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Integrated Circuits/Segregated Labor Women in Computer-Related Occupations and High-Tech Industries MYRA H. STROBER and CAROLYN L. ARNOLD . . We are just beginning to see the. repercussions in all of our lives of the technological feat of fitting the electronic wiring and switches of what was a room-sized computer in 1946 onto a less than fingernail-sized piece of silicon and metal by the end of the 1970s. This silicon chip is the core of a technological revolution, the result of many attempts over a century to produce a "com- puting machine" that is small, fast, and cheap. Now, as the chips and, thus, the computers they make possible get smaller, faster, and cheaper, their applications in both old and new products are spawning a new high-technology industry. We see changes in a multitude of workplaces and homes, the expansion of opportuni- ties in existing industries and occupations, and the creation of new The authors would like to thank Deborah Thresher for her excellent preliminary research on this topic. An earlier version of this paper was given at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New Orlean~, April 25, 1984, and benefited from comments by Russell Rumberger. We also received helpful comments from F`rancine Blau and Philip Kraft on the version presented at the National Academy of Sciences on February 28-March 1, 1985. 136
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MYRA H. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD 137 industries and occupations that were not even imagined just a few years ago. The occupations most involved in the computer revolution are engineers, computer scientists/systems analysts, programmers, electronic technicians, computer operators, and data-entry work- ers; these occupations are expanding both within the computer industry and in other industries as well. In addition, the com- puter industry provides new opportunities for managers, clerical workers, and production workers. Traditionally women have been sharply segregated into different occupations from men and have been paid less than men (Gross, 1968; Lloyd and Neimi, 1979; Blau and Hendricks, 1979; O'Neill, 1983; Bielby and Baron, 1984; Strober, 1984; Neiman and Hartmann, 1981~. This study poses several questions. Are there better opportunities for gender in- tegration and earnings equity in these new occupations that are growing rapidly, are exhibiting labor shortages, and are suppos- edly not locked into past traditions and stereotypes? Are there better opportunities for gender integration and pay equity in high- technology (high-tech) industries? What does the growth of these occupations imply for women's employment? This paper is divided into four sections. The first discusses the details of the occupations we analyze. The second section uses published data as well as the 1/1000 Public Use Samples (P.U.S.) from the 1970 and 1980 U.S. Censuses to look at how women are faring in the six major computer-related occupations and in high- tech industries. In the third section, the 1980 published data and the 1980 P.U.S. are used to examine the relative earnings of men and women in three computer-related occupations in high-tech and non-high-tech industries. In the fourth section, we discuss our findings and their implications. In brief, we found that although high tech in general and computer occupations in particular are often seen as the great equalizers, especially for those with higher education, in fact, there is considerable gender segregation in both high-tech industries and computer-related occupations in all industries; there is also considerable male-female earnings differentiation. We suggest that one possible cause of the earnings differentiation is that men and women in computer occupations are not employed equally across
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138 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS industries; women tend to be employed more frequently in the lower-paying end-user industries.) COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS DESCRIPTIONS OF OCCUPATIONS The development of semiconductors, computers, and com- puter languages spawned several new occupations and expanded several others. There are six major computer-related occupation groups—engineers, computer specialists, engineering and science technicians, production workers, computer operators, and data- entry operators. For three of these groups (engineers, engineering and science technicians, and production workers), we have re- stricted the analysis to those employed in the computer industry. For the other three groups (computer specialists, computer oper- ators, and data-entry operators), we have examined employment in all industries. The following descriptions of the occupations in these groups are based on definitions in the Standard Occu- pational Classification Manual, 1980 (U.S. Department of Com- merce, 1980), California Employment Development Department publications (ABAG, 1981), and interviews with workers and em- ployment counselors. Engineers Engineers design hardware for computers, including the elec- tronic circuits. The largest group of engineers is electrical engi- neers, but mechanical and industrial engineers also work in the computer industry. Sometimes they incorporate software designs into the circuits. Engineering is the highest-status and highest- paid computer-related occupation, with engineers generally having at least a B.S. degree in engineering; many have advanced degrees. ~ We define End-user industries as those that use the products of the computer industry and make only minor changes to the products to accom- modate their needs, rather than making basic new developments in these products. The companies developing computers and/or their software are part of the computer industry. The companies in all other industries, which will use these computers and/or software, are part of end-user industries. It is true that even within the computer industry the administrative divi- sions of the companies are end-users of computers. However, census data do not permit us to make such fine distinctions within industries, and we are interested here mainly in any broad differences between industries.
