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The Evaluation Report:
A Weak Link to Policy
Dennis Deloria and Gerald ine Hearse Brookins
As secretary of the U.S. Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare (HEW) from 1977 to 1979, Joseph
Califano personally requested many of the evaluations
that were carried out by the HEW Office of the Inspector
General e Among the hundreds of department priorities,
issues commanding Califano's direct attention were of
greater than usual importance. Following his request,
the evaluation staff of the Office of the Inspector
General would spend six or eight months gathering data,
often traveling to many regional offices and local
projects across the country. When data collection and
analyses were completed, the inspector general and his
staff reported the findings directly to Califano.
Califano stipulated that the findings be summarized in a
written report not longer than 15 pages and summarized
orally in 20 minutes, followed by 40 minutes for his
questions. From this brief interchange he decided what
action, if any, should result from the months of
evaluation.
Some dearly held evaluation practices are called into
question when the secretary of a major department permits
but 15 pages and 20 minutes for reporting important
findings, when evaluation reports about federal programs
and policies often are 100 to 300 pages in length. Given
this discrepancy, it seems necessary to reexamine their
contents and organization. By doing so we may find ways
to refocus them to better meet the needs of policy makers
such as Califano.
Here we first discuss the work of policy makers and
some reasons why evaluation reports tend to be long. We
then examine three policy reports to determine their
similarities in meeting the needs of policy makers.
254
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255
Finally, we summarize 10 features that appear to make
evaluation reports more useful.
POLICY MAKERS: PEOPLE IN A RUSH
Managers' activities are generally characterized by
brevity, variety, and fragmentation, claimed Mintzberg
(1973) in a broad review of studies examining the nature
of managerial work. He pointed out that managers' jobs
are remarkably alike, including senior and middle managers
in business, U.S. presidents, government administrators,
production supervisors, foremen, and chief executives.
He found the brevity of managers' activities surprising
telephone calls averaged 6 minutes, unscheduled meetings
averaged 12 minutes, and work sessions averaged 15
minutes. Brevity was also reflected in the treatment of
mail. Executives expressed dislike for long memos and
skimmed most long reports and periodicals quickly. Most
surprising, significant activity was interspersed with
the trivial in no particular order. Managers must be
prepared to shift moods quickly and frequently.
Mintzberg found strong indications that managers
preferred the more active elements of their work:
activities that are current, specific, and well defined.
reports per week.
Among written communications, they seemed to prefer those
dealing with active, concrete, live situations. The
managers typically received about 20 periodicals and many
"Most were skimmed (often at the rate
of 2 per minute), and an average of only 1 in 25 elicited
a reaction," stated Mintzberg (1973:39). From this it
would appear that to be effective, or to be even thought-
fully considered, evaluation reports written for policy
makers must make some carefully thought-out concessions
to such a frenzy of executive activity.
EVALUATORS:
PEOPLE CONCERNED WI TH METHOD S
Evaluators are typically social scientists, with
extensive training in the scientific method. Central to
that training is the notion that any statement of evalua-
tion or research findings must be accompanied by a
careful description of the precise methods used, so other
scientists can replicate them to verify the findings. By
training and scientific necessity, evaluators devote a
substantial part of most reports to detailed descriptions
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256
of the methods used. Such reports typically follow the
classical "dissertation" style, having chapters on back-
ground, purpose, hypotheses, subjects, design, measures,
data collection, statistical analysis, findings, and
~ · .
alscusslon.
The many variations of this style share one
essential characteristic: Their fundamental organization
emerges from the scientific method. Practically, this
dictates that the overall report format be organized
around the methods used, and findings are embedded as a
subsection within.
The dissertation-style report may contain facts needed
by Policy makers, but they are usually fragmented because
of the need to respect the conventions of science. For
example, the details needed to answer a single policy
question may be scattered across several chapters--some
in the chapter describing the subjects, some in the dis-
cussion of child measure outcomes, some in the discussion
of parent measure outcomes, some in the discussion of
staff interview outcomes, and some in the chapter present-
ing overall findings. The burden falls on the policy
maker to locate the fragments and piece them together to
answer complex questions.
