| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Copyright © 2009. National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved. Terms of Use and Privacy Statement |
Below are the first 10 and last 10 pages of uncorrected machine-read text (when available) of this chapter, followed by the top 30 algorithmically extracted key phrases from the chapter as a whole.
Intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter-representative searchable text on the opening pages of each chapter.
Because it is UNCORRECTED material, please consider the following text as a useful but insufficient proxy for the authoritative book pages.
Do not use for reproduction, copying, pasting, or reading; exclusively for search engines.
OCR for page 19
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
CHAPTER 2
Socioeconomic and Demographic Risk Factors and Resources Among Children in Immigrant and Native-Born Families: 1910, 1960, and 1990
Donald J. Hernandez and Katherine Darke
All children share the same basic needs. Children in immigrant families are no different from others in the United States in their need for food, clothing, shelter, physical safety, psychological nurturing, health care, and education. They also share a dependence on adults—family members, communities, government—to assure their healthy development. Despite the similar needs of children in immigrant families, many have recently been denied equal access to publicly funded health and social benefits, or decisions regarding eligibility for such benefits have been devolved from the federal to state governments.
Although the basic needs of all children are similar, children in immigrant families may also have special needs, or special access to resources, because of their current circumstances or conditions associated specifically with immigration. Historical trends in the numbers and socioeconomic and demographic circumstances of children in immigrant families, compared to children in native-born families, reflect key conditions that influence the needs and resources of these children.
OCR for page 20
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
The purpose of this chapter is to provide historical perspective on the changing experiences of children in immigrant families in the United States, compared to those in native-born families, and on differences across first-, second-, and later-generation children in 1990 regarding socioeconomic and family risk factors and resources and potential risks specific to children in immigrant families. The 1990 decennial census provides the best and most recent source of information on risk factors for children with origins in a large number of countries. Historical changes are assessed in this study using the 1910, 1960, and 1990 decennial censuses to allow an examination of risk factors following the decade of peak immigration to the United States (1901 to 1910), the subsequent era of very low immigration (1931 to 1960), and the most recent decades of increasing immigration for which census data are available (1970 to 1990).
This assessment is the first to use decennial census data with children as the unit of analysis to study long-run historical changes in the lives of children in immigrant and native-born families. The assessment draws on analytical approaches to identifying first-, second-, and later-generation children developed in recent years (Hernandez, 1993; Jensen and Chitose, 1997; Oropesa and Landale, 1995, 1997a, 1997b; Landale et al., 1997). As defined here, the first generation is children ages 0 to 17 who were born in a foreign country, the second generation is children born in the United States to at least one foreign-born parent, and later-generation children are native-born children with native-born parents. Conclusions from decennial census data concerning socioeconomic and demographic assimilation across various generations must be treated as preliminary for reasons discussed in Appendix 2A.
NUMBER AND COUNTRIES OF ORIGIN OF CHILDREN IN IMMIGRANT FAMILIES
Immigrants from various countries of origin may differ enormously in their socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, their language and culture, and their racial and ethnic composition. The number and countries of origin of children in immigrant families have changed greatly during the twentieth century.
OCR for page 21
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
The number of children in immigrant families living with at least one parent dropped from 9.3 million in 1910 to 3.7 million in 1960 and then jumped to 8.2 million in 1990, nearly returning to the level of 1910. But the total population of children was rising as well. Hence, children in immigrant families as a proportion of all children plummeted from 28 percent in 1910 to only 6 percent in 1960, but the subsequent rise to 13 percent in 1990 represented only one-half the level of 1910.
Turning to country of origin, among children in immigrant families (first-or second-generation children) in 1910 who lived with at least one parent, most had origins in Europe (87 percent) or Canada (10 percent). The Northwestern European countries of Germany, Scandinavia, Ireland, and the United Kingdom accounted for the largest proportions, at 20, 11, 10, and 9 percent, respectively. Southeastern European countries of origin for many children included Italy, Poland, and Austria, at 9, 7, and 6 percent, respectively. Russia and Hungary each accounted for an additional 3 percent. Immigrants speaking Yiddish or Jewish have been a focus of recent research on ethnicity and country of origin using the 1910 census (Watkins, 1994). Adopting the same approach here, children identified as Jewish, based on their own or their parents' mother tongue, accounted for 7 percent of children in immigrant families in 1910, most in families emigrating from Russia.