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MYRA N. STROBER AND CAROlYN L. ARNOLD Computer Specialists 139 As we look beyond designing hardware to designing software, the sets of instructions that tell the computer which operations to perform, we encounter the computer specialist occupations. While computer engineers tend to be employed largely by computer com- panies, computer specialists are employed in virtually every major industry group. These jobs involve a hierarchy of tasks that used to be done by one person with the title of computer programmer. When the first computer was unveiled in 1946 (it was room- sized because the circuits were made with glass vacuum tubes), the engineers who designed it thought that the main task of ar- ranging the circuits had been done, and that giving instructions to the computer to perform calculations would be a simple clerical task. So they hired people who usually do clerical tasks women. In this case the women were recent college graduates with math backgrounds. However, these women found that in order to get the computer to do calculations, they (the programmers) had to know all about the design of the circuits and the way those circuits worked in the computer; they had to tell the computer not only what to do, but how to do it. The simple operation of performing calculations (in this case for Navy shell trajectories) became a high-level task that involved a knowledge of logic, math- ematics, and electronic circuits. These women programmed the necessary calculations and went on to do others. However, those who watched the programming process began to realize that pro- gramming was a high-level, challenging, and creative occupation. As the occupation grew, it became largely male (Kraft, 1979~. Ironically, some programming today is akin to the type of cler- ical job that computer designers (mistakenly) thought it would be in the late 1940s. Over time, with the development of higher-level languages (closer to human languages)2 and more routine appli- cations, programming tasks that were previously highly skilled, highly paid, and concentrated among highly educated workers have been broken down into more routine tasks and distributed among less-skilled workers. Kraft (1977) has suggested that, as this ~deskilling" has occurred, it Is women who have moved into 2 Note that higher-level languages are closer to human languages and hence are easier to use in programming. Thus, paradoxically, ~higher"-level languages require lower skill and have lower prestige associated with their use.
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140 COMP UTER-RELA TED O CCUPA TIONS the less-skilled jobs.3 Greenbaum (1979) found that the lowest- leve} programming jobs were disproportionately occupied by racial and ethnic minorities. This history of the developing hierarchy in computer program- ming is reflected in the designations given by the Bureau of the Census to the computer specialist occupations. In 1960 and 1970, computer specialists, including programmers, were included in the professional category. By 1980, the Census put the three-digit occupational category of computer scientists/systems analysts in the professional category and the three-digit category of computer programmers in the technical category. The following descriptions attempt to capture the current hi- erarchy and educational requirements among computer specialists. Some workers In these occupations do not have formal credentials, having been trained or self-taught on the job. These job titles and descriptions continue to change and overlap. Computer scientists and some systems analysts work with engineers to design the overall hardware and software systems and sometimes know just as much about the hardware, although their training is more concentrated in the logic and mathematical models of computer systems, rather than on electronic principles. They also develop new languages to be used by other programmers. Generally, they have an M.S. or Ph.D. in computer science (CS) or electrical engineering (EE) or both (CS/EE). Computer systems analysts conceptualize and plan how a busi- ness or industrial task, such as automating a payroll or an assembly line, will be solved by computerization. Systems analysts do not write the programs but make flow charts to show the subtasks that need to be done by people and computers and their sequence and . · ~ riming. Computer programmers are often promoted into systems ana- lysts positions because these positions represent higher-level skills, responsibility, and pay than do programming positions. If systems analysts were not previously programmers, their education is ei- ther in business or data processing. There is a debate in this field about whether systems analysts need programming skills or not. 3 Braverman (1974) originally identified and labeled this process as the "degradation of work.n It soon became known as `'deskilling.n
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MYRA H. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD 141 Systems programmers maintain and modify operating sys- tems systems of programs that coordinate all the hardware in a particular computer so it will run according to certain high-level languages. They are also responsible for updating the high-level software on the system in their particular company. They gener- ally require a B.S., M.S., or Ph.D. in CS, EE, or math. Programmer/analysts update operating systems and write programs that tailor the computer's uses to each individual work- place. Although ready-made software is available for many pur- poses, most firms need programmers to modify or write programs that reflect their own computing needs. These programmers need to know both operating systems and high-level languages. Ed- ucation requirements are a B.A. in related subjects with some programming experience, a B.S. in CS, or an M.B.A. Software engineers, as some programmers are increasingly called, design and write programs in high-level languages specif- ically for certain computers. These programs, often called pack- ages, are sold with the computer to make it easier for nonprogram- mers to use. Packages can include such items as games, accounting programs, and instructional programs. Producing these programs requires the creativity to conceptualize and design new ways to use the computer. People writing these software packages require a good knowledge of the language used to program the software and good ideas about marketable packages. Acquiring knowledge of programming and having creative ideas are more important for job success than are educational degrees. Consequently, a range of people, from high school students to Ph.D.s, are designing and writing software. Programmers, sometimes called coders or applications pro- grammers, are mainly translators. They translate instructions for a certain application in one language into the programming language that their particular computer anti use to produce the same results. The job category itself encompasses a range of skill and creativity from routine coding of sections of an application program to a task more like a programmer/analyst, depending on their industry or firm. These jobs can be done with less than a B.S. in CS. However, if those with a B.S. degree are available, employers often prefer to hire them.