~ ~ _ _ ,
TWO REPORTS ARE NEEDED: ONE SCIENTIFIC, ONE POLICY
The methods-oriented evaluation report is necessary to
uphold the conventions of science, but a policy-oriented
report seems necessary to reach policy makers. Coleman
(1972) elegantly described the relationship. He said
that the original policy questions must be translated
into questions that can be addressed by the methods of
science; at the conclusion of the scientific process the
findings must be translated into the world of policy.
Viewed in this way, mo\st evaluations stop short of comple-
tion if the final report is a conventional, methods-
oriented one. Only a rare policy maker would spend the
time and effort needed to extract policy information from
a methods-oriented report while being bombarded by the
dizzying activity described by Mintzberg.
An alternative would be a brief, policy-oriented
report that describes concrete action items in language
understandable to policy makers. Passages detailing
methods used to conduct the evaluation would be removed
so the policy maker would not have to sift through them
to locate passages with findings of interest. Policy
questions and their answers would form the major organiz
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257
ing theme of the report. The jargon of evaluation would
be avoided. Policy makers might well consult such a
report in making important decisions--at present a
too-rare occurrence.
Three Sample Policy Reports
To explore our hunches we examine three policy reports
that embody many of the features needed by policy makers.
All three were written to directly inform or influence
policy, and they advocate specific policy actions. The
authors appear familiar with matters of policy and policy
reporting. They are situated differently in relation to
the policy makers they attempt to inform: Some work in a
federal agency responsible for administering programs,
some in a private research consulting firm, and some in a
child advocacy group.
The reports are different in important ways. One
report presents original data only, another presents
findings from other studies only, and one presents some
of each. One looks only at the process of implementing a
major piece of legislation, another at the effects on
children of existing school enrollment practices, and
another looks at both program process and effects on
children. One project had a budget of more than S7
million, another less than 5 percent of that, and one
used existing staff in a federal agency. One was
requested by Congress, another by a program administra-
tion agency, and one was undertaken solely through
private initiative. This diversity makes their
similarities even more significant.
Although the three reports have certain exemplary
features, they are also not without faults, some of which
may be serious. Whatever faults they possess, however,
do not detract significantly from the policy-oriented
characteristics we are interested in. This paper
examines and emphasizes the strengths of these reports,
rather than their faults, in the belief that this
strategy can more directly contribute to future
improvements.
This paper does not attempt to assess the actual policy
impacts that these reports have already had, nor does it
lay out a sequence of events to increase policy impact.
Past experience suggests that policy reports, no matter
how well written, will not have much influence without
deliberately organized support of one kind or another.
Such a topic lies outside the intent of this paper.
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258
Our examination is based on simple inspection rather
than quantitative analysis. It should be considered a
search for hypotheses to be confirmed, rather than a
confirmation itself. To the extent our conclusions
appeal to common sense, we consider them sufficient. To
orient our examination we looked to the reports for
answers to four questions:
1. What policy perspective did the authors adopt?
2. What policy questions did they address?
3. What methods did they use to answer the questions?
4. What format of presentation did they use?
There are many smaller questions buried in each of these;
the answers are implicit in the narrative. From this
examination has evolved some guidelines that may be of
use to others preparing policy reports.
Report 1: Progress Toward a Free Appropriate Education
Policv Perspective This report (U.S. Office of
Education, 1979) is the first of a series of annual
reports to Congress on progress in the implementation of
P.L. 94-142, the Education for All Handicapped Children
Act of 1975. The act requires reports to be delivered to
Congress each January.