At the turn of the century, perceived differences in culture and race separating Southern and Eastern European immigrants from native borns were viewed as enormous. In the massive government study of the time, the Joint U.S. Immigration Commission (popularly known as the Dillingham Commission) drew sharp distinctions between the ''old" Northern and Western European immigrants and the "new" Southern and Eastern European immigrants (U.S. Immigration Commission, 1911). Anthropologists, scientists, and policy makers of the era shared the public sentiment that the new immigrants were likely to dilute both the racial and cultural purity of native-born Americans with a mainly Northwestern European heritage. Despite these concerns, however, a comprehensive assessment using 1980 census data found that, while white ethnic groups maintain some distinctive patterns, differences on many measures have disap-
OCR for page 22
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
peared, including fertility rates and socioeconomic measures such as educational attainment. A high degree of assimilation among white ethnic groups also is reflected in high levels of intermarriage across ethnic lines (Lieberson and Waters, 1988).
By 1960 children with European or Canadian origins accounted for a substantially smaller proportion of children in immigrant families with at least one parent in the home than they did in 1910, only 71 percent, at 56 and 15 percent, respectively. The largest numbers from Europe had origins in Germany, the United Kingdom, and Italy, at 10 or 11 percent each, followed by Poland, Scandinavia, Ireland, and the former Soviet Union, at 3 percent each. By 1990 only 18 percent of children in immigrant families with at least one parent in the home had origins in Europe or Canada, with only Germany, the United Kingdom, and Canada accounting for as much as 2 or 3 percent each (Table 2A-1a).
Corresponding increases have occurred since 1910 among sending countries in Latin America and Asia. The proportion of children in immigrant families from Central or South America, Mexico, or the Caribbean jumped from only 2 percent in 1910 to 18 percent and then to 55 percent in 1960 and 1990, respectively, with most having origins in Mexico, at 2, 13, and 31 percent, respectively, during these years. Meanwhile, the proportion of children in immigrant families from Asia jumped from 1 to 7 percent between 1910 and 1960 and then to 25 percent in 1990. The most important sending countries in Asia as of 1990 were China, India, Korea, the Philippines, and Vietnam, but each accounted for only 2 to 5 percent of children in immigrant families with at least one parent (Table 2A-1a).
Since the beginning of the twentieth century, then, the countries of origin of children in immigrant families have become increasingly diverse, as reflected in the shrinking number of countries that individually account for substantial proportions of children and in the broadening global distribution of these countries, with increasing numbers from Latin America and Asia. The lone partial exception to this generalization is Mexico, which has rapidly increased as a source of children in immigrant families, accounting for one-third of all such children in 1990. Associated with these shifts in country of origin are rising proportions of children in immigrant families who are classified according to the
OCR for page 23
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
racial and ethnic stratification system of the United States as Hispanic or Asian minorities.
A final indicator of diversity in 1990 is suggested by the fact that children in immigrant families from 34 different countries each amounted to at least 50,000 (Table 2A-1a). Given that 50,000 persons is the minimum size for a city to be officially classified by the federal government as a metropolitan area, these estimates indicate that if the children in immigrant families from each of these countries of origin were concentrated in a single city the number of children in immigrant families is large enough that they could be classified as constituting 34 separate metropolitan areas representing 34 different countries of origin.
RISK FACTORS AMONG CHILDREN GENERALLY
The extent to which the risks and needs of children in immigrant and native-born families differ depends, at least in part, on the extent to which they are similar or different in certain family circumstances. These circumstances include poverty, parental educational attainments, paid work by various family members, living in a one- or a two-parent family, living with a small or a large number of siblings, and exposure to overcrowded housing conditions.
One of the best-documented relationships in epidemiology and child development is that social and economic inequality has negative consequences for health and other important outcomes for persons of low socioeconomic status—that is, persons experiencing poverty, job insecurity or unemployment, and limited educational attainment (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1981; Starfield, 1982, 1991, 1992; Hill and Duncan, 1987; Newacheck and Starfield, 1988; Montgomery et al., 1996; Wilkinson, 1996; Duncan and Brooks-Gunn, 1997). Parents of children living in poverty do not have enough money to purchase necessary goods and services, such as housing, food, clothing, and health care.