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142 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS Engineering and Science Technicians A third major group of computer-related workers is engineer- ing and science technicians. This group is found in the com- puter industry and is mainly made up of engineering technicians trained in electronics, although there are also some science techni- cians working within the industry. The electronic technicians have enough specialized knowledge of electronics to be able to construct, test, and repair the circuitry and components of computers that the engineers design and to understand engineering specifications and problems. Although they do not do original design work, they operationalize designs, test them, and then advise engineers on possible modifications. They work both in research design and in production to test and troubleshoot both new and existing prod- ucts. Also included in the engineering technician category are drafters, who, using both manual and computer-assisted drafting tools, make drawings of the circuit boards and components that the engineers design. The standard degrees are the 2-year assm ciate of arts (A.A.) or associate of science (A.S.) for an engineering or science technician and an A.A. in drafting for a drafter. Computer Operators The fourth computer-related occupational group is computer operators. They are employed in all industries. Computer opera- tors run the external operation of the computer; ensure that the computer receives the programs and data; and coordinate disks, tapes, and printing connections to the computer, either manu- ally or by supervising automated systems. This occupation ranges from active high-level interactions with the programs to routinized supervision of automated systems. It is sometimes an entry-level job leading to low-level programming. Education needed is simple knowledge of the equipment from a short training course and/or from experience. The occupation is rapidly being deskilled as more of its functions become automated. Data-Entry Operators Data-entry operators, the fifth computer-related occupation, put information into a form that can be read by a computer. This information used to be keypunched onto cards but is now almost always put onto tapes or disks from terminals. The operators,
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MYRA H. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD 143 who basically type numbers and letters into a terminal, require training in typing. They are also employed in all industries. Production Workers The sixth major computer-related occupation is production worker. While many of the production jobs are similar to those in other industries, the following jobs are unique to semiconductor and computer production. There are generally no specific edu- cational requirements for these jobs, although people with some knowledge of electronics are generally preferred. Often hazardous chemicals are used in the production process. Semiconductor processors put materials through chemical and mechanical processes to create semiconductor integrated circuits on chips. They work either manually or, as these tasks become mechanized, with processing machines. Semicond?tctor assemblers assemble chips into wired devices which become the complete integrated circuit. This includes bond- ing wires to circuits, a task which is done under a microscope, and cleaning the circuits with chemicals. Electronic assemblers assemble the integrated circuits and other electronic components into a frame that becomes the fin- ished product (e.g., a computer). Electronic assemblers can be promoted to electronic testers, who test chips, boards, and com- ponents as they go through assembly, or electronic inspectors, who examine the components for errors and specification requirements. A skilled occupation that is sometimes part of production and sometimes part of customer service is data-processing repair, which involves installing and repairing data-processing machinery in offices and on production lines. This job category includes a range of workers from electronic mechanics to assembly and wiring technicians. There are also, of course, managerial, professional/technical, sales, clerical, and service occupations within the computer indus- try. These jobs tend to be similar to such jobs in other industries. GENDER SEGREGATION COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS In this section we begin the analysis of gender segregation by examining trends in total employment and women's employment
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144 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS in computer-related occupations. Table 1 presents data both for occupations that are computer related regardless of their industry (computer specialists, computer operators, data-entry operators, and data-processing repairers) and for occupations that are com- puter related only when found in computer industries (engineers, engineering and science technicians, and most production work- ers). As Table ~ shows, between 1970 and 1980, employment in computer-relatec} occupations grew about 80 percent from about 1.5 million to 2.4 million. However, although the growth of these occupations is widely heralded, it is important to note that they represented only 2.0 percent of all employment in 1970j and 2.5 percent in 1980. (Among aD women workers, those in computer occupations represented 2.3 percent of employment in 1970 and 2.9 percent in 1980. The corresponding percentages among men workers were I.8 percent in 1970 and 2.2 percent in 1980.) This growth took place in the context of increasing participa- tion in the labor force by women. In 1970, women were 38 percent of the U.S. labor force; by 1980, they were 43 percent. However, in both those years, women's representation in computer-related occupations was either considerably below or considerably above their representation in the labor force as a whole, depending on the specific occupation. Despite the fact that the computer-related occupations are of relatively recent origin, they are already remarkably segregated by gender. In 1970, women were 2 percent of all engineers in the computer industry; in 1980, that figure had risen to only 5 percent. Thus, in the highest-paid, highest-prestige computer- related occupation, women are virtually absent. Among computer specialists in all industries, the situation is somewhat better, although women are still below their proportion in the overall work force. In 1970, women were 15 percent of all computer scientists/systems analysts. This occupation more than doubled from 1970 to 1980 (from 93,000 to 201,000), but by 1980, women were still only 22 percent. Among programmers, the proportion of women also increased, but they were also still underrepresented. The number of programmers almost doubled (from 16t,000 to 313,000), and the proportion of women grew from 23 percent in 1970 to 31 percent in 1980. Women were better represented among engineering and sci- ence technicians in the computer industry than among engineers, but were less well represented than among computer specialists.