The Bureau of Education for the Handicapped (BEH, now
located in the U.S. Department of Education), which
prepared the report, is the agency responsible for
carrying out provisions of the act. This, of course,
gives the authors a vested interest in the findings,
since their purpose is to report BEH's success or lack of
success in implementing the act. Despite the potential
for a conflict of interest, the report maintains an
objective tone throughout; problems as well as successes
in implementation are highlighted. The report does not
stress future policy actions, but its discussions of
problems often include descriptions of corrective actions
initiated by BEH or references to the need for additional
money or work.
Although BEH wrote the report mainly for Congress, the
authors explicitly kept in mind many others who might use
the findings, such as federal administrators in HEW, the
Office of Education, and BEH; state directors of special
education and state evaluators; leaders of professional
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259
associations and advocacy groups; and members of the
academic community (U.S. Office of Education, 1979:77).
The report addresses issues of importance to federal
_ . .
policy by virtue of the source of its mandate, the
Position of its authors, and its stated audiences.
Depending on the nature and seriousness of its findings,
the report could influence many kinds of decisions:
federal legislative authorizations and appropriations,
federal regulations and guidelines, federal program
implementation practices, training and technical assist-
ance, and similar state (and local, where appropriate)
decisions. Moreover, massive funds are involved for
implementing the act. For fiscal 1979 the federal
appropriation was $408 million, and the states projected
outlays up to 30 times as great, for a possible total of
$24 billion nationwide (U.S. Office of Education,
1979:113). The act affects every state and every local
school district, involving thousands of educators and
millions of children.
Policy Questions
in the report:
.
Six policy questions are addresssed
Are the intended beneficiaries being served?
In what settings are the beneficaries being served?
What services are being provided?
What administrative mechanisms are in place?
What are the consequences of implementing the act?
To what extent is the intent of the act being met?
All six are closely tied to the concerns of Congress and
the requirements of the act. Their final wording was
arrived at by a task force, which invited consultation
and review from all persons directly concerned with
administration of the act. None of the questions
explicitly inquires about the changes in children
resulting from implementation of the act; instead, they
explore the process of providing required services and
whether the intended children are being served.
Each of these questions implies a host of subordinate
questions, which are discussed either directly or
indirectly in the narrative. For example, under the
question "Are the intended beneficiaries being served?"
the main issue appears to be "How many eligible children
are not being served?" Another subordinate question
examines inconsistencies among states in the percentages
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of children served and the reasons for the differences.
Another asks if only eligible children are being served.
None of the major questions directly mentions costs,
although costs are prominently discussed in many of the
subordinate questions.
Methodology This report summarizes data from other
sources rather than presenting original data. Sixteen
sources are cited, although the body of the report says
little about the studies or their methods. Readers
wishing more information are referred to notes, append-
ixes, or to the studies themselves; references to them
are made mainly through the use of footnotes or credits
under tables and figures. By thus removing most discus-
sion of the supporting sources, the full emphasis of the
report is place on substantive issues, producing a high
ratio of substantive findings to supporting explanation.
The policy questions are stated in general terms, but
each section of the report begins by clarifying the intent
of its question. The clarifications are taken directly
from language in the act or related committee print, and
the authors provide additional interpretation when needed.
They cite findings from previous studies or court rulings
when specific problem areas need to be emphasized. This
results in a thorough contextual description for readers,
setting clear expectations for the kinds of findings
needed to answer the questions.
The authors present and
discuss data from the appropriate sources. The report
often points out discrepancies or conflicting findings
and isolates these areas for examination in future
studies.
Throughout the report the methodology is subordinated
to policy considerations. For example, historical narra-
tive and case examples are interwoven with statistical
tabulations for answering a single question. This is an
improvement on the frequent practice of grouping statis-
tical results in one part of the report, historical back-
ground in another, and case examples in a third; such
fragmentation forces the reader into several disconnected
sections of the report for partial answers to a single
question. The BEH report avoids this problem.