Parental educational attainments are important not only because they influence parental occupation and income as well as current parental values in socializing but also because they influence the levels of education and income that children achieve
OCR for page 24
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
when they, in turn, become adults (Blau and Duncan, 1967; Kohn, 1969; Sewell and Hauser, 1975; Featherman and Hauser, 1978; Sewell et al., 1980; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Alwin, 1984). Thus, children whose parents have completed relatively few years of school are disadvantaged compared to children with more highly educated parents because their parents are less likely to have paid jobs that provide access to health insurance and to the income required to buy other important goods and services and because these children are less likely to complete high school or college themselves and hence are less likely to achieve economic success in adulthood.
Because paid work by parents is the primary source of family income for most children, the number of parents who work for pay and whether they work part time or full time are key determinants of whether children live in poverty, in middle-class comfort, or in luxury. Father's paid work has been the primary factor determining trends in child poverty since the Great Depression, but mother's paid employment has become increasingly important (Hernandez, 1993, 1997).
Children who live with only one parent are at risk for a variety of current and long-term negative life outcomes because children with two parents in the home have greater access, potentially, to parents as personal caregivers and as economic providers than do children living with one parent and because children in one-parent families often experience greater personal or parental stress (Featherman and Hauser, 1978; Kominski, 1987; Sewell and Hauser, 1975; Kohn, 1969; Kohn and Schooler, 1983; Blau and Duncan, 1967; Hetherington et al., 1978; Sewell et al., 1980; Alwin, 1984; Hernandez, 1997; Wallerstein et al., 1988; Wallerstein and Kelly, 1989; Cherlin et al., 1991; McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994).
Many children in one-parent families live in poverty partly because their fathers' incomes may not be available in the home and partly because low socioeconomic status strongly influences both family disruption and out-of-wedlock childbearing. Poverty has major effects on child outcomes that are independent of family structure; but children living with only one parent are also at risk of negative life outcomes, beyond the effects of poverty (Elder, 1974; Conger et al., 1990; Hernandez, 1993; Conger and Elder, 1994; McLanahan and Sandefur, 1994).
OCR for page 25
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Most children live not only with one or two parents but also with one or more brothers or sisters who are potential sources of lifelong loving companionship, as well as potential competitors for the scarce time and economic resources parents can devote to their children. Although research has found that the number of siblings has little effect on a child's psychological well-being in adulthood, children in families with five or more siblings tend to complete fewer years of schooling than children from smaller families and therefore are less likely as adults to enter high-status occupations with high incomes (Featherman and Hauser, 1978; Glenn and Hoppe, 1982; Blake, 1981, 1985, 1987, 1989). In addition, overcrowded housing conditions often associated with low family income can facilitate the transmission of communicable diseases (Hernandez and Charney, 1998).
Poverty and Income Inequality
Children in immigrant families in the 1990 census experienced a somewhat greater risk of living in poverty (in 1989) than did children in native-born families (22 versus 17 percent; Table 2A-1a). Most of the difference was accounted for by the high poverty rate among the first generation (33 percent), while the second generation was only slightly more likely (19 percent) to be poor than children in native-born families (17 percent; Tables 2A-1a and 2A-2a). In the 1960 census the opposite was true, overall, because children in immigrant families were less likely to be poor (in 1959) than those in native-born families (19 versus 26 percent), although, as in the 1990 census, the risk was greater for the first generation than for the second in the 1960 census (23 versus 19 percent).
Poverty rates differed enormously in both the 1960 and the 1990 censuses among children in immigrant families with various countries of origins and among children in native-born families by race and ethnicity. For example, in the 1990 census the poverty rate for non-Hispanic white children in native-born families was only 11 percent but was three to four times greater for black, Hispanic, and American Indian children in native-born families, at 40, 31, and 38 percent, respectively (Figure 2-1, Table 2A-1a).
OCR for page 26
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
OCR for page 27
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
FIGURE 2-1 Percentage of children ages 0 to 17 in immigrant and native-born families in official poverty, 1990. * indicates third- and highergeneration children in native-born families.
OCR for page 28
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Similarly, among children in immigrant families from about two dozen countries spread across Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, poverty rates were about equal to, or substantially less than, the rate of 11 percent for non-Hispanic white children in native-born families in the 1990 census (Figure 2-1, Table 2A-1a). But for children in immigrant families from 12 other countries in the 1990 census, poverty rates were quite high, ranging from 26 to 51 percent depending on the country of origin. In view of the negative risks associated with poverty generally, the situation of children from these 12 countries is of particular concern.