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MYRA H. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD TABLE 1 Total and Women's Employment in Computer-Related Occupations, 1970 and 1980 145 Occupation 1970 Percent Number Women 1980 Number Percent Women Total employed in labor force Total employed in computer- related occupations Engineersa Electr~cal/electronic engineers Computer specialists Computer scientiste/eysteme analysts Computer programmers Engineering and science technicianea Electronic technicians Drafters Computer operators Data-entry operators Production workersa Operatives, fabricators, transporters, and laborers Assemblers Electronic assemblers Data-processing repairers— Percent of total employed labor force in computer-related occupations 76,553,599 38 1,497,683 90,626 2 47,004 2 254,537 20 93,200 15 161,337 23 58,292 11 31,454 11 16,963 7 117,222 29 272,570 90 680,299 46 519,221 58 158,191 74 24,137 3 1970 2.0 97,639,355 2,424,240 125,055 67,320 513,863 200,684 313,179 90,990 60,299 16,726 408,475 378,094 872,345 43 5 4 28 22 31 17 15 16 59 92 49 591,091 58 208,284 55,879 35,418 1980 2.5 72 77 88 NOTE: Computer-related occupations are defined in Appendix B. aEmployment data for these occupations are only for the computer industry defined as two three-digit industries: Electronic Computing Equipment (SIC Codes 1970:189; 1980:322) and Electrical Machinery, Equipment, and Supplies, not elsewhere classified, including semiconductors (SIC Codes 1970:208; 1980:342). Data for all other occupations are for all industries. bWorkere not in the computer industry; data-processing repairers in the computer industry are included in "Production workers" above: 6,707 in 1970 and 11,208 in 1980. Women also accounted for 3 and 8 percent, respectively in 1970 and 1980, for these repairers. SOURCE: 1970 data, Bureau of the Census (1972:Table 8); 1980 data, Bureau of the Census (1984:Tables 1 and 4). In 1970 in the computer industry, women were 11 percent of engi- neering and science technicians; in 1980 they represented 17 per- cent. They were similarly represented among electronic/electrical technicians t! percent in 1970 and 15 percent in 1980. As drafters, women did less well in 1970 than other technicians- only 7 percent were women but did better in 1980, when 16 percent were women.
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146 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS Initially, there was no clear indication as to which gender would be assigned to the occupation of computer operator. In 1960, when there were only 2,000 computer operators, women held 65 percent of the jobs (Dicesare, 1975~. Between 1960 and 1970, the jobs in this occupation increased more than sixfold, to 117,000. More of these new jobs were filled by men than by women so that in 1970, women were only 29 percent of all computer operators. In the period from 1970 to 1980, however, while the occupation increased fourfold, to 408,000, more of the new additions to the occupation were women, so that in 1980, women were 59 percent of all computer operators. Like most clerical occupations, data entry is preponderantly female. In 1970 women were 90 percent of data-entry operators. Between 1970 and 1980 the occupation became even more seg- regated so that by 1980 women represented 92 percent of such operators. Of all production workers in the computer industry, women were only slightly over their representation in the labor force as a whole: 46 percent in 1970 and 49 percent in 1980. However, when we look more closely at the less-skilled production occupa- tions, women's representation is much higher. Of all the operators, fabricators, laborers, and transportation workers, a group which includes the semiconductor processors and assemblers and all other lower-level production workers in the computer industry, women represented 58 percent in both 1970 and 1980. Among assemblers, a subset of operatives, women were about 73 percent in 1970 and 1980. Of electronic assemblers, a group identified only in 1980, women were an even higher proportion: 77 percent.4 However, in the occupation "data-processing machine repairers," we find again the extraordinary gender segregation we often see in techni- cal occupations: women held 3 percent of these jobs in 1970 and 8 percent in 1980. In Table 2 we present the difference between the percentage of women in the total labor force and the percentage of women in each computer-related occupation listed in Table 1. This dif- ference represents a rough measure of occupational segregation. If we compare the data for 1970 and 1980 we find that except for 4 In Silicon Valley in 1981, 40 percent of women assemblers were ethnic minorities (Rogers and Larsen, 1984~. This production occupation is even more segregated abroad (Grossman, 1980~.
