CHAPTER 9
Passages to Adulthood: The Adaptation of Children of Immigrants in Southern California

Rubén G. Rumbaut

While the rapid growth of international migration to the United States over the past few decades has led to a mushrooming research literature and an intensified public debate about the new immigrants and their impact on American society, less noticed has been the fact that all the while a new generation of Americans raised in immigrant families has been coming of age. In due course its members will decisively shape the character of their ethnic communities and their success or failure. Indeed, the long-term effects of contemporary immigration will hinge more on the trajectories of these youth than on the fate of their parents. The children of immigrants thus constitute the most consequential and lasting legacy of the new mass immigration to the United States (cf. Portes, 1996; Rumbaut, 1995; Zhou, 1997).

The size of this youthful population—including both immigrant children and U.S.-born children of immigrants—has already surpassed the prior record set by the offspring of European immigrants earlier in this century. Among children under 18 years of age, the 1990 census counted nearly 6 million U.S.-born children living with immigrant parents and another 2 million foreign-born children ages 0 to 17, combining to form a "new second generation" of some 8 million children as of that time (see Oropesa and Landale, 1997). By 1998 the immigrant population of the United



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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance CHAPTER 9 Passages to Adulthood: The Adaptation of Children of Immigrants in Southern California Rubén G. Rumbaut While the rapid growth of international migration to the United States over the past few decades has led to a mushrooming research literature and an intensified public debate about the new immigrants and their impact on American society, less noticed has been the fact that all the while a new generation of Americans raised in immigrant families has been coming of age. In due course its members will decisively shape the character of their ethnic communities and their success or failure. Indeed, the long-term effects of contemporary immigration will hinge more on the trajectories of these youth than on the fate of their parents. The children of immigrants thus constitute the most consequential and lasting legacy of the new mass immigration to the United States (cf. Portes, 1996; Rumbaut, 1995; Zhou, 1997). The size of this youthful population—including both immigrant children and U.S.-born children of immigrants—has already surpassed the prior record set by the offspring of European immigrants earlier in this century. Among children under 18 years of age, the 1990 census counted nearly 6 million U.S.-born children living with immigrant parents and another 2 million foreign-born children ages 0 to 17, combining to form a "new second generation" of some 8 million children as of that time (see Oropesa and Landale, 1997). By 1998 the immigrant population of the United

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance States increased even faster—from 20 million to 27 million—with the number of children of immigrants growing commensurately. Furthermore, while one-third of the immigrant population of the United States resided in California, over 40 percent of under-18 children of immigrants lived in California. Hence, the size and concentration of this emerging population, added to its diverse national and socioeconomic origins and forms of adaptation, make its present evolution extraordinarily important. This chapter presents the latest results of a comprehensive longitudinal study of the educational performance and social, cultural, and psychological adaptation of children of immigrants, the new second generation now growing up in American cities. Since late 1991 the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study has followed the progress of a large sample of teenagers representing over 70 nationalities in two key areas of immigrant settlement in the United States: Southern California (San Diego) and South Florida (Miami and Fort Lauderdale). The original survey, conducted in spring 1992 (T1), interviewed over 5,200 students enrolled in the eighth and ninth grades in schools of the San Diego Unified School District (N = 2,420) and the Dade and Broward County Unified School Districts (N = 2,842). The sample was drawn in the junior high grades, a level at which dropout rates are still relatively rare, to avoid the potential bias of differential dropout rates between ethnic groups at the senior high school level. For purposes of the study, students were eligible to enter the sample if they were U.S. born but had at least one immigrant (foreign-born) parent or if they themselves were foreign born and had come to the United States at an early age, most before age 10. (For selected T1 results and further information on its research design, see Portes, 1995, 1996; Portes and Rumbaut, 1996; Portes and Schauffler, 1996; and Rumbaut 1994a, 1995, 1997a.) Three years after the original survey, in 1995-1996 (T2), a second survey of the same group of children of immigrants was conducted—this time supplemented by in-depth interviews with a stratified sample of their parents as well—using survey questionnaires specially developed for longitudinal and comparative analyses. The purpose of this follow-up effort was to add a temporal dimension to the study and ascertain changes over time in the family situation, school achievement, educational and occu-