Five of the 12 countries are the source of many officially recognized refugees (the former Soviet Union, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam); three are war-torn countries in Central America (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua); and three are small and impoverished Central American or Caribbean countries (Honduras, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic) that are sources of unskilled labor migrants. The twelfth country is Mexico, which has sent the largest number of both legal and illegal unskilled laborers to the U.S. economy (Romo, 1996; Rumbaut, 1996). Within the racial and ethnic stratification system of the United States, most children from 11 of these 12 countries, with the former Soviet Union as the sole exception, are classified as Hispanic, Asian, or black.
Children with origins in these 12 countries accounted for 46 percent (3.9 million) of all children in immigrant families in 1990 (8.4 million), but they accounted for about 80 percent of the children in immigrant families who lived in poverty. Moreover, Mexico alone accounted for 31 percent (2.6 million) of all children in immigrant families but 50 percent of those officially classified as poor in the 1990 census.
In fact, the number of children in immigrant families, especially those from Mexico, who live in poverty is at least somewhat higher. Additional analyses commissioned by the Committee on the Health and Adjustment of Immigrant Children and Families (Mines, this volume) using the National Agricultural Workers Survey indicate that more than 67 percent of U.S.-based children in migrant farmworker families lived in poverty in each year from 1993 to 1995—that is, more than 590,000 of the 880,000
OCR for page 29
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
in total. Insofar as a substantial portion of migrant farmworker families and their children, especially those of Mexican origin who account for 69 percent of the U.S.-based children in the survey, are not enumerated in the decennial census, the total number (and percentage) of children in immigrant families, especially of Mexican origin, who were living in poverty is higher, perhaps by several hundred thousand (and several percentage points), than indicated by the decennial census data.
Poverty rates for children in immigrant families in the 1990 census were lower, sometimes much lower, for second-generation children than for the first generation for nearly all countries of origin, including most of the 12 countries with the highest poverty rates. But for children with origins in Mexico, which accounts for about two-thirds of the children in immigrant families from these 12 countries, poverty rates for the second and later generations were quite similar, at 32 and 28 percent, respectively, which is two and one-half to three times greater than for non-Hispanic white children in native-born families (Tables 2A-2a and 2A-3a).
Among children with origins in the four Central American countries (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua) for which information is available for all three generations (Tables 2A-2a and 2A-3a), the decline in poverty from the second to later generations is somewhat larger than for Mexican children, and the levels for the poverty rates for the later generations is 14 to 17 percent, only somewhat greater than for non-Hispanic white children in native-born families (11 percent). This might reflect greater intergenerational assimilation of children from these four countries than from Mexico. But a plausible alternative explanation derives from the possibility that immigrants from these countries during the past two decades, especially those escaping war-torn conditions in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua, may have had substantially lower socioeconomic status, on average, than did immigrants from the same countries during earlier decades. For example, among children in immigrant families with Central American origins in 1960, the proportions with fathers in the home who graduated from high school were 61 and 69 percent, respectively, for the first and second generations, compared to 51 percent for non-Hispanic white children in native-born families. Thus, the apparent improvement between the second and
OCR for page 115
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Children who do not speak English exclusively or very well (percent)