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172 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS 4. Within high-tech industries, most men were in produc- tion, professional/technical, or managerial occupations, while most women were in production or clerical occupations. Women and men were equally likely to be in production occupations. However, men were more likely to be in managerial and pro- fessional/technical occupations in high-tech industries than in non-high-tech industries; women fared worse in these occupations in high-tech industries than in other industries (see Table 6~. 5. Within the occupations of computer scientists/systems an- alysts, computer programmers, and computer operators, women's mean annual earnings and women's median hourly earnings were less than those of men. In addition, the ratios of women's to men's earnings generally remained constant between 1970 and 1980 (see Tables 7 and 83. 6. Within the three occupations analyzed, women's hourly earnings were generally less than those of men, even after age, level of education, and high-tech versus non-high-tech industry were held constant (see Table 10~. 7. Women employed as systems analysts, programmers, and computer operators were more likely to be found in end-user industries than in the computer manufacturing industry itself. Within the three computer-related occupations, women were paid less than men no matter in what industry they were employed (see Table 11~. We found some evidence that in several occupations, particularly computer scientists/systems analysts, women may be more likely to be found in industries where men are lower paid. However, this hypothesis has not been tested definitively here and requires further investigation. These findings dispel the myth that high tech is automatically a great equalizer. High tech may produce integrated circuits, but it does not necessarily produce an integrated work force or eliminate the female/male earnings differential. DISCUSSION Although a detailed explanation of the implications of these findings is beyond the scope of this paper, it is likely that the explanations can be found in the discussions of gender segregation and earnings differentials commonly found in the literature (see Blau and Jusenius, 1976; Cain, 1976; Amsden, 1980; Sokoloff,
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MYRA H. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD 173 1980; Strober, 1984; Reskin, 1984; and Reskin and Hartmann, 1986~. These theories focus on women's own behavior, on em- ployer discrimination, and on the interactions of labor markets and gender relations in society. However, to devise the various types of policies that are required to change existing patterns of gender segregation and earnings differentials for the computer industry and computer-related occupations reported here, more research on the dynamics of each aspect of gender segregation is needed. More detailed research on the differences in women's em- ployment between and within industries and between and within firms would identify the bottlenecks preventing the gender integra- tion of occupations. Attention needs to be given to the processes by which women are allocated and/or allocate themselves into the lower-paid occupations and industries. This involves investigating how employers structure and define occupations and career lad- ders and distribute skilled job applicants and workers in ways that result in gender-segregated occupations and industries. Research also needs to be done on the degree to which technologically trained women (and some men) self-select out of certain occupa- tions or industries because a certain definition or culture for the occupation or industry precludes respect for the participation of people with different work styles or cultures. Some explanations have been advanced for women's low rem resentation among the specialized computer-related occupations. For example, DeBoer (1984) argues that women are still more likely than men to exclude themselves from advanced math and science training: even when women in high school and college science perform at a higher level than their male classmates, they have a higher drop-out rate. He proposes that teachers in secondary and postsecondary education make special efforts to acknowledge the skills of talented women. Hacker's work (1981), however, suggests that merely encour- aging women may not be sufficient to change their educational decisions, since women's decisions to exclude themselves from technical fields may be related in part to a dislike of the fields' "culture. Hacker, based on research at a technical institute, argues that there is a "culture of engineering" that includes an extension of the profession's formal objectification and control of the natural world to an informal objectification of women. It may be that a distaste for being part of the "engineering cul- ture~ also leads technically trained women to exclude themselves