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance pational aspirations, language use and preferences, ethnic identities, experiences and expectations of discrimination, and social and psychological adaptation of these youth. By this time the children, who were originally interviewed in junior high when most were 14 or 15 years old (the mean age at T1 was 14.2), had reached the final year of senior high school and were making their passages into adulthood, firming up plans for their future as well as their outlooks on the surrounding society. This chapter examines a wide range of findings from that latest survey, focusing on changes observed over time (from T1 to T2) among youth in the San Diego longitudinal sample and also on two key indices of psychological well-being: self-esteem and depression. IMMIGRANTS AND THEIR TYPES: THE SAN DIEGO LONGITUDINAL SAMPLE Reflecting patterns of recent immigration into Southern California, the principal nationalities represented in the San Diego sample are Mexican, Filipino, Vietnamese, Laotian, Cambodian, and smaller groups of other children of Asian immigrants (mostly Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Korean) and Latin American immigrants. These groups are representative of some of the principal types of immigrants in California today and in contemporary American society (cf. Portes and Rumbaut, 1996). Thus: Mexicans constitute by far the largest legal and illegal immigrant population in both California and the United States—indeed, they form part of the largest, longest, and most sustained labor migration in the contemporary world—and San Diego, situated along the Mexican border, has long been a major area of settlement. The 1990 census showed that among adults over 25 Mexican immigrants had the lowest education levels of any major U.S. ethnic group, native or foreign born (see Rumbaut, 1994b). Since the 1960s, Filipinos have formed the second-largest immigrant population in this country, and they are the largest Asian-origin immigrant group in California and the United States. Many have come as professionals (nurses most conspicuously) and through military connections (especially the U.S. Navy, making San Diego with its huge Navy base a primary area of settle-

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance ment). The 1990 census showed that Filipino immigrants as a whole have the lowest poverty rate of any sizable ethnic group in the United States. Since the end of the Indochina war in 1975, refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos have formed the largest refugee population both in California and the United States. The 1990 census found the highest poverty and welfare dependency rates in the country among Laotians and Cambodians. Comparative research on the mental health of Indochinese refugees and other ethnic groups has also found the highest levels of depressive symptomatology and posttraumatic stress disorder among the adult survivors of the "killing fields" of Cambodia—raising questions about the psychological well-being of their children in the United States (see Rumbaut, 1991a, 1991b, 1996; Vega and Rumbaut, 1991). Remarkably, although the 27 million immigrants in the United States in 1998 came from over 140 different countries, fully 35 percent came from only three: Mexico, the Philippines, and Vietnam. More remarkably still, these three nationalities accounted for the majority (55 percent) of the 8.1 million foreign-born people in California in 1996. And fully 90 percent of this study's San Diego sample consisted of children of parents from Mexico; the Philippines; and Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia—representing distinct groups of immigrant laborers, professionals, and refugees with sharply contrasting migration histories and contexts of exit and reception. The 1995-1996 survey in San Diego succeeded in reinterviewing 85.2 percent of the baseline sample of 2,420 students, for a total of 2,063 (see Table 9-1 for reinterview rates by national origin and gender). Students who had moved, transferred, or dropped out of school during the intervening years were followed throughout, and even the majority of dropouts were located and reinterviewed. It was because of the difficulty in tracking these harder-to-locate cases that the data collection period extended into 1996. With some exceptions (e.g., higher-status youth from intact families who owned their own homes in San Diego at T1 were better represented at T2), the sample is largely the same. In fact, Indochinese students from the poorest

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance TABLE 9-1 Reinterview Rates and Sociodemographic Characteristics of Children of Immigrants in San Diego, California, by National Origin of Their Parents and Gender of the Children Characteristicsa Mexico Philippines Vietnam Cambodia N of sample, T1 (1992) 727 808 361 94 N of sample, T2 (1995-1996) 578 716 302 88 % Reinterviewed at T2 80.0 88.6 83.7 93.6 Nativity of Children         % Foreign born 38.8 43.4 84.4 97.7 % U.S. born 61.2 56.6 15.6 2.3 Year of Birth         % 1975-1976 18.1 17.0 23.5 22.7 % 1977 45.3 51.5 42.4 44.3 % 1978 36.6 31.5 34.1 33.0 Year of U.S. Arrival         % Born in United States 61.2 56.6 15.6 2.3 % 1976-1979 10.2 10.3 20.9 11.4 % 1980-1984 10.2 15.1 35.8 62.5 % 1985-1990 18.3 18.0 27.8 23.9 U.S. Citizenship         % Citizen at T1 (1992) 69.2 78.6 32.5 6.8 % Citizen at T2 (1995) 73.4 85.6 46.4 11.4 Nativity of Parentsb         Parents are conationals 73.7 79.5 89.7 80.7 One parent born in United States 17.8 16.9 2.3 0.0 a Data are from the longitudinal sample of 2,063 respondents surveyed in 1992 (T1) and again in 1995-1996 (T2). When originally interviewed in spring 1992, all respondents were enrolled in the eighth or ninth grades in the San Diego City Schools; eligible respondents had to have at least one parent who was foreign born.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance   Laos           Characteristicsa Lao Hmong Othersc Female Male Total N of sample, T1 (1992) 154 53 223 1,211 1,209 2,420 N of sample, T2 (1995-1996) 143 50 186 1,040 1,023 2,063 % Reinterviewed at T2 92.9 94.3 83.4 85.9 84.6 85.2 Nativity of Children             % Foreign born 95.8 94.0 47.3 55.3 56.0 55.6 % U.S. born 4.2 6.0 52.7 44.7 44.0 44.4 Year of Birth             % 1975-1976 36.3 12.0 17.2 16.2 23.3 19.8 % 1977 41.3 52.0 45.7 47.7 46.1 46.9 % 1978 22.4 36.0 37.1 36.1 30.6 33.3 Year of U.S. Arrival             % Born in United States 4.2 6.0 52.7 44.7 44.0 44.4 % 1976-1979 20.3 22.0 9.1 13.2 12.3 12.7 % 1980-1984 46.9 46.0 17.2 21.5 22.3 21.9 % 1985-1990 28.7 26.0 21.0 20.6 21.4 21.0 U.S. Citizenship             % Citizen at T1 (1992) 16.8 8.0 68.8 59.0 59.5 59.3 % Citizen at T2 (1995) 23.8 12.0 73.7 66.1 66.2 66.1 Nativity of Parentsb             Parents are conationals 95.1 90.0 58.6 78.6 79.2 78.9 One parent born in United States 0.0 0.0 31.2 14.2 13.8 14.0 b When the parents were not conationals (i.e., not born in the same country), the mother's nationality determined the child's national origin classification, except where the mother was U.S. born. Over 50 different nationalities (countries of birth of fathers and mothers) were represented in the sample overall. c Includes smaller immigrant groups from Asia (Chinese, Indian, Japanese, Korean, Thai), Latin America, and the Caribbean.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance families in the survey (the smaller-sized Cambodian, Lao, and Hmong groups) had reinterview rates above 90 percent, as did the high socioeconomic status ''other Asians" (Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Korean). No nationality had reinterview rates below 80 percent. The percentages of female and foreign-born youth were the same at both points in time. As during the baseline survey, this data collection effort for the most part took place during repeated visits to schools with the cooperation of the San Diego City Schools, including administrators, principals, teachers, and other staff. CHILDREN OF IMMIGRANTS: A PORTRAIT Basic demographic characteristics of the longitudinal sample of 2,063 (those youth interviewed in both surveys) are provided in Table 9-1, including their birthplace, year of birth, year of arrival in the United States, and U.S. citizenship status at T1 and T2, broken down by the national origin of their parents and gender. Some points merit highlighting. The sample is about evenly balanced between foreign-born and U.S.-born children of immigrants. However, most of the Mexicans (61 percent) and Filipinos (57 percent) were born in the United States, reflecting long-established migration histories, while the Indochinese groups, a legacy of U.S. involvement in the war in Vietnam and its spread into Cambodia and Laos, are all overwhelmingly foreign-born recent arrivals. The 16 percent of Vietnamese who were born in the United States comprise a salient and historically important exception, as will become clearer in what follows: they are largely the children of the comparatively elite "first wave" of South Vietnamese who were evacuated as Saigon fell in April 1975 (over 80 percent of the youth in the sample were born in 1977 or 1978, and none were born before 1975). Too often analysts who rely on nativity and ethnicity data, such as those available through the decennial census, tend to conceive of ethnicity as a fixed quality or constant (e.g., "Mexican," "Vietnamese") and of nativity as a sort of continuous variable (i.e., a proxy for generation or time in the United States) and to assume that differences between foreign-born and U.S.-born co-ethnics reflect processes of change (typically of assimilation) over time or

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance generation. But here the confounding of period and cohort effects can loom large, missing the importance of class and other differences between heterogeneous "waves" and "vintages" of immigrants from the same country in different historical contexts (as the example of the 1975 Vietnamese exiles illustrates). It can also miss the crucial importance of intermarriage among non-compatriots, as the data on parental nativity suggest (see the bottom panel of Table 9-1). In our sample, about three-fourths of the parents were conationals (the other fourth consisted of mothers and fathers who were not born in the same country—representing over 50 nationalities overall); and in 14 percent of the cases one parent was U.S. born (ranging from virtually none of the Indochinese to one-sixth of the Mexicans and Filipinos and nearly one-third of the "others"). Thus, far from being a fixed characteristic, the very assignment of national origin to the children in our sample became fluid and problematic in a substantial proportion of cases. In such cases where the parents were not conationals, the mother's nationality determined the child's national origin classification, except where the mother was U.S. born, in which case the father's nationality was determinative (for an elaboration of this methodological problem, see Rumbaut, 1994a). Substantive results of the adaptive trajectories of these children of immigrants from approximately the beginning (T1) to the end (T2) of high school—as sketched in the tables of data that follow—over their family's economic situation, school achievement and effort, educational and occupational aspirations, language proficiency and preference, ethnic self-identities, perceptions of discrimination, and global self-esteem and depressive symptoms. These findings are summarized below. Family Socioeconomic Status and Neighborhood Contexts The modest family origins of many of these children, the highly educated backgrounds of others, and the gradual improvement of their economic situation over time are described in Table 9-2. Only a tiny proportion of Mexican and Indochinese fathers and mothers (with the signal exception of the U.S.-born Vietnamese, who as noted are the children of the first wave of 1975 refugees) have college degrees, well below the 1990 U.S. norm of 20

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance TABLE 9-2 Family Socioeconomic Status and Neighborhood Characteristics of Children of Immigrants in San Diego, California, by Nativity of the Children and National Origin of Their Parents, in 1992 (T1) and 1995 (T2) Characteristics by National Origin and Nativitya   Mexico   Time FBa US Socioeconomic Status       Father       % College graduate T1 7.1 6.5 % Less than high school T1 76.3 59.9 % In the labor force T1 79.9 81.4 % In the labor force T2 74.1 78.2 Mother       % College graduate T1 2.7 4.5 % Less than high school T1 82.6 66.9 % In the labor force T1 58.0 55.4 % In the labor force T2 63.4 66.1 Home       % Family owns home T1 18.3 44.1 % Family owns home T2 27.5 52.8 % Moved to new home T2 52.7 32.0 Family's Economic Situation (since 3 yrs. ago)       % Better T1 56.5 56.4 % Worse T1 9.4 9.4 % Better T2 44.8 42.3 % Worse T2 14.8 14.8 Neighborhood Profilec       (1990 census tract data)       % Below poverty line T1 55.5 47.4 % Foreign born T1 34.0 31.3 % White T1 39.3 42.7 % Speak English only T1 48.0 51.3

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance   Philippines Vietnam Cambodiab   FB US FB US FB Socioeconomic Status           Father           % College graduate 37.0 23.5 11.0 36.2 4.5 % Less than high school 16.4 15.1 66.3 31.9 77.3 % In the labor force 86.2 79.8 51.4 89.4 22.7 % In the labor force 81.0 85.9 62.4 93.6 35.2 Mother           % College graduate 37.9 43.0 5.9 25.5 4.5 % Less than high school 22.5 17.5 71.4 48.9 85.2 % In the labor force 84.2 90.6 36.9 72.3 12.5 % In the labor force 84.9 89.1 43.1 74.5 15.9 Home           % Family owns home 65.3 86.4 28.6 70.2 11.4 % Family owns home 74.2 88.8 28.6 74.5 8.0 % Moved to new home 37.9 25.4 45.7 25.5 43.7 Family's Economic Situation (since 3 yrs. ago)           % Better 56.7 46.9 58.4 55.6 45.9 % Worse 5.9 11.7 9.2 11.1 15.3 % Better 49.2 38.6 39.4 19.1 22.1 % Worse 13.5 22.4 14.2 25.5 12.8 Neighborhood Profilec           (1990 census tract data)           % Below poverty line 16.9 16.4 35.2 21.1 57.7 % Foreign born 29.4 29.6 28.4 23.4 33.1 % White 46.3 45.9 56.3 66.3 42.7 % Speak English only 61.3 61.0 61.0 70.3 51.1

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance     Laos   Characteristics by National Origin and Nativitya Time Laob Hmongb FB FB Socioeconomic Status       Father       % College graduate T1 11.2 2.0 % Less than high school T1 65.7 86.0 % In the labor force T1 32.9 20.0 % In the labor force T2 40.6 34.0 Mother       % College graduate T1 4.2 0 % Less than high school T1 76.2 98.0 % In the labor force T1 25.2 12.0 % In the labor force T2 31.5 10.0 Home       % Family owns home T1 25.2 2.0 % Family owns home T2 36.6 4.0 % Moved to new home T2 44.4 50.0 Family's Economic Situation (since 3 yrs. ago):       % Better T1 56.6 54.0 % Worse T1 7.0 2.0 % Better T2 38.7 30.6 % Worse T2 14.1 12.2 Neighborhood Profile:c (1990 census tract data)       % Below poverty line T1 51.2 44.4 % Foreign born T1 34.0 34.7 % White T1 34.3 50.2 % Speak English only T1 48.8 51.5 a FB = foreign-born children; US = U.S.-born children. b No separate columns for U.S.-born youths from Cambodia and Laos are included because there were only a handful of such cases in the sample. c Social and economic characteristics of the neighborhood (census tract) where respondent lived at the time of the T1 (1992) survey; data are drawn from the 1990 census.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance   CES-D Depression (Mean = 1.681) Predictor Variables Beta T ratio p ΔR2 Gender, Age at Arrival, Ethnicity       0.032*** Gender (0 = male, 1 = female) 0.165 (7.72) ***   Age at arrival in the United Statesb 0.044 (1.93) *   Filipino     NS   Vietnamese     NS   Intrafamily Contexts and Stressors       0.127*** Intact family -0.048 (-2.36) *   Parent-child conflict 0.200 (8.52) ***   Family cohesion -0.050 (-2.24) *   Family economic situation worse 0.055 (2.70) **   Family moved to another home     NS   Seriously ill or disabled since T1 0.045 (2.21) *   Extra-Family Contexts and Stressors       0.024*** English-only in neighborhood 0.067 (3.13) **   School perceived as unsafe 0.042 (1.97) *   Teaching quality and fairness -0.042 (-1.97) *   School stress events experienced 0.050 (2.18) *   Friends' no-college plans 0.058 (2.61) **   Discrimination trumps education 0.054 (2.58) **   Achievement and Aspirations       0.001 NS Educational achievement (GPA)     NS   Educational aspirations     NS   English language proficiency     NS   LEP status at T1     NS   Looks and Opposite Sex       0.039*** Dissatisfied with physical looks 0.185 (8.85) ***   Popular with opposite sex -0.069 (-3.33) **   R2     0.223   Adjusted R2     0.215   b A four-point variable, where 0 = born in the United States, 1 = 0 to 5 years old at arrival, 2 = 6 to 10 years old at arrival, and 3 = 11 to 15 years old at arrival. It is an index of both length of residence in the United States and, if foreign born, age/developmental stage at arrival in the United States.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance but not self-esteem. Family contexts clearly if varyingly shape psychological outcomes among these youth. The third set of predictor variables begins to show more significant divergences among the determinants of the two well-being outcome variables. Four of the predictors in that set wash out of the self-esteem equation but retain significant net effects on depressive symptoms—notably expectations of discrimination (underscoring the point made earlier), as well as stressful school events experienced, and the decision of most close friends to not go to college (but instead to drop out or get a job). These variables appear generally to have in common the experience of perceived danger and lack of control over threatening life events—characteristics that have been specifically associated with depressive symptomatology. Interestingly, the proportion of English-only speakers in the neighborhood—an indicator of contextual dissonance—emerges as a significant predictor of both lower self-esteem and higher depression. The finding lends support to theoretical predictions, following Rosenberg (1979), that self-esteem should be lower in contexts where social dissimilarity is greater, along with exposure to negative stereotypes and reflected appraisals of one's group of origin. The fourth set of predictors has to do with competence in role performance —variables that measure educational achievement and aspirations and achieving a command of English. All of these have strong and significant effects on self-esteem, but all of them wash out of the equation predicting depressive symptoms. The explained variance contributed by this set of predictors to the self-esteem equation is a robust 10 percent (0.098 added to the R2) but virtually zero to the depression equation (adding a mere 0.001 to the R2). Finally, the last two items entered have significant net effects on both equations—although the added explained variance to the self-esteem model contributed by these two items is far greater than that for the depression model (0.150 to 0.039). Indeed, the item indicating dissatisfaction with one's physical looks had the largest beta coefficient in the final self-esteem model, and its entry into the model significantly reduced the direct effect of gender on self-esteem. It is worth noting here that females were about twice as likely as males (29 to 17 percent) to report dissatisfaction

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance with their looks at T2. And among national origin groups, the most dissatisfied with their physical looks were the Vietnamese and Filipinos, with the Vietnamese also being the most likely to report not feeling popular with the opposite sex. In all of these respects it becomes clear that self-esteem and depressive symptoms are measures of different cognitive and affective dimensions of psychological well-being, subject to a different set of determinants, which throw additional light on the adaptational challenges that children of immigrants confront in their passages to adulthood in American contexts. In some respects the patterns are quite similar to what one would expect to find with a sample of nonimmigrant nonminority youth. In others the findings frame what at first appears as an ''achievement paradox": for example, recently arrived, lower socioeconomic status immigrant youth work harder and achieve better grades than their more assimilated native-born peers yet have a poorer psychological well-being profile, much as females too consistently outperform their male counterparts yet register lower self-esteem and higher depression. And in still other respects—particularly with regard to issues of nonnative language competency, contextual dissonance, recency of arrival, entry into a minority status, and experiences and expectations of ethnoracial discrimination—our results suggest that children of immigrants face distinct acculturative challenges and the potential for intergenerational conflict over these issues within their families that significantly add to the developmental challenges of adolescence. Despite these added challenges—or perhaps because of them—the overall picture that emerges from this study is one of noteworthy achievement and resilient ambition in a situation of extraordinary diversity. Whether and to what extent these can be sustained as these youth make their entry into the world of work and careers, as they form new families of their own, and as they seek to carve out a meaningful place in the years ahead in the society of which they are the newest members—and whether and to what extent their already diverging trajectories will diverge further still as they become exposed to and absorbed by different segments of American society—are open empirical questions that will remain unanswered until the new century that beckons them ahead.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This chapter is based on data collected in San Diego, California, by the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study. I gratefully acknowledge the support provided by research grants from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation (1991-1996) and the Russell Sage Foundation (1994-1996). The study was conceived and conducted in collaboration with Alejandro Portes and carried out in conjunction with a parallel survey in South Florida directed by Professor Portes and funded by additional grants from the Spencer, Russell Sage, and National Science foundations. The project in the San Diego area, which I directed, was made possible by the generous cooperation of over 2,000 immigrant families and scores of administrators, principals, teachers, and other staff members of the San Diego City Schools; by the assistance extended by the sociology departments of San Diego State University and Michigan State University; by the work of a team of over two dozen interviewers fluent in Spanish, Tagalog, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Lao, Hmong, and other languages representative of the immigrant families that have made San Diego their home; and by the extraordinary commitment of my core research staff, especially Linda Borgen, Norm Borgen, Kevin Keogan, Laura Lagunas, and James Ainsworth. I am indebted to Charles E Hohm, Leif Jensen, and Donald J. Hernandez for their careful comments on an earlier version of this chapter and to the National Research Council's Committee on the Health and Adjustment of Immigrant Children and Families, under whose auspices this chapter was prepared. REFERENCES Hansen, K.A., and C.S. Faber 1997 The foreign born population: 1996. Current Population Reports, P20-494. Washington, D.C.: Bureau of the Census, U.S. Department of Commerce. Kann, L., et al. 1995 Youth risk behavior surveillance—United States, 1993. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 44(SS-1):1-56. Oropesa, R.S., and N.S. Landale 1997 In search of the new second generation: Alternative strategies for identifying second generation children and understanding their acquisition of English. Sociological Perspectives 40(3).

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance Portes, A. 1995 Children of immigrants: Segmented assimilation and its determinants. Pp. 248-279 in The Economic Sociology of Immigration: Essays on Networks, Ethnicity, and Entrepreneurship, A. Portes, ed. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Portes, A., ed. 1996 The New Second Generation. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Portes, A., and R.G. Rumbaut 1996 Immigrant America: A Portrait, 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press. Portes, A., and R. Schauffler 1996 Language acquisition and loss among children of immigrants. Pp. 432-443 in Origins and Destinies: Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in America, S. Pedraza and R.G. Rumbaut, eds. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Rosenberg, M. 1979 Conceiving the Self. New York: Basic Books. Rumbaut, R.G. 1991a The agony of exile: A study of Indochinese refugee adults and children. Pp. 53-91 in Refugee Children: Theory, Research, and Services, E.L. Ahearn and J.L. Athey, eds. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 1991b Migration, adaptation, and mental health: The experience of Southeast Asian refugees in the United States. Pp. 381-424 in Refugee Policy: Canada and the United States, H. Adelman, ed. Toronto: York Lanes Press. 1994a The crucible within: Ethnic identity, self-esteem, and segmented assimilation among children of immigrants. International Migration Review 28(4):748-794. 1994b Origins and destinies: Immigration to the United States since World War II. Sociological Forum 9(4):583-621. 1995 The new Californians: Comparative research findings on the educational progress of immigrant children. Pp. 17-70 in California's Immigrant Children: Theory, Research, and Implications for Educational Policy, R.G. Rumbaut and W. Cornelius, eds. La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego. 1996 A legacy of war: Refugees from Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. Pp. 315-333 in Origins and Destinies: Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in America, S. Pedraza and R.G. Rumbaut, eds. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. 1997a Ties that bind: Immigration and immigrant families in the United States. Pp. 3-46 in Immigration and the Family: Research and Policy on U.S. Immigrants, A. Booth, A.C. Crouter, and N.S. Landale, eds. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. 1997b Paradoxes (and orthodoxies) of assimilation. Sociological Perspectives 40(3):481-509. Rumbaut, R.G., and K. Ima 1988 The Adaptation of Southeast Asian Refugee Youth: A Comparative Study. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance Vega, W.A., and R.G. Rumbaut 1991 Ethnic minorities and mental health. Annual Review of Sociology 17:351-383. Wolf, D. 1997 Family secrets: Transnational struggles among children of Filipino immigrants. Sociological Perspectives 40(3). Zhou, M. 1997 Growing up American: The challenge confronting immigrant children and children of immigrants. Annual Review of Sociology 23:63-95.