Children who are not U.S. citizens (percent)
Children who are not U.S. citizens, or who have at least 1 parent in the home who is not a citizen (percent)
Germany - 1st Generation
15
78
84
Germany - 2nd Generation
4
N/A
34
Greece - 1st Generation
27
58
69
Greece - 2nd Generation
10
N/A
34
Japan - 1st Generation
66
96
97
Japan - 2nd Generation
10
N/A
62
Barbados - 1st Generation
2
72
76
Barbados - 2nd Generation
1
N/A
53
Poland - 1st Generation
31
80
86
Poland - 2nd Generation
9
N/A
45
Turkey - 1st Generation
18
79
84
Turkey - 2nd Generation
5
N/A
44
Italy - 1st Generation
21
60
71
Italy - 2nd Generation
7
N/A
37
Portugal - 1st Generation
28
80
85
Portugal - 2nd Generation
12
N/A
58
United Kingdom - 1st Generation
3
90
92
United Kingdom - 2nd Generation
1
N/A
59
Canada - 1st Generation
5
91
92
Canada - 2nd Generation
2
N/A
57
South Africa - 1st Generation
4
84
84
South Africa - 2nd Generation
2
N/A
43
Netherlands - 1st Generation
10
89
88
Netherlands - 2nd Generation
3
N/A
41
India - 1st Generation
24
84
90
India - 2nd Generation
10
N/A
60
Philippines - 1st Generation
27
72
76
Philippines - 2nd Generation
5
N/A
36
Ireland - 1st Generation
5
87
90
Ireland - 2nd Generation
0
N/A
44
OCR for page 116
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
TABLE 2A-3a Social and Economic Risk Factors for Third-and Later-Generation Children for Selected Race and Ethnic Groups: 1990
Number of children (thousands)
Children in official poverty (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
8,031
40
Dominican Republic
12
40
American Indian
562
38
Hispanic
3,489
31
Mexico
2,203
28
Cuba
32
24
Guatemala
4
17
El Salvador
7
17
Ecuador
4
15
Peru
4
15
Honduras
4
14
Nicaragua
4
14
Columbia
13
13
White, Non-Hispanic
40,201
11
Panama
4
11
Asian, Non-Hispanic
329
10
Philippines
41
10
China
35
5
Japan
80
3
Korea
64
3
OCR for page 117
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Children in relative poverty (percent)
Children in middle-class comfort (percent)
Children very well-off financially (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
51
25
9
Dominican Republic
50
24
8
American Indian
51
24
7
Hispanic
42
31
11
Mexico
39
32
11
Cuba
31
35
21
Guatemala
23
31
26
El Salvador
24
36
29
Ecuador
21
38
25
Peru
21
41
31
Honduras
23
36
29
Nicaragua
16
42
25
Columbia
18
33
40
White, Non-Hispanic
17
42
26
Panama
16
45
17
Asian, Non-Hispanic
14
38
37
Philippines
16
45
24
China
7
34
52
Japan
6
37
51
Korea
5
40
47
OCR for page 118
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Children in one-parent families (percent)
Children whose fathers have less than a high school education (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
62
26
Dominican Republic
70
28
American Indian
40
28
Hispanic
42
30
Mexico
38
30
Cuba
47
17
Guatemala
41
16
El Salvador
49
23
Ecuador
50
8
Peru
46
15
Honduras
50
8
Nicaragua
41
14
Columbia
35
9
White, Non-Hispanic
18
12
Panama
52
5
Asian, Non-Hispanic
25
7
Philippines
37
11
China
20
4
Japan
17
3
Korea
11
2
NOTE: Groups are listed from highest to lowest official poverty rate.
OCR for page 119
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Children whose mothers have less than a high school education (percent)
Children with 5 or more siblings (percent)
Children who live in linguistically isolated households (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
29
10
0
Dominican Republic
46
4
15
American Indian
29
10
4
Hispanic
35
8
9
Mexico
34
6
6
Cuba
19
3
3
Guatemala
17
4
3
El Salvador
17
4
6
Ecuador
12
1
4
Peru
11
0
4
Honduras
13
2
5
Nicaragua
16
4
5
Columbia
10
4
3
White, Non-Hispanic
12
4
0
Panama
13
3
0
Asian, Non-Hispanic
9
6
1
Philippines
16
3
1
China
4
4
2
Japan
2
1
0
Korea
2
4
0
OCR for page 120
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
TABLE 2A-3b Household and Housing Risk Factors for Third-and Later-Generation Children for Selected Race and Ethnic Groups: 1990
Number of children (thousands)
Children in households with no car or truck (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
8,031
30
Dominican Republic
12
50
American Indian
562
14
Hispanic
3,489
17
Mexico
2,203
9
Cuba
32
14
Guatemala
4
10
El Salvador
7
7
Ecuador
4
23
Peru
4
4
Honduras
4
8
Nicaragua
4
7
Columbia
13
7
White, Non-Hispanic
40,201
3
Panama
4
8
Asian, Non-Hispanic
329
4
Philippines
41
4
China
35
3
Japan
80
1
Korea
64
1
NOTE: Groups are listed from highest to lowest official poverty rate.