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174 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS from certain sectors of the computer industry. If an engineering culture appears most strongly in those sectors and industries of the computer field that are at the technological forefront and most competitive technologically, then it may be that those sectors and industries are the least appealing to women. However, it may not be accidental that these sectors have the strongest engineering culture. In terms of Strober's theory (1984), men who work in these intellectually challenging and highly lucrative sectors may acquire the habits of the "engineering culture" in part precisely to keep women out. The work style and work pressures in the most technologically competitive sectors of the computer industry may also keep many women out. While firms in all industries must remain compet- itive with similar firms, the computer industry, a new industry with a steady stream of technological breakthroughs, has some unique pressures: to make and increase profits in a competitive nonoligopolistic environment, stay on the technological forefront, and stay ahead of not only young ant! old domestic companies but their Japanese counterparts as well. These financial and tech- nological pressures are intensified as each firm tries to survive and succeed before the industry "shakes down." There is much pressure on workers in the computer industry to maintain high levels of productivity, including overtime work and other forms of commitment to the success of the firm. Women who want to succeed have to put in long, hard hours of work, and this may be a barrier for women (and men) who are trying to balance their home and work lives. We have presented evidence of gender segregation of the high- tech industries and highly technical computer occupations. At the same time we have called for research-assisted strategies to end these observed patterns of occupational inequity. While we en- courage women to enter these computer-related fields, we need to disseminate the findings of studies such as this one. This will make women aware of the channeling that leads them into less-prestigious, lower-paying occupations or "end-user" indus- tries within high-tech fields and help them develop strategies to counteract this channeling. At the same time this research can be user] to assist in developing policies to make occupations and workplaces more welcoming to both genders and more compatible with satisfying personal and family lives.
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MYRA N. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD REFERENCES 175 ABAG (Association of Bay Area Governments) 1981 Silicon Valley and beyond: high technology growth for the San E`rancisco Bay Area. Working Papers on the Region' Economy, 2. Berkeley, Calif. Amsden, Alice H. 1980 Introduction. Pp. 11-38 in Alice H. Amsden, ea., The Econornic~ of Womcn and Work. New York: St. Martin's Press. Bielby, William T., and James N. Baron 1984 A woman's place is with other women: sex segregation within organizations. Pp. 27-55 in Sex Segregation in the Workplacc: [Fend`, E~plana;lrions and Rcmcdie`. Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues. Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Blau, E`rancine D. 1977 Equal Pay in the Once. Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath. Blau, E`rancine D., and Wallace E. Hendricks 1979 Occupational segregation by sex: trends and prospects. Me Journal of Human Resources 14:197-210. Blau, Francine D., and Carol Jusenius 1976 Economists' approaches to sex segregation in the labor market: an appraisal. Pp. 181-199 in Martha Blaxall and Barbara B. Reagan, eds., Womcn and the Workplacc: The Implications of Occupational Segregation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Braverman, Harry 1974 Labor and Monopoly Capital. New York: Monthly Review Press. Bureau of the Census 1971 Census of Population. 19~70. Alphabetical Index of Indwtric, and Occupations. U.S. Goverment Printing Office. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. 1972 Cenaw of Population. 19~70. Occupation by Industry. Final Report PC(2~-76. U.S. Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. 1982 Ccr~w of Population: 1980. Classified Indcz of Industries and Occupa- tior~, Final edition. U.S. Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. 1983 Data U~cr News 18(June):8-9. 1984 Ccnsu, of Population and Housing: 198a Subject Report, Occupa- tion by Industry. PC80-2-7c. U.S. Government Printing Office. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. Cain, Glen G. 1976 The challenge of segmented labor market theories to orthodox theory: a survey. Journal of Economic Literature 14(December):1215- 1257. Chatterjee, Samprit, and Bertram Price 1977 Rc~rca~ion by Example. New York: Wiley and Sons, DeBoer, George E. 1984 Factors Affecting the Scicnec Participation and Pcrformanec of Women