Format The BEH report addresses six policy questions;
the questions are used as chapter headings to organize
the entire report. This permits the reader to go directly
to the questions of interest and find all the needed
information in one place.
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261
An executive summary, which can be read in about 15
minutes, provides an overview of the report. A reader
wishing to follow up one of the statements in the execu-
tive summary can find the corresponding sections of the
report fairly easily. ~ - ~~
it even easier to locate them: page references following
statements in the summary and a more complete table of
contents. Policy-related subheadings are used throughout
the report and could easily have been listed in the table
of contents.
Two improvements would have made
.
Most topics in the report are presented in self-
contained, well-labeled sections that are readable in 15
minutes or less. This permits rapid access to the
authors' conclusions in any area of the report, eliminat-
ing the need to sequentially read the report from cover
to cover for answers to specific subordinate questions.
This vastly improves accessibility of information compared
with more traditional evaluation reports and saves much
time and work for the reader.
The readability of the report is lower than antici-
pated, measuring near the "very difficult" score of
Flesch's (1949) readability formula.
A close look at the
language in the report shows that there is just as much
jargon as in the typical evaluation report, but with one
important difference: The jargon is that of policy
makers, not of evaluators. Much of the language derives
from the act itself and from related legislative
processes; some originates in the discipline of special
education; the rest originates in the federal and state
processes for implementing the act. Most of this jargon,
unlike evaluation jargon, is likely to be familiar to the
policy makers who will read the report or its summary.
The report could nonetheless benefit from more deliberate
use of plain English.
Statistical presentations were kept simple throughout,
and graphic displays were used frequently. No special
training is required of the reader to interpret the
statistical data. Only the most elementary statistics
were presented: counts, percentages, ranks, and costs.
Any backup materials that did not directly assist in
answering the policy questions were relegated to appen-
dixes or referenced in other sources. Throughout the
report, however, sufficient information was included to
eliminate almost all need for reference to the appendixes
or sources in order to understand the report.
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262
Report 2: Children at the Center
Policy Perspective Children at the Center (Abt
Associates, Inc., 1979) is the final report of the
National Day Care Study (NDCS), a large-scale study of
the costs and effects of day care. NDCS was initiated in
1974 by the Office of Child Development, now the
Administration for Children, Youth, and Families (ACYF).
This large-scale research project was designed to "inves-
tigate the costs and effects associated with variations
of regulatable characteristics of center day care--
especially care giver/child ratio, group size, and care
givers qualifications" (Abt Associates, Inc., 1979:xxv).
These three characteristics are generally considered to
be central determinants of quality in center day care and
are key factors in state and federal regulations.
One of the central issues of federal policy in subsi-
dized day care is the relationship of day care costs to
its effects on children. Undergirding this issue are a
number of assumptions regarding the characteristics of
center care, the quality of care, and the developmental
well-being of children in day care settings. ACYF was
particularly committed to the assumption that ". . .
developmental well-being and growth of children (could)
be fostered in a day care setting" (Abt Associates, Inc.,
1979:xxvi). Hence it seems the NDCS was implemented to
determine whether federal regulations could be developed
to incorporate ACYF's commitment to quality without
nullifying the indirect economic benefits that have
motivated day care legislation.
Although ACYF was the primary source that influenced
the structure of the study, there were also other sources
and issues. The Federal Interagency Day Care Requirements
lacked empirical evidence to support the assumptions upon
which the requirements were based, and this lack to a
large degree motivated the structure of the NDCS. There
were few data available on a large-scale basis regarding
characteristics, such as group size, staff/child ratio,
and care giver qualifications, their effects on children,
and the relationship of costs to effects--all of which
are Policy issues. The NDCS combined some of the concerns
of ACYF and the needs of the Federal Interagency Day Care
Requirements into one study by examining the effective-
ness of varying center day care arrangements while taking
into consideration such demographic variables as regions,
states, socioeconomic groups, etc. At least with respect
to center care, it was thought that the results of such a
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study could provide essential information for policy
reformation regarding standards and regulations.