OCR for page 121
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Children with no telephone in their homes (percent)
Children living in houses built before 1950 (percent)
Children in crowded homes (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
18
27
26
Dominican Republic
20
45
40
American Indian
32
17
34
Hispanic
15
25
30
Mexico
14
19
31
Cuba
8
25
15
Guatemala
1
30
21
El Salvador
5
26
22
Ecuador
6
34
14
Peru
3
24
10
Honduras
3
26
10
Nicaragua
2
25
21
Columbia
6
27
12
White, Non-Hispanic
5
23
7
Panama
3
23
25
Asian, Non-Hispanic
3
18
21
Philippines
3
17
29
China
2
20
13
Japan
1
13
13
Korea
1
24
4
OCR for page 122
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
TABLE 2A-3c Parents' Labor Force Participation for Third-and Later-Generation Children for Selected Race and Ethnic Groups: 1990
Number of children (thousands)
Children with fathers not in the labor force (percent)
Children with fathers not working full time, year-round (percent)
Children with mothers not in the labor force (percent)
Black,
Non-Hispanic
8,031
11
34
33
Dominican Republic
12
17
43
48
American Indian
562
14
46
40
Hispanic
3,489
8
30
43
Mexico
2,203
7
29
40
Cuba
32
7
22
36
Guatemala
4
4
27
39
El Salvador
7
9
22
30
Ecuador
4
2
17
24
Peru
4
4
15
40
Honduras
4
5
24
32
Nicaragua
4
3
13
31
Columbia
13
1
17
33
White,
Non-Hispanic
40,201
4
19
34
Panama
4
5
13
27
Asian,
Non-Hispanic
329
4
18
29
Philippines
41
4
22
29
China
35
3
16
24
Japan
80
2
13
23
Korea
64
2
13
31
NOTE: Groups are listed from highest to lowest official poverty rate.
OCR for page 123
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
TABLE 2A-3d Children's Language Use for Third-and Later-Generation Children for Selected Race and Ethnic Groups: 1990
Number of children (thousands)
Children who do not speak English at home (percent)
Children who do not speak English exclusively or very well (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
8,031
1
N/A
Dominican Republic
12
61
32
American Indian
562
7
N/A
Hispanic
3,489
15
N/A
Mexico
2,203
36
13
Cuba
32
29
8
Guatemala
4
32
10
El Salvador
7
24
7
Ecuador
4
24
6
Peru
4
28
8
Honduras
4
24
10
Nicaragua
4
25
8
Columbia
13
21
9
White, Non-Hispanic
40,201
1
N/A
Panama
4
23
7
Asian, Non-Hispanic
329
3
N/A
Philippines
41
7
3
China
35
12
5
Japan
80
4
1
Korea
64
2
1
NOTE: Groups are listed from highest to lowest official poverty rate.
OCR for page 124
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
TABLE 2A-3e Parents' Education for Third-and Later-Generation Children for Selected Race and Ethnic Groups: 1990
Number of children (thousands)
Children with fathers who have 8 or fewer years of education (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
8,031
6
Dominican Republic
12
14
American Indian
562
8
Hispanic
3,489
9
Mexico
2,203
8
Cuba
32
3
Guatemala
4
5
El Salvador
7
7
Ecuador
4
2
Peru
4
3
Honduras
4
5
Nicaragua
4
0
Columbia
13
3
White, Non-Hispanic
40,201
3
Panama
4
0
Asian, Non-Hispanic
329
1
Philippines
41
1
China
35
1
Japan
80
0
Korea
64
1
NOTE: Groups are listed from highest to lowest official poverty rate.
OCR for page 125
Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance
Children with mothers who have 8 or fewer years of education (percent)
Children whose fathers have four or more years of college education (percent)
Children whose mothers have four or more years of college education (percent)
Black, Non-Hispanic
4
12
9
Dominican Republic
12
17
8
American Indian
6
9
7
Hispanic
10
12
7
Mexico
9
11
6
Cuba
3
24
17
Guatemala
4
37
31
El Salvador
3
41
31
Ecuador
4
44
30
Peru
3
39
29
Honduras
4
48
42
Nicaragua
2
29
13
Columbia
3
52
34
White, Non-Hispanic
2
28
20
Panama
0
35
23
Asian, Non-Hispanic
1
40
31
Philippines
2
21
15
China
1
59
49
Japan
0
47
41
Korea
0
56
45
Representative terms from entire chapter:
poverty rates
Items in cart [0]