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176 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS in High School arid College. Hamilton, N.Y.: Colgate University, Department of Education. Dicesare, Constance Bogh 1975 Changes in the occupational structure of U.S. jobs. Monthly Labor Review 98(March):24-34. Greenbaum, Joan M. 1979 In the Name of E~icier~cy: Management Theory and Shoppoor Practice in Data Processing Work. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Gross, Edward. 1968 Plus ga change...? The sexual structure of occupations over time. Social Problems 16:198-208. Grossman, Rachael 1980 Women's place in the integrated circuit. Radical America 14(Janu- ary/February):29-49. Hacker, Sally L. 1981 The culture of engineering: woman, workplace, and machine. Womcn's Studies Intcrr~atiorzal Quarterly 4~33:341-353. Kraft, Philip 1977 Programmers arid Mar~agers. New York: Springer-Verlag. 1979 The industrialization of computer programming: from program- ming to software production. Pp. 1-17 in Andrew Zimbalist, ea., Case Studies in the Labor Process. New York: Monthly Review Press. Kraft, Philip, and Steven Dubnoff 1983 Software workers survey. Computer World XVII(November 14~:3- 13. Lloyd, Cynthia B., and Beth T. Neimi 1979 17`c Economics of Sex Diffcrcntiab. New York: Columbia University Press. O'Neill, June 1983 The Determinants and Wage Effects of Occupational Segregation. Project Report. Washington, D.C.: The Urban Institute. Reskin, Barbara F., ed. 1984 Scz Segregation ire the Workplace: lFcr~d`, Explanation`, Remedied. Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues. Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Reskin, Barbara F., and Heidi I. Hartmann, eds. 1986 Womer-'s Work, McrIe Work. Sex Segregation on the Job. Committee on Women's Employment and Related Social Issues. Commis- sion on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Riche, Richard W., Daniel E. Heckers, and John U. Burgan 1983 High technology today and tomorrow: a small slice of the em- ployment pie. Monthly Labor Review 106(November) :50-59. Rogers, Everett M., and Judith K. Larsen 1984 Silicon. Valley Fever. New York: Basic Books. Rytina, Nancy F. 1982 Earnings of men and women: a look at specific occupations. Monday Labor Review 105 (April) :2 5-31.
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MYRA N. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD 177 Sokoloff, Natalie J. 1980 Between Money and Lone: The Dialectics of Womer-'~ Come and Market Work. New York: Praeger. Strober, Myra H. 1984 Toward a general theory of occupational sex segregation: the case of public school teaching. Pp. 144-156 in Barbara F. Reskin, ea., Scz Sc~regahon in the Workplace: lFcndi, Explorations, Remedies. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Strober, Myra H., and Barbara B. Reagan 1982 Sense and nonsense in measuring employment discrimination in higher education. Unpublished paper. Treiman, Donald J., and Heidi I. Hartmann, eds. 1981 Wooer, Work, and Wages: Equal Pay for Jobs of Equal Value. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. U.S. Department of Commerce, Office of Federal Statistical Policy and Standards 1980 Standard Occupational Classification Marshal. APPENDIX A: INDUSTRIES WITHIN MAJOR INDUSTRY GROUPS, BY HIGH-TECH AND NON-HIGH-TECH CATEGORIES Industrial categories that comprise the high-tech sector defi- nition used here are based on those designated Group III in Riche et al., 1983. This is a moderately inclusive definition containing 27 three-digit SIC industries and 1 four-digit SIC industry. Cen- sus Industry Codes which most closely matched these SIC codes were used to designate high-tech industries in the 1970 and 1980 Census Public Use Sample tapes. The Census Codes each include from one to several SIC industries, and some Riche-designated high-tech SIC industries are grouped with non-high-tech SIC in- dustries, so it is not possible to perfectly match the Riche Group III list using census data. Below are listed the census industrial categories that were designated for this study as high tech and non-high tech. For the high-tech industries, 1970 and 1980 Census Industrial Codes are shown in parentheses, with the 1970 code first followed by the 1980 code (Bureau of the Census, 1971, 1982~. HIGH-TECHNOLOGY INDUSTRY GROUPS (HIGH TECH) DURABLE MANUFACTURING Ordnance (258;248~; engines and turbines (177;310~; office and accounting machines (188;321~; electronic computing equipment
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178 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS (189;322~; radio, television, and communication equipment (207; 341~; electrical machinery, equipment, and supplies, n.e.c. (208; 342~; aircraft and parts (227;352~; scientific and controlling instru- ments (239;371~; optical and health services supplies (247;3723; photographic equipment and supplies (248;380~. NONDURABLE MANUFACTURING Industrial and miscellaneous chemicals (281 and 368;192~; plas- tics, synthetics, and resins (348 and 349;180~; drugs and medicines (357;181~; soaps and cosmetics (358;182~; paints, varnishes, and related products (359;190~; agricultural chemicals (367;191~; not specified chemicals and allied products (1970;369~; petroleum refining (377;200~; miscellaneous petroleum and coal products (1970;378~. BUSINESS AND REPAIR S ERVICES Commercial research, development, and testing labs (729;7303; computer programming or computer and data-processing services (739;740~. NON-HIGH-TECHNOLOGY INDUSTRY GROUPS (NON-HIGH-TECH) DURABLE MANUFACTURING Lumber, furniture, stone, clay, and glass products, other metal industries, cutlery, handtools, hardware, other machinery, house- hold appliances, transportation equipment, clocks, toys, sporting goods. NoNDuRABLE MANUFACTURING Food, tobacco, textile, apparel, paper, printing, rubber, leather products.