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance APPENDIX 9A

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance TABLE 9A-1 Composition and Reliability of Selected Scales, and Scoring of Items, at T1 and T2 (San Diego longitudinal sample, N = 2,063)   Cronbach's Alpha Scale and Scoring T1 T2 Rosenberg self-esteem (10 items: scored 1 to 4) 0.81 0.81 CES-D depression (four items: scored 1 to 4) 0.74 0.77 Familism scale (three items: scored 1 to 4) 0.60 0.62 Family cohesion scale (three items: scored 1 to 5) — 0.84 Parent-child conflict (three items: scored 1 to 4) 0.58 0.63 (Fourth item added at T2) — 0.72

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance Scale and Scoring Items and Measures Rosenberg self-esteem (10 items: scored 1 to 4) I feel I am a person of worth, at least on an equal basis with others. I feel I have a number of good qualities. I am able to do things as well as most other people. I take a positive attitude toward myself. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. All in all, I am inclined to think I am a failure [reverse score]. I feel I do not have much to be proud of [reverse score]. I wish I could have more respect for myself [reverse score]. I certainly feel useless at times [reverse score]. At times I think I am no good at all [reverse score]. 1 = Disagree a lot, 2 = Disagree, 3 = Agree, 4 = Agree a lot CES-D depression (four items: scored 1 to 4) [How often during the past week:] I did not feel like eating; my appetite was poor. I could not "get going." I felt depressed. I felt sad. 1 = Rarely, 2 = Some of the time (1 or 2 days a week), 3 = Occasionally (3 or 4 days), 4 = Most of the time (5 to 7 days) Familism scale (three items: scored 1 to 4) One should find a job near his/her parents even if it means losing a better job somewhere else. When someone has a serious problem, only relatives can help. In helping a person get a job, it is always better to choose a relative rather than a friend. 1 = Disagree a lot, 2 = Disagree, 3 = Agree, 4 = Agree a lot Family cohesion scale (three items: scored 1 to 5) Family members like to spend free time with each other. Family members feel very close to each other. Family togetherness is very important. 1 = Never, 2 = Once in a while, 3 = Sometimes, 4 = Often, 5 = Always Parent-child conflict (three items: scored 1 to 4) (Fourth item added at T2) In trouble with parents because of different way of doing things. My parents are usually not very interested in what I have to say. My parents do not like me very much. My parents and I often argue because we don't share the same goals. 1 = Not true at all, 2 = Not very true, 3 = Partly true, 4 = Very true

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance   Cronbach's Alpha Scale and Scoring T1 T2 Educational aspirations (two items: scored 1 to 5) 0.80 0.83 English proficiency index (four items: scored 1 to 4) 0.94 0.93 Foreign language index (four items: scored 1 to 4) 0.96 0.92

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Children of Immigrants: Health, Adjustment, and Public Assistance   Items and Measures Educational aspirations (two items: scored 1 to 5) What is highest level of education you would like to achieve? And realistically speaking, what is the highest level of education you think you will get? 1 = Less than high school, 2 = High school, 3 = Some college, 4 = Finish college, 5 = Finish a graduate degree English proficiency index (four items: scored 1 to 4) How well do you (speak, understand, read, write) English? 1 = Not at all, 2 = Not well, 3 = Well, 4 = Very well Foreign language index (four items: scored 1 to 4) How well do you (speak, understand, read, write) [foreign languages]? 1 = Not at all, 2 = Not well, 3 = Well, 4 = Very well