The report speaks to several policy audiences. It is
explicitly addressed to administrators within ACYF and to
those preparing the Federal Interagency Day Care
Requirements. It is also addressed implicitly to state
and local governments that regulate day care licensing,
monitoring, and standards. In addition, the report can
be viewed as being addressed to Congress, which approves
the appropriations for federally funded day care.
Policy Questions In this report, three major policy
questions were addressed (Abt Associates, Inc., 1979:13):
· How is the development of preschool children in
federally subsidized day care centers affected by
variations in staff/child ratio, care-giver qualifica-
tions, group size, and other regulatable center
characteristics?
.
How is the per child cost of federally subsidized,
center-based day care affected by variations in
staff/child ratio, care-giver qualifications, group size,
and other regulatable center characteristics?
· How does the cost-effectiveness of federally
subsidized, center-based day care change when adjustments
are made in staff/child ratio, care-giver qualifications,
group size, and other regulatable center characteristics?
The answers to these questions were intended to play a
major role in decisions about current regulations and
practices that affect day care centers serving federally
subsidized preschool children. Adequate answers require
that the policy variables have a direct relationship to
the major policy issues and questions. Staff/child ratio
and care-giver qualifications were assumed to affect
children's cognitive and social development. These two
characteristics of day care were also known to have a
significant impact on the cost per child of day care.
Group size was specified in the Federal Interagency Day
Care Requirements and therefore was of interest. Given
the variety of issues regarding day care, federal involve-
ment, and regulation, an attempt to deal with more than
three major policy questions would have merely diluted
the report's policy effectiveness. The policy issues are
clearly identified and, notably, so are issues that are
not a focus of the study. The authors' disclaimers are
significant because they further delimit the research
.
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264
being considered and restrict the readers' attention in
the proper context. By calling attention to issues that
are not a focus, the authors demonstrate a recognition
that there are other important questions that could be
addressed.
Methodology One of the major challenges of a study
with national policy significance is the selection of a
sample. To this end the evaluators carefully and
deliberately selected a sample with appropriate classroom
composition, care-giver qualifications, and racial
composition. Fifty-seven centers with such diversity
were selected within three sites.
Selection of sites was based on four general criteria.
These criteria required that the sites have a sufficient
number of eligible centers, represent different geographic
regions of the country, show different demographic and
socioeconomic characteristics, and exhibit regulatory
diversity. The actual selection of sites resulted from
an analysis that grouped urbanized areas according to
measures of socioeconomic status. The analysis yielded
six prototypical cities within three regions--South,
North, and West. On the basis of feasibility of study
implementation, the final choice of sites was Atlanta,
Detroit, and Seattle.
In one phase of the study, a quasi experiment was
executed to compare three groups of centers: treated
high-ratio centers, matched low-ratio centers, and
unmatched high-ratio centers. The authors point out that
the staff/child ratio was selected for manipulation
because of its critical policy relevance. The quasi
experiment included only 49 of the centers within the
total sample.
Given the policy questions involved, it was important
to employ measures of classroom composition and staff
qualifications that were reliable and valid. Classroom
composition was defined in terms of number of care givers
per classroom, group size, and staff/child ratio. These
particular variables were measured by both direct observa-
tion and schedule-based measures.
However, only measures
oases, on direct observation warn ''.c:~1 i n 1-h" "ff~r~t~c
analyses.
Lions was
Information regarding care-giver qualifica-
gathered through interviews with care givers.
Measures based on direct observation were also used to
determine teacher behavior and child behavior. In
addition, standardized tests were used to measure the
impact of center characteristics on aspects of school
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readiness. Parent interviews were also conducted to
obtain information on parental involvement and family use
of center services. These measures were used primarily
to assess quality of care at the centers--the outcomes.