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MYRA H. STROBER AND CAROLYN L. ARNOLD BUSINESS AND REPAIR S ERVICES 179 Advertising, buildings services, personnel supply, business man- agement and consulting, detective and protective services, busi- ness services, automotive services and repair, electrical repair, miscellaneous repair. AGRICULTURE, FORESTRY, AND FISHERIES Agricultural production, crops; agricultural production, livestock; agricultural services; horticultural services; forestry; fisheries; fish- ing, hunting, and trapping. MINING Metal mining; coal mining; crude petroleum- and natural gas extractions; nonmetallic mining and quarrying, except fuel. . CONSTRUCTION General building contractors; general contractors, except building; special trade contractors; nonspecified construction. TRANSPORTATION, COMMUNICATION, AND PUBLIC UTILITIES Rail, bus, taxi, truck services, warehouses, U.S. Postal Service, water and air transportation, pipelines, miscellaneous transporta- tion services, radio, television, telephone, telegraph, electricity, gas, steam, water supplies, and sanitary services. WHOLESALE TRADE All wholesale trade of durable and nondurable goods sale of high-tech products. RETAIL TRADE , including All ret se} outlets for clurable and nondurable goods, including sale of high-tech products.
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180 COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS F INANCE, INSURANCE, AND REAL ESTATE Banking, savings and loans, credit agencies, securities and invest- ment, insurance, real estate and real estate insurance and law offices. PROFESSIONAL AND OTHER SERVICES Offices of doctors, dentists, chiropractors, optometrists, and other health practitioners and services; hospitals, nursing, and personal care services; legal services; elementary and secondary schools; colleges and universities; business, trade, and vocational schools; libraries; educational services; job training and vocational rehabil- itation; child care services; residential care; social services; muse- ums; art galleries; zoos; religious and membership organizations; engineering, architectural, and surveying services; accounting, au- diting, and bookkeeping services; and noncommercial educational and scientific research. PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION Offices of chief executive and legislative bodies and their advisory and interdepartmental committees and commissions; government civil rights and civil service commissions; offices providing support services for government such as accounting, personnel, purchasing and supply; courts; police protection; correctional institutions; fire protection; government legal counsel; public finance; tax and monetary policy; administration of educational programs; public health, social, manpower, and income maintenance programs; veterans' affairs; environmental protection; housing and urban development programs; regulatory agencies; national security; and international agencies.
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MYRA H. S TR OBER A ND CA R OL YN L . A RNOLD APPENDIX B: COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS 181 We define computer-related occupations using the following detailed occupation categories and codes from the 1970 and 1980 U.S. censuses: Census Occupation Categories Census Occupation Codes 1970 1980 Engineers 006-023 044-059 Electrical/electronic engineer 012 055 Computer specialists 003-005 064,229 Computer scientist/systems analyst 004-005 064 Computer programmers 003 229 Engineers and science technicians 15~162 Elect ric al/elect ronic engineering technicians Drafters 153 152 213-217, 223-225 213 217- Computer operators (includes computer and peripheral equipment operators) 343 308,309 Data-entry operators 345 385 Production workersa (includes crafts, precision production, operatives, transportation, laborers, and farm occupations) 401-824 473-889 Electronic assemblers (a category in 1980 only) within precision production Data-processing repairers Within precision production 475 683 525
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182 Operatives, fabricators, transportation, and laborersa Within production (excludes farm, crafts, and precision production. Not precisely the same occupations in each year.) Assemblers Within operatives or COMPUTER-RELATED OCCUPATIONS 601-785 602 703-889 785 a There were changes in occupational coding and categorizing between the 1970 and 1980 Censuses (Bureau of the Census, 1983), which affected the occupations included in large occupational categories such as "Production Workers" and `'Operatives, Fabricators, Transportation, and Laborers. The category of Production Workers as defined here is so large that the occupations included are identical except for three which are included in 1970 and not in 1980: decorators and window dressers (1970 code 425~; inspectors, n.e.c. (1970 code 4523; and conductors and motormen, urban rail transit (1970 code 704~. Since few of these workers would be in the computer industry, we do not feel that this affects the results. However, the category of "Operatives, Fabricators, Transportation, and Laborers does differ significantly between the years, and therefore the data presented for 1970 and 1980 are not strictly comparable.
Representative terms from entire chapter: