a result of the cognitive
impairment that results from alcohol use.
A drinking offender may be an incompe-
tent offender. If the probability of arrest is
higher for problem (lrinkers than others,
official records may overstate the impor-
tance of problem drinking to criminal
careers.
Self-reports of illegal activity have
adcled an important dimension to the
study of criminal careers. The reliability
anct validity of such data have been exam-
ined, and the best general conclusion
seems to be that offender reports of illegal
involvement represent reasonable ap-
proximations of the behaviors in question
(Marquis, 1981; Hubbard et al., 19821.
The data are likely to contain some sys-
tematic error, however. Hubbard et al.
(1982) found that the frequency of in-
volvement and length of recall affected
the concordance of self-reports of arrest
and official records of arrest. Peterson and
Braiker (1980) found rapists less willing
than other offender types to report the
crimes for which they were convicted.
Weis (in this volume) discusses other is-
sues relating to self-reports of criminal
behavior. Because of the potential for the
type of crime data to affect findings in
systematic ways, the discussion below
specifies the sources of data used in the
analyses.
Study Populations
Studies of problem drinking and crim-
inal careers have been carried out on
samples of the general population, ar-
restees or convicted offenders, alcohol
abuse and mental-hearth treatment popu-
lations, and prison populations. Studies of
the general population are least frequent;
studies of prison populations most fre
OCR for page 93
PROBLEM DRINKING AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
quent. Clearly, general-population stud-
ies are most generaTizable, although such
studies are relatively expensive to con-
duct. Neither a criminal career nor prob-
lem drinking is common among the gen-
eral population, so large samples are
requires! to produce sufficient data for
detailecl analysis. On the other hand,
prison populations have a high preva-
lence of involvement in criminal activity
and problem drinking and are relatively
accessible to researchers. The tracle-offin
using prison samples is limited generaTiz-
ability. Prisoners are not representative of
the general population or of all offenders.
Because of the representativeness and
generalizability issues, discussions that
follow are organized in part by the type of
sample studied, i.e., general, alcohol
treatment, ant] criminal justice system
samples.
Polydrug Use
It is common for individuals to use mul-
tiple psychoactive substances (O'Donnell
et al., 1976; Fishburne, Abelson, ant]
Cisin, 1980; Johnston, Bachman, and
O'Malley, 1981; Bray, Guess, et al., 1983~.
This may involve the use of alcohol and
other drugs at the same time or within a
short time (hours), or different psychoac-
tive substances on different occasions.
Polydrug use Including such combina-
tions as alcohol and marijuana, alcohol
and barbiturates, heroin ant] cocaine) has
become very common in recent years,
and there is evidence that it Including
alcohol) is the modal pattern among of-
fenders and treatment populations (Bray,
Schlenger, et al., 1982; Chaiken and
Chaiken, 1982; Johnson and Goldstein,
19841. Polydrug use creates a complex
analytic problem when the behavioral ef-
fects of a particular substance are of inter-
est. The behavioral effects of single drugs
are not well understoocl, and, when two
or more c3 rugs are used in combination,
93
specific behavioral effects are all but im-
possible to predict.
Despite the proliferation of polyclrug
use, most users have a "drug of choice,"
and inclividuals who have alcohol or drug
problems are usually able to identify the
substance that is the primary source of
their cli~culties. Among 3,325 individu-
als entering federally funded drug abuse
treatment programs in 1979, for example,
87 percent specified a particular sub-
stance as being their "primary" problem
(Bray, SchIenger, et al., 19821. The sepa-
ration of inclivicluals into categories basest
on alcohol or specific-clrug problems,
however, does oversimplify the reality of
substance-use patterns, and indivicluals
may be cIassifiecl in different categories
during different phases of their lives. It is
the heuristic assumption ofthis paper that
individuals can be classified accurately as
having or not having a drinking problem
(lifetime or current). This classification
permits examination of the relationship
between problem (lrinking and indivicl-
ual offending sequences.
Because use of hard drugs is usually
. ~ . . . .
viewed as a more serious cr1m1nogen1c
factor than alcohol use, there is a ten-
dency among researchers to create hier-
archical indices of psychoactive sub-
stance use in which the independent
effect of alcohol use by drug users is not
consiclered. For example, Johnson, Wish,
and Huizinga (1983) analyze the sub-
stance use-clelinquency relationship for
two groups: those who use alcohol only
and those who use ([rugs or drugs and
alcohol. This approach assumes, without
testing, that drug use is the primary
criminogenic effect. The fact that alcohol
is a legal (drug encourages such a view. It
is important, however, to consider sepa-
rately whether alcohol use, which is often
quite heavy among (lrug users, makes an
inclepen~lent contribution to the occur-
rence of criminal behavior as part of a
polyclrug-use pattern.
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94
Gender and Race
The variables of gender and race re-
ceive little attention in this paper, mainly
because the literature on problem cirink-
ing and criminal careers rarely considers
gentler and race effects. When these vari-
ables are included in analyses, the finc3-
ings are not markedly different for gentler
or racial groups.
There is evidence that suggests that
white-black racial differences in drinking
patterns exist and that they have implica-
tions for the problem drinking-criminal
career relationship. For example, a na-
tional survey of state correctional inmates
showed a substantial difference by racial
group in the percentage of inmates cIas-
sifiect as heavy drinkers 50 percent for
whites versus 21 percent for blacks (Bu-
reau of Justice Statistics, 1983c). The lit-
erature that is relevant to the relation
between problem drinking and individ-
ual offending sequences, however, does
not permit assessment of white-black clif-
ferences. The same holds for gentler; the
literature does not address the question of
gender effects in the problem c3rinking-
criminal career relationship. Moreover,
there seems no reason to believe that
problem drinking explains much varia-
tion in serious crimes by women. Be-
cause women probably commit less than
one-fifth of the serious crimes and be-
cause the gender variable does not ap-
pear to bear on the problem drinking-
criminal career relationship, gentler is not
considered here in any detail.
Making Inferences About
Alcohol Effects
Despite years of study, a great (leal
remains to be understood about the be-
havioral effects of alcohol use both
acute (short-term) ant! chronic (Iong-term)
effects. Woods and Mansfielcl (1983) ar-
gue that pharmacological changes in neu
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
rat functioning brought about by ethanol
are "nonspecific." tones and Vega (1972,
1973) found that a rapid increase in BAC
causes behavioral effects. Several re-
searchers report that racial-ethnic groups
differ in their reactions to drinking (Wolff,
1972; Fenna et al., 1976; Marco and Ran-
(lels, 19831; others report that individual
psychology influences the effects of aTco-
hol (McCord and McCord, 1962; Zucker,
1968; McClelland et al., 1972~. Pernanen
(1976, 1981) suggests that the effects of
alcohol use on cognition probably inter-
act with environmental cues in complex
ways. In sum, the "state of the art" in
understanding the behavioral effects of
drinking from pharmacologic and psycho-
logical perspectives is not far advanced.
Evidence of the complexity of the sub-
ject is pointed out by Cordelia (19851. Her
analysis suggests that for some types of
criminal activity, notably organized crime
or planned property crime committed in
collaboration with two or more people,
problem drinking may act as a bar to
criminal activity. Offenders with drinking
problems may be viewed as undepend-
able and not recruited into criminal en
terprises. This scenario suggests an in-
verse relationship between problem
drinking and organized, rational criminal
activity.
In recent years the importance of social
and cultural factors in mediating alcohol's
behavioral effects, as well as the interpre-
tation of those effects, has been recog-
nized. MacAndrew and Edgerton (1969)
generated important insights about the
influence of social and cultural factors.
They showed how "drunken comport-
ment" was affected by cultural factors
and, conversely, how some cultures make
provision for untoward behavior after
drinking during specified "time out" pe-
riods. Room (1983) argues that the causal
link between alcohol use and behavior is
a sociocultural rather than a pharmacolog-
ical one.
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PROBLEM DRINKING AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
Three points about sociocultural influ-
ences on the alcohol use-behavior inter-
action are relevant for this paper. These
points have to do with expectancy, dis-
avowal, and attribution.
The behavior of indivicluals after drink-
ing is influenced by effects they expect
alcohol to have, quite asicle from actual
effects attributable to drinking. Lang et al.
(1975) fount! that indivicluals who had
been told they c3 rank alcohol, even
though they had not, became more ag-
gressive in controlled laboratory experi-
ments. Tamerin, Weiner, and Mendelson
(1970) measured mate alcoholics' expec-
tations about how they would fee! after
drinking and macle observations about
actual behavior after drinking. Their sam-
ple of 13 accurately predicted they wouIcl
become more aggressive after drinking.
However, the subjects inaccurately pre-
dicted other effects of drinking (euphoria,
sexuality) and their subsequent (after
drinking) assessment of their behavior
was more concordant with their predrink-
ing predictions than with their actual be-
havior. Brown et al. (1980) assesses] ex-
pectancies associated with moderate
alcohol consumption among two samples
(N = 125 and N = 440~. Factor analysis of
216 yes-no items produced six behavior-
al-expectancy dimensions-one of which
was "aggressiveness." Expectancies var-
ied by demographic factors (age, sex) and
by drinking experience.
Drinking is sometimes used as an ac-
count (Scott and Lyman, 1968) or devi-
ance-clisavowal technique. McCaghy
(1968) showed how some men convicted
of sexual offenses against children used
drinking to excuse their behavior.
Mosher (1983) points out how recent
ABSCAM-convictecT offenders have at-
tempted to excuse or justify their behav-
ior by reference to the effects of alcohol.
Coleman and Straus (1979) argue that
some men drink to give themselves an
excuse to beat their wives.
9S
The attribution of blame to alcohol in
the absence of clear justification is also
observable at the macro level. Gusfield
(1963) analyzed the nineteenth century
temperance movement and argues that
the abolition of alcohol became the sub-
ject of a moral crusade as the vehicle for
playing out the conflict between compet-
ing societal interests. In a review of the
famiTy-violence literature Hamilton ant!
Collins (1981) argue that a "malevolence
assumption" underlies much of the pub-
lic debate about alcohol. When alcohol is
found to be associated with undesirable
events and circumstances, it is assumed
to be at fault.
The major points to be ma(le about
previous work on the expectancy, dis-
avowal, and attributive aspects of alco-
hol's effects on behavior are that percep-
tions and interpretations complicate the
causal-inference task and make it difficult
to assess the validity of self-perceptions of
alcohol's effects. Alcohol occupies unique
phenomenological territory, an(1 caution
is warrantee! when attributing effects to
its use. There is no doubt that drinking
affects behavior. Explaining how that
happens is (lifficult. Moreover, there is a
tendency to ascribe blame to drinking
without justification.
ASSESSMENT OF THE LITERATURE
This section of the paper reviews the
literature on the relation of problem
drinking to in(liviclual offending se-
quences. The juvenile, young adult, and
later adult life-cycle segments are treated
separately. The period that has received
most attention by researchers is the
young adult period. As will be seen, there
are good reasons for this attention.
The separation of the analysis into ju-
venile, young adult, and later acLult peri-
o(ls also reflects society's drinking norms.
Most drinking during the juvenile years is
illegal and disapproved by adult society.
OCR for page 96
96
Nevertheless, drinking is quite common
among juveniles. In young adulthood
drinking is legally permissible. In fact,
heavy drinking accompanied by deviant
or disruptive behavior is the norm for
young adults in some contexts (for exam-
ple, in the military or at fraternity parties).
Drinking norms shift again for oicler
adults. Family and career responsibilities
are expected to mitigate or preclude the
heavy use of alcohol, ant] behavior after
drinking is expected to meet a higher
level of decorum than is expected in the
young adult years.
There is consiclerable variation around
age-gracled drinking norms. For example,
young adults might be held to higher
behavioral standards regarding alcohol
use in some contexts, such as at a family
reunion. OIcler adults may be permitted
to act like young adults in some situa-
tions, such as at a football game. Nonethe-
less, drinking and its behavioral conse-
quences display age regularities. For this
reason, and because the literature itself is
roughly organized in this way, the follow-
ing review is organized around the three
life-cycle segments. As mentioned ear-
lier, the reviews will also be roughly
organized by sample type (general popu-
lation, alcohol treatment, ancI criminal
justice) when the literature permits such
a separation.
The Juvenile Period
During the juvenile years any con-
sumption of alcohol is a potential prob-
lem because drinking is illegal for those
uncler statutory drinking age, which
ranges from age 18 to 21. Illegal purchase
or consumption of alcoholic beverages,
however, is not of interest here unless it is
associated with other criminal behavior
during the juvenile years or later in the
life cycle. Specifically, this review fo-
cuses on the following questions: Does
the age at which drinking begins have
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
any power to predict involvement in
serious crime? Do drinking problems clur-
ing the juvenile years predict later crimi-
nal careers or aspects of individual of-
fending sequences, such as career length
or offense specialization? Little previous
work has focused on these questions so
the answers are necessarily incomplete.
Considerable previous work has fo-
cusecT on drug use during the juvenile
years. Most of that work will not be exam-
ined here because another paper in this
volume (Wish and Johnson) focuses on
drug abuse and indiviclual offending se-
quences. Some work has included aTco-
ho] use as an aspect of drug use. More
commonly, the literature treats alcohol
use, drug use, and other clelinquencies
(such as truancy, running away from
home, ant! precocious sexual behavior) as
aspects of a configuration of problem be-
haviors (lessor an(l lessor, 1977~. This
view of juvenile clelinquency is a func-
tion of the acljuclication process for juve-
niles and of the typical pattern of conduct
of delinquents who come to the attention
of the juvenile justice system. Juveniles
are more likely to be "adjudicated clelin-
quent" than to be convicted of a particu-
lar offense, and typically juvenile offend-
ers (like adult offenders) exhibit a mixture
of problems and illegal involvements. In
comparison with the prevalence of prob-
lem behavior and delinquency, involve-
ment in serious crime is Tow during the
juvenile years. It is also low in compari-
son with the young adult years. Elliott
and Huizinga (1983), for example, show
how rates of participation in serious crime
by youths in a national sample are Tow in
comparison with participation rates for
minor crimes and status offenses. In-
volvement in felony assault, robbery, fel-
ony theft, and hard-drug use tends to be
Tower than involvement in minor assault,
minor theft, vandalism, and school delin-
quency for males and females and across
social classes.