The data were subjected to multivariate statistical
analyses, but the findings that link classroom character-
istics to measures of quality and measures of costs are
correlational. The statistical strengths of the reported
relationships are sufficient to be used as significant
indicators of both quality and costs. The researchers in
the NDCS used methodological procedures that were
sophisticated and appropriate to the study's goals and
mandate.
Format The authors present the policy-relevant
findings at the beginning of the volume, allowing the
reader to become aware of the major findings immediately.
Policy recommendations, which stem directly from the
findings, are concretely stated and provide a contextual
framework that encourages the policy maker to consider
actual policy decisions. The recommendations are grouped
by area, providing the reader with a logical progression.
For example, the authors present first the findings for
preschool children, then the findings for infants and
toddlers. After the findings, the authors recommend
regulations and guidelines for both groups. The summary
gives suggestions for fiscal policy.
Unlike the authors of many research and evaluation
reports, the authors of Chil dren at the Center do not
assume that all readers are familiar with key terms used
in the study and therefore provide a glossary at the
beginning of the volume. This feature guards against
misinterpretation of terms and results and, hence, of
implications on the part of the reader. Since the
glossary precedes the executive summary, the reader does
not have to turn to a specific section of the volume to
determine how the variables were defined in order to
Place the findings and recommendations within the proper
~ 1 ~ _ _ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ _~ ~ 1, _ A _ ~ _ ~ ~ ~
context; thus/ time IS savea nor one p~ll~y~llla~'lly yea - ~.
All information is presented in discrete chunks, each
of which represents a whole in itself. Specifically, a
reader can glean from the executive summary the major
findings regarding day care and federal policy. Or, to
gain some insight into the manner in which regulatory
language should be constructed, the reader could turn to
that section and obtain information in a few minutes.
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Just as written information is presented in discrete
chunks, most of the data are presented in bivariate
tables that are concrete presentations of statistical
relationships. This kind of uncomplicated presentation
seems more likely to be retained by the reader than are
complex multivariate tabular presentations.
Report 3: Children Out of School in America
Policy Perspective Children Out of School in America
(Children's Defense Fund, 1974) is a national compre
hensive study of the nonenrollment of school-ane children,
conducted in 1973 and 1974 by the Children's Defense Fund,
a cold advocacy organization. Inspired by a similar one
conducted by the Massachusetts Task Force on Children Out
of School, the study was initiated by the Children's
Defense Fund, rather than by any particular federal or
state agency. It was principally addressed to HEW's
Office for Civil Rights but has wide applicability to
other federal agencies, state and local governments,
school districts, and parent advocacy groups. The
findings are presented in three categories: barriers to
attendance, children with special needs and misclassifica-
tion, and school discipline. Specific recommendations
are set forth for the federal government, state and local
governments, and parents and children. Inherent in the
recommendations is a strong advocacy position. The
authors advocate that specific actions take place within
the federal government, state and local governments, and
among parents and children regarding the exclusion of
children from school.
Policy Questions
The major issue in this report is the
denial of a basic education to any child by schools, by
either overt or covert practices and procedures. While
the policy questions are not explicit in the report, one
can identify at least one major Policy Question and three
subsidiary ones:
, ~ ~ ~
· How do exclusionary practices (overt and covert)
of schools and school systems affect the education of a
significant proportion of school-aged children?
· How does the lack of specific procedures for
individual assessment and placement affect the education
of all children?
· What is the relationship between school attendance
and various school charges for essential educational
services and material?
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· How are suspensions and other disciplinary actions
of school mediated by the race, ethnicity, and
socioeconomic status of school-aged children?
The exploration of these questions provided a rich
data base for policy makers at the federal, state, and
local levels. Indeed, such exploration fostered more
specific questions to be answered by a number of agenc
within these levels of government. The study also
provided a basis for active advocacy for children being
excluded from school.
Methodology This report uses both 1970 census data on
school nonenrollment and survey data obtained via a
questionnaire developed by the Children's Defense Fund.
The survey instrument was used to augment the census data
as well as to address issues of special policy concern to
the researchers. More than 6,500 households were
represented in the study. The data were collected in 30
areas of the country within various geographic regions
that encompassed 8 states and the District of Columbia.
In addition, school principals and superintendents were
interviewed about nonenrollment, classification proced-
ures, suspensions, and other disciplinary actions.
The data analyses include frequency counts and percent-
ages, with comparisons being drawn between census data and
the Children's Defense Fund data. These comparisons are
presented in single, straightforward tables. Descriptions
of specific methodological procedures appear in an
appendix.
Format The major findings of this study are reported
at the beginning of the volume. This allows the reader
to immediately become aware of the major issues and the
scope of the work that is required to remedy the problems
at issue. Most of the information is organized in short
chapters that can be read quickly. In the case of longer
chapters, the subordinate sections can be read within a
short time, facilitating access to particular issues.
For example, to understand the ways in which children are
misclassified for special programs, the reader could turn
to that section in the chapter on exclusion of children
with special needs and thereby quickly become familiar
with the subject.
The document is written in simple, nontechnical
language and is basically organized around the three main
issues: barriers to school attendance, exclusion of
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children with special needs, and school discipline and
its exclusionary impact on students. The role of
statistics in minimal; the technical information is
placed in appendixes. The interspersal of case history
and anectodotal data with survey and census data is a
particularly effective mechanism for holding the reader's
attention and focusing it on specific issues.
MEETING POLICY MAKERS' NEEDS
These three reports share a few features that set them
apart from methods-oriented reports. The similarities
are not fully consistent across reports, but for purposes
of discussion there appear to be about 10 from which we
can learn.
1. The Questions addressed are clearly linked to real
Policy decisions. In each report the principal questions
arose from a policy context: debates about day care regu-
lations, progress toward implementation of new legisla-
tion, or inequities keeping children out of school.
Policy makers and people affected by these issues were
directly involved in formulating the questions in each
case. They participated in meetings to explore and define
the questions, and the questions determined the evaluation
methods used.
2. At least some questions in each report consider
the costs affecting policy. Nearly all policy decisions
involve cost (or other resource) trade-offs, either
directly or indirectly. When appropriate cost data are
presented in a policy report, its possible influence is
greatly increased. The cost data can be obtained in
different ways: In the National Day Care Study, cost
data were collected concurrently with the process and
outcome data; in the BEH report to Congress, cost data
were estimated from several outside sources.
3. Police Questions form the central HI 121
of the report. The overall organization or cnese recur A
contrasts markedly with methods-oriented reports. A
glance at the three tables of contents makes the policy
orientation immediately apparent. They list the policy
questions examined in a reasonably direct fashion,
immediately immersing the reader in the substantive
issues. This reflects the fact that each chapter
typically discusses a single policy question or a small
related subset of questions.
.
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4. The reports describe enough of the policy context
to permit informed interpretation without outside sources.
All three reports went to great lengths to present readers
with broad policy perspectives surrounding specific ques-
tions. This permits ready interpretation of the findings
by readers who are not already familiar with the policy
or decision-making context.
5. Evaluation methodology is played down. Evaluation
methods used to answer the questions are scarcely men-
tioned in the three reports. This is not to say that the
studies were not built on solidly crafted methods, for by
and large they were; rather, the authors chose not to
present details of methodology in these reports, which
were intended for policy makers. Quite likely the
omission is insignificant, considering the purposes of
the three reports, since few policy makers possess the
training to interpret technical methods. Moreover, the
reports provide adequate references to other sources
(often appendixes or other volumes accompanying the
report) that detail the methods, so readers who wish to
can learn more.
6. Reports begin with a brief summary of essential
findings. Usually called an executive summary, it
permits readers to quickly learn essential conclusions
from the report and to decide which other parts of the
report they want to read. It seems important for the
summary to be brief (10 pages or less). Brickell et al.
(1974) interviewed top-level officials from several
government agencies and found they preferred 1- to 10-page
reports to longer ones. They commonly requested a short
report for themselves and a longer one for their sub-
ordinate staff; their subordinate staff in turn requested
short reports for themselves and longer reports for their
subordinates, and so on down the hierarchy.
7. Backup narrative for the executive summary is
"chunked" into easily locatable brief segments throughout
the body of the report. The reports are generally
organized such that a reader who wants to learn more
about something in the executive summary can find the
backup narrative easily and read it quickly. Throughout
most of the reports, information is organized into
self-contained, short chunks. This lets a reader quickly
follow up on one or two findings of particular interest,
without requiring cover-to-cover reading. Authors can
usually assume that none of the policy makers will read
their report from cover to cover; rather, they will be
selective, reading the executive summary and little else
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unless it is of high interest, easy to find, and quick to
read. Every incremental improvement in accessibility and
readability increases the amount of the report likely to
be read by the policy maker and, hence, increases the
likelihood of policy impact.
8. Only simple statistics are presented. For the
most part, statistical presentations in the four reports
included only counts, percentages, ranks, averages,
ranges, costs, and bivariate tables or graphs. If complex
statistical findings cannot be reduced to these simpler
forms, they probably will have little meaning to policy
makers. Few of them are trained in advanced statistics,
and the elegance of advanced techniques may escape them.
Moreover, liberal use of statistics will often obscure
other information in the report because of the demands it
places on the reader.
9. Where jargon is used, it is the jargon of policy
makers, not of evaluators. We thought the three reports
would minimize jargon to achieve maximum clarity in
presenting findings, but to our surprise they did not--
they were cluttered with jargon throughout. In contrast
to methods-oriented evaluation reports, however, their
jargon was taken from policy makers' language, not evalu-
ators' language. Policy makers are likely to comprehend
it easily. The use of policy jargon may even enhance the
credibility of these reports for many policy makers, by
implying that the evaluators understand issues well
enough to become familiar with the appropriate language.
10. Concrete recommendations for action are based on
specific findings. The reports encourage policy action
by presenting specific recommendations. These recommenda-
tions tend to be down to earth and specific, avoiding
abstract platitudes. This translation from findings to
recommendations not only relieves the reader of the burden
of interpretation, but it also helps ensure that the
authors' intended interpretation will not be misunder-
stood. The concreteness of the recommendations coincides
with the preferences Mintzberg observed among executives
for activities that were specific and well defined.
Our 10 observations are little more than hypotheses at
this time, but they begin to provide a framework for
distinguishing policy-oriented reports from the methods-
oriented reports that underlie them. To the extent they
are incorporated in future policy-oriented reports, we
feel the policy impact of evaluations will increase, even
without the further improvements in methodology that we
feel are also needed.
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Abt Associates, Inc.
(1979) Children at the Center: Volume 1, SUED art
,
Findings and Their Implications. Cambridge,
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Brickell, H. M., Aslanian, C. B., and Spak, L. J.
(1974)
Data for Decisions: An Analysis of Evaluation
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Data Needed by Decision Makers in Educational
Programs. New York: Educational Research
Council of America.
Children's Defense Fund
(1974) Children Out of School in America.
D.C.: Children's Defense Fund.
Coleman, J. S.
(1972) Polic Research in the Social Sciences.
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Morristown, N.J.: General Learning Press.
Washington,
Flesch, R.
(1949) The Art of Readable Writing. New York:
Collier Books.
Mintzberg, H.
(1973) The Nature of Managerial Work. New York:
Harper ~ Row, Publishers.
U.S. Office of Education
(1979) Progress Toward a Free Appropriate Public
Education. DHEW Publication No. (E)
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Handicapped, Office of Education, U.S.
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
policy questions