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PROBLEM DRINKlI!IG AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
General-Population Stuclies
Alcohol use is very common among
high-school-age youths. National surveys
conclucted in 1974 and 1978 shower! that
87 to 89 percent of the tenth through
tweed graders hacl some experience
with alcohol (Rachel et al., 19801. Sub-
stantial proportions cirank frequently.
Twenty-seven to 29 percent in the two
surveys drank once a week or more.
Heavy drinkers, defined as those cirink-
ing at least weekly and taking five or more
drinks per drinking occasion, constituted
15 percent of the samples. Basecl on cri-
teria of frequency of drunkenness and
perceived alcohol-related negative conse-
quences, approximately 3 in 10 were cIas-
sified as misusers of alcohol. Alcohol
misusers were significantly more likely
than alcohol users to report having trou-
ble with the police; 4.1 percent of male
alcohol users and 25.4 percent of mate
alcohol misusers had trouble with the
police because of drinking. The corre-
sponding percentages for female alcohol
users and misusers were 2.4 and 11.5,
respectively.
The finclings from studies of general-
population samples of juveniles are that
delinquency, as noted above, typically
constitutes a varier! configuration of prob-
lem behaviors. lessor and lessor (1977)
and lessor, Chase, and Donovan (1980),
analyzing data from the national surveys
of high school students referred to above,
found that problem drinking was associ-
ated with marijuana use and general de-
viance. lessor and associates argue fur-
ther that the different forms of problem
behavior develop from common etiologi-
cal configurations.
lessor et al. (1968), in a study of a
tri-ethnic community, found that different
measures of deviance correlate and that
theoretical findings were fairly similar
across ctifferent sex, age, and ethnic
groups. White, Johnson, and Garrison
97
(1983), in samples (N = 1,381) of 12-, 15-,
and 18-year-olds from New Jersey house-
holds, found a "synchronous" clevelop-
ment of both substance use (alcohol anct
drugs) and criminal behavior. The sub-
stance-use variable was a stronger predic-
tor ofthe intensity of delinquent behavior
than the reverse.
Rathus, Fox, and Ortins (1980) used a
shortened version of the MacAndrew Al-
coholism Scale and a self-reported clelin-
quency scale in a study of 786 mate and
886 female high school students in a micl-
dIe-cIass suburban community. The sam-
ple was 97 percent white. The MacAn-
c3rew scale was found to predict alcohol
abuse successfully, but it also was found
to have "global predictive power." The
scale preclictec3 some drug use and other
delinquency, such as property ant] per-
sonal crimes. The authors interpret this to
indicate that problem drinking is part of a
general pattern of deviance.
Ryclelius (1983a,b) interviewed and
collectecl blood samples in 1980-1981
from 2,300 young men who came to a
military recruiting office in Swollen as a
result of the compulsory military-service
law. Data for 1,004 of the subjects were
analyzed. Approximately 99 percent were
between 17 ancI 19 years of age; 93 per-
cent were 18 years old. The amount of
pure alcohol consumed within the month
prior to the interviews was estimated
from self-reports of beer, wine, ant! spirits
consumption. During the interviews, 21
percent aclmitted minor criminal of-
fenses; 6 percent reported committing
theft and burglary; 2 percent reported
committing assault and malicious dam-
age; 9 percent had been convicted of
crimes; and 5 percent were known for
public drunkenness.
Ryclelius cIassifiect the subjects accord-
ing to their consumption of pure alcohol
and compared high consumers with
nonconsumers on a number of climen-
sions. The high consumers were more
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
criminal behavior
98
likely than the nonconsumers to be drug
users and to be involved in other crimes.
The percentage of high consumers versus
nonconsumers who engaged in various
offenses are shown below (from Ryclelius,
1983a:Table 71:
High Consumers
versus Noncon
sumers (percent)
Pilfering, illegal
driving 45 versus 9
Stealing and burglary 38 versus 1
Conviction, any crime 35 versus 3
Known for public
drunkenness 35 versus 1
Assault, malicious
mischief 14 versus 1
All differences are statistically significant
below the .001 level according to the
chi-square statistic.
In subsequent psychological testing of
50 high consumers and 50 nonconsumers,
the high consumers were found to have
psychopathic personality traits and the
nonconsumers were found to have nor-
mal personalities (Ryclelius, 1983b). Dif-
ferences were found between the two
groups on 13 of 15 scales included in the
test.
In summary, the evidence from gener-
al-population studies of juveniles is that
problem drinking covaries with other
forms of deviance and with serious crim-
inal behavior. The relationship of prob-
lem drinking to deviance and crime is
best conceived as one involving a com-
mon etiology in the juvenile years.
Delinquent-Population Studies
Studies of delinquent populations also
confirm the strong covariation of alcohol
use and delinquency. Blane and Hewitt
(1977) reviewed a number of studies and
concluded that
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
1. Age at first drink is earlier for delin-
quents than nondelinquents,
2. Prevalence of drinking is higher
among (lelinquents than among nonde-
linquents,
3. Drunkenness is more prevalent
among delinquents than among nonde-
linquents,
4. Pathological drinking symptoms are
more common among
PROBLEM DRINKING AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
fore entering training school. The authors
focused on whether the correlation be-
tween drinking frequency and illegal be-
havior differed for whites, blacks, and
Hispanics. Multiple regression analyses
revealed that drinking had strong net ef-
fects on minor delinquency in each racial
group. Drinking frequency was found to
explain statistically significant variation
in serious and nonserious delinquency
for whites and blacks. Drinking fre-
quency did not explain involvement in
serious delinquency for Hispanics but
was associated with nonserious delin-
quency for this ethnic group. The authors
did not clear with the temporal-order is-
sue, that is, whether frequent drinking
prececlec3, followecI, or was coterminous
with involvement in illegal behavior. The
analyses do show that the empirical asso-
ciation of drinking frequency and crimi-
nal behavior was robust among white ant]
black training-school residents.
Vingilis (1981) is not convinced by the
evidence on drinking and clelinquency
because of methodological problems, es-
pecially the failure of much research to
use control groups. Vingilis appears pre-
parecl to acknowledge that delinquents
drink more than nondelinquents but
thinks that delinquents charged with al-
cohol-relatec3 crimes are similar to clelin-
quents involved in nonaTcohol-related
crimes. However, use of"alcohol-relatec!
trouble with the law" as an indicator of
public drinking may not distinguish de-
linquents in a meaningful way.
Etiology of Drinking and
Crime in Juveniles
Evidence on the common etiology of
problem drinking and other deviance in
the juvenile period an(1 on the covariation
of problem drinking and delinquency
cloes not address directly the major issue
of this paper: that is, to what extent is
problem drinking an important factor in
99
the onset, continuation, and pattern of
criminal careers. Two studies give more
specific insights about the relationship of
problem drinking to individual offending
sequences for juveniles.
VirkLunen (1977) studied recidivism
among 741 juvenile offenders convicted
in 1965 in Finland. He divided the of-
fenders into those with juvenile arrests
for drunkenness anc! those with no such
arrests; using the records of FinTand's
Criminal Register, he examined recicli-
vism for the years 1970-1975 (5 to 10
years after the initial contact). Virkkunen
found that those who hac! juvenile drunk-
enness arrests were more likely to
recidivate and were more likely to have
arrests for violent (22 versus 12 percent)
and property crimes (47 versus 36 per-
cent), as well as for traffic offenses.
Johnson, Wish, and Huizinga (1983)
analyzed National Youth Survey data (El-
liott, Huizinga, and Ageton, 1982) with a
focus on serious drug use anti high-rate,
serious delinquency. They created a hier-
archical typology of drug users: users of
heroin or cocaine (5 percent), users of
pills or psychedelics (7 percent), mari-
juana users (19 percent), alcohol users (29
percent), and non-(lrug users (41 percent).
Users of alcohol in acIdition to drugs are
included in the first three categories.
Heavy drug users (heroin, cocaine, pills,
psychedelics) were also found to be
heavy users of alcohol. Data on criminal
activity were collected from self-reports
(luring interviews.
Johnson and colleagues show that
among the hierarchical groups those cIas-
sified as heavy drug users were responsi-
ble for a clisproportionately large number
of index crimes. Those who used only
alcohol were comparatively unlikely to
commit in(lex offenses or multiple index
offenses although they were more likely
than nonusers of any drug to commit
minor delinquencies. The authors con-
clude that alcohol use by itself is not
110
findings cited above that showed prob-
lem drinkers to be offenders of late onset.
The inconsistency is perhaps an example
of disparate fin(lings (lepencling on
whether aTcohol-treatment or criminal-
offender samples are studied.
In a study of 187 men identified as
"chronic police case inebriates," Pittman
ancI Gordon (1958) constructed criminal
career histories from arrest records. Men
incarcerates! for public intoxication were
selectecI at random from those serving
sentences of 30 days or longer in a county
prison in Rochester, New York. They av-
eragec] 47.7 years of age. The men had to
have served at least one previous sen-
tence for public intoxication. The sample
is a narrowly defined one, so that gener-
alizability is limitecI, but the criminal ca-
reer histories provide some interesting
information.
The men in the sample averaged 16.5
recorclec3 arrests for all offenses; the mean
number of arrests increases with age from
6.8 for those uncler 35 to 22.9 for those
aged 55 and older. Mean number of ar-
rests for public intoxication was 12.8 for
all ages, ranging from 4.1 for those under
age 35 to 18.6 for those 55 and oIcler. A
total of 22.5 percent of all arrests were for
charges other than public intoxication.
The mean number of arrests on charges
other than public intoxication does not
increase significantly with age after 35.
The authors (Pittman and Gordon,
1958:261) infer:
The explanation for the failure of other of-
fenses to increase with age lies in the fact that
at the end of the first utilized age period, 35,
there is a trend for the inebriates who have
been involved in more serious crimes, such as
automobile theft or burglary, to cease this type
of criminal activity, and for the intoxication
pattern of behavior to emerge as an adaptation
to the life situation.
Thirty-seven percent of the sample had
been arrested on serious charges, but Pitt
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
man an(1 Gordon note that those serious
offenses tended to occur earlier in the
career and reiterate that the "new" pat-
tern of arrest for public drunkenness is a
reaction to failed criminal careers. While
the "biphasic" criminal career pattern is
not inconsistent with this interpretation,
the notion of an alcoholic adaption to a
failed criminal career by Pittman and
Gordon is speculative.
If problem drinkers are late-onset of-
fenders but also have short criminal ca-
reers, the above findings may not be in-
consistent with each other. In other
words, the Edwards, Kyle, and Nicholls
(1977) sample may start late and stop
quickly. The best tentative conclusion
about the effect of problem drinking on
serious criminal behavior by those over
age 3S is that there is no relationship. The
issue needs further study, however, be-
cause so little attention has been paid to
the question.
SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATIONS,
AND IMPLICATIONS
In this section, fin(lings from the three
career-segment reviews are summarized,
the magnitude ofthe association between
problem drinking and criminal careers is
cliscussecl, important methoclological is-
sues are notecl, and implications for fu-
ture research are drawn.
Summary of Findings
The best inference regarding the im-
portance of problem (lrinking to the onset
of criminal careers is that of no relation-
ship. Some caution about this conclusion
is necessary because age at first drink an
the beginning of problem drinking are
not adequately clistinguished in past
work. Drinking at an early age is often
viewed as a problem of itself. Most of the
available evidence, however, indicates
that involvement in crime precedes prob
PROBLEM DRINKING AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
lem drinking or that the two start at ap-
proximately the same time.
A second major inference that is war-
ranted by past research is that there is
strong covariation between problem
drinking and incliviclual offending se-
quences. It is not possible to infer confi-
dently that the covariation indicates prob-
lem drinking is a causal factor. Common
etiologies may be involved. It floes ap-
pear justified to conclucle that inclivicluals
who have drinking problems tend, more
than individuals without drinking prob-
lems, to continue serious criminal activity
during young adulthood. Some research-
ers have seen this as the tendency of
problem drinking to extend or intensify
the criminal career.
A robust finding justified by the works
reviewed and other evidence is that prob-
lem drinkers who have criminal careers
or offenders with drinking problems are
disproportionately likely to have official
records for, and to self-report involve-
ment in, violent crime. No fewer than 10
of the studies reviewed shower] this pat-
tem, although the finding is most clear
among i(lentified criminal justice popula-
tions. The connection between problem
drinking and violent behavior is consicI-
ered robust, also, because the fincling is
replicated in the literature that examines
assaultive criminal events. In that litera-
ture, alcohol has been found present in
the offender, victim, or both offender and
victim in very substantial percentages of
homicides, forcible rapes, aggravated as-
saults, ancl other violent crimes. Recent
aggregate-level analyses also find a direct
relationship between levels of alcohol
consumption and levels of violence
(Bielewicz ant] Mokalewicz, 1982;
Lenke, 1982; Olsson and Wikstrom, 1982)
There is little doubt that drinking is etio-
Togically important to the occurrence of
some violent behavior.
It is not possible to identify what spe-
cific factors combine with alcohol to pro
duce violent behavior. It is clear that
some men are at high risk of aTcohol-
relatec3 violence, but the identification of
indiviclual risk factors has not progressecI
beyond the specification of general char-
acteristics, such as aggressiveness or psy-
chopathic personality traits. Correlates of
these global descriptions have been
noted, but the etiological tie among
drinking, violence, and other characteris-
tics has not been made. It may be possi-
ble to make some such connections from
a meta-analysis of past work, but this has
not as yet been accomplished.
Finally, although several researchers
have noted a relationship between drink-
ing problems and the late onset of crimi-
nal careers, the assessment in this paper
cloes not show that. If late onset of crimi-
nal careers is measured by involvement
in serious crime, problem drinking has
not been shown to be etiologically impor-
tant. The ambiguity may be related to
sample selection or to the failure of past
research to separate serious from aTcohol-
relatecl offenses.
How Much Crime Does Problem
Drinking Explain?
At the outset of this paper it was states!
that alcohol use is never a sufficient cause
of a criminal career. However, the evi-
dence reviewed here, as well as other
evidence, demonstrates aclequately that
problem drinking is associated with crim-
inal behavior, especially violent criminal
behavior in the young adult years. The
question remains of how much crime is
explained by problem drinking. A quan-
titative answer cannot be provi(led on the
basis of previous work. Individual offencl-
ing frequencies have not been compared
for offenders with and without drinking
problems. It is not even possible to com-
pare the explanatory power of problem
drinking with that of other inclepenclent
variables because the alcohol-use vari
112
able has rarely been incluclec3 in relevant
multivariate analyses.
Methoclological difficulties aside, there
are several reasons why the kinds of anal-
yses that would permit a quantitative as-
sessment of problem ctrinking's contribu-
tion to criminal careers have not been
undertaken:
1. Alcohol use and problem drinking
are common phenomena in the noncrimi-
nal population and thus do not stanc! out
as criminogenic factors.
2. Alcohol is an inexpensive drug so
that, unlike expensive drugs (such as her-
oin and cocaine), there is no economic
compulsion associated with its heavy use.
3. A theoretical framework for under-
standing how problem drinking causes
criminal behavior does not exist. This
lack oftheoretical direction, coupled with
the fact that drinking is pervasive in of-
fender populations, causes concern that
the observed relationship between prob-
lem drinking and criminal careers is a
spurious one.
The third point is the most important, but
it need not be a serious impediment to
the development of quantitative esti-
mates of problem drinking's contribution
to criminal behavior. Appropriate data
and techniques exist to begin clevelop-
ment of comparative As and regression
coefficients for problem drinking. These
would provide estimates of the magni-
tude of problem drinking's power to ex-
plain criminal careers.
The development of theory has been
inhibited by the tendency of criminolo-
gists to view explanatory factors in a sim-
plistic way. Thornberry and Christenson
(1984) point out that causal conceptions
have tended to be unidirectional and that
such conceptions do not mode] criminal
behavior very well. They show how un-
employment and crime are related to
each other in a reciprocal way. Problem
drinking is likely to have a similar rela
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
tionship to criminal behavior. A recipro-
cal conception may resolve some of the
ambiguities in earlier work and lay the
foundation for real understanding of the
role of alcohol in the etiology of criminal
behavior.
Methodological Issues
The single most important method-
ological aspect of determining whether a
causal relationship exists between prob-
lem drinking and criminal careers is the
nature of the stu(ly populations. General-
population ant] captured-sample (i.e., in-
stitutional, treatment) study findings are
not seriously inconsistent with each
other, but differences in findings do exist.
Mentioner] above was the fact that the
problem drinking-violence relationship is
strongest among identified criminal jus-
tice samples. One possible reason for this
finding is relatecI to the probability of
arrest. If the findings that suggest that
problem drinkers are more likely to be
arreste(1 than offenders who do not have a
drinking problem are accurate, problem
drinkers who are violent offenders may
be overrepresented in criminal justice
populations.
Measurement of problem drinking
neects to be clone more carefully in future
research. Measures should be quantity-
frequency indicators or indicators of spe-
cific drinking-relatecl consequences. Ar-
rests for aTcohol-relatecl offenses shouIcl
not be use(1 as an indicator of problem
drinking in research to examine the rela-
tionship between drinking and crime.
Alcohol use should also be measured
and analyzed separately, not as part of an
overall ([rug-use inclicator. The latter ap-
proach confounds the effects of alcohol
and drug use and may mask the effects of
alcohol because drug use overrides aTco-
ho] use in hierarchically constructed in-
dices. "Current" and "ever" drinking
problems also need to be clistinguished.
PROBLEM DRINKING AND INDIVIDUAL OFFENDING SEQUENCES
There is a considerable spontaneous re-
mission of problem drinking over the life
cycle, and failure to distinguish past and
current drinking problems limits infer-
ences that can be ctrawn about the effects
of problem drinking over the life cycle.
Two substantive foci may be helpful to
unclerstancling the causal relationship
between problem drinking and criminal
careers: (1) conceptual and empirical clis-
entanglement of the problem rlrinker-an-
tisocial personality-criminal career asso-
ciation anal (2) development of a problem
cTrinker-offencler typology. The first point
involves attempting to clarify conceptu-
ally and empirically how much overlap
exists among the three categories. The
ASP disorder designation is a clinical one
partially baser! on criteria that also clefine
criminal behavior. Examples of ASP ctis-
orcler diagnostic criteria that are also
crime categories are assault, theft, vanclal-
ism, and driving while intoxicated. Other
ASP diagnostic criteria include referral to
. ~ . ~. ~r ~
~3
same persons, as cliscussed above and as
noted in the APA diagnostic manual. The
close association and shared conceptual
elements of problem drinking, criminal
careers, ant] ASP disorder suggest the
need for careful definition and elabora
tion of the constructs. With conceptual
refinement and subsequent empirical
analysis, the causal structure of the asso
ciation between problem drinking and
criminal careers wouIc3 likely be cIarifiecI.
Development of a problem drinker
offencler typology is recommenclec] to
bring into sharper focus the contribution
of inclivi(1ual characteristics (genetic, de
velopmental, psychological, and so on) to
the problem ctrinking-criminal career as
sociation. It is clear that problem drinking
is not a criminogenic factor for all individ
uals. It would be helpful if individual risk
factors, which could serve as typology
dimensions, could be identified. Identifi
cation of risk factors serves multiple pur
poses. Risk factors can provide theoretical
Juvenile court, multiple arrests, and a get-direction and, if they are strong predic
ony conviction (American Psychiatric As-tors, can inform clinical and policy deci
sociation, 19801. The ASP disorder alsosigns as well.
includes symptom categories, such as dis
turbed interpersonal relations and inabil
ity to sustain employment categories
that do not necessarily involve antisocial
or illegal behavior. However, there is
considerable overlap in the factors that
define ASP disorder and criminal careers.
The ASP disorder and criminal career
concepts also share conceptual and em
pirical elements in a temporal sense. The
criminal career concept implies repeti
tious involvement in crime over some
number of years. The ASP disorder diag
nosis requires onset of three or more
diagnostic criteria before age 15 and man
ifestation of at least four specified symp
toms subsequent to age 18. Thus, both
concepts are consistent with over-time
continuity in illegal or deviant behavior.
The ASP disorder and problem-drink
ing categories tend often to coexist in the
Recommendations and Implications
The problem drinker-criminal career
relationship is worthy of further study. A
two-step process is recommended. Some
work could start immediately with the
use of existing data. Examples of longitu-
dinal data that provide opportunities for
relevant analysis are the National Youth
Survey (NYS), the Rutgers Health and
Human Development data, the 1945
Philadelphia birth cohort data, and the
data from three Racine birth cohorts. The
data sets provide information about onset,
prevalence, and incidence of criminal be-
havior and include over-time measures.
Information about alcohol use is limited
in the Philadelphia and Racine cohorts,
but both the NYS and the Rutgers survey
include detailed information about alco
114
hot use over time. Thus, moclels could be
developed to trace the covariation and
correlates of drinking and crime in the
same individuals over time.)
The 1979 survey of state correctional
inmates (Bureau of Justice Statistics,
1983a) also can address problem cirinker-
criminal career issues. The inmate survey
includes information from more than
10,000 individuals about incarceration,
criminal careers, and alcohol use and
amount consumed during the year before
anct at the time of the incarceration of-
fense. Information is also included about
drug use. There is considerable potential
in the inmate data for modeling the rela-
tionship of substance use ant] crime.
The Treatment Outcomes Prospective
Study, which includes data for more than
11,000 individuals who entered publicly
funcled drug abuse treatment programs in
197~1981, is also a potentially valuable
resource.2 The ciata include a retrospec-
tive longitudinal dimension and prospec-
tive follow-up of a substantial percentage
of the 11,000 subjects. Detailed data were
collected about alcohol and drug use and
self-reported involvement in serious
crime. Data on age at first drink and age at
first offensets) provide an opportunity to
begin analyses at onset times and to fol-
low subjects over many years.
After the problem drinking-criminal ca-
reer relationship is further clarified by
iFor information on the data bases mentioned,
contact the principal investigator, as follows: Na-
tional Youth Survey, Delbert Elliott, The Behav-
ioral Research Institute, University of Colorado;
Rutgers Health and Human Development data,
Robert Pandina, Center of Alcohol Studies, Rutgers
University; Racine, Wisconsin, birth cohorts, Lyle
Shannon, Iowa Urban Community Research Cen-
ter, University of Iowa; Philadelphia birth cohorts,
Marvin E. Wolfgang, Center for Studies in Crimi-
nology and Criminal Law, University of Pennsylva-
nia.
2For information on this data base, contact the
author.
CRIMINAL CAREERS AND CAREER CRIMINALS
analyses of existing data, it is likely that
new longitudinal research will be actvis-
able. New research could be carefully
designed based on what is known and
learned in secondary analyses. A focused,
well-informed longitudinal design would
have a good chance to clarify how prob-
lem drinking, by itself or in combination
win other factors, contributes to criminal
careers.
Few implications for private or public
decision making are apparent from the
findings of this review. One recommen-
clation echoes Robins and Wish (19771.
That recommendation is to attempt to
delay the onset of drinking. While the
early onset of drinking does not appear to
be a sufficient cause of problem drinking
or criminal behavior, it does appear to be
an important factor. Delaying the start of
drinking could have a payoff in terms of
preventing crime; this approach, were it
to work, would also have the advantage of
reducing aTcohol-relatect costs connected
with health care, decreased productivity,
and motor vehicle accidents.
It is virtually certain that alcohol use is
a factor in some violent crime. This re-
view and other evidence support that
inference. Violent crime has very high
dollar costs and is also responsible for
costs not so easily measured, such as
altered life-styTes due to the fear of crime.
Better understanding of the problem
drinking-criminal career relationship
could set the stage for informed attempts
to reduce those costs.
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