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The fourth charge to the
committee was to "assess the impact of statutory directives
on research funding decisions." The committee broadened the
charge to address the role of Congress in setting NIH research
priorities through various means, including the use of report
language, which is often used instead of statutory language to
communicate congressional priorities to NIH.
The members of Congress who serve on one of the four main committees affecting NIHthe House and Senate authorization subcommittees and the House and Senate appropriations subcommitteesare more familiar with how science works than Congress as a whole and are aware of the problems caused by earmarking or other overprescriptive directives that reduce NIH's flexibility to set priorities informed by scientific opportunity as well as need. The health committees have been less prescriptive in recent years, but those who want Congress to specify funding of research on particular diseases can go, and recently have gone, to other places in the system. In recent years, for example, there have been earmarks for breast cancer research and prostate cancer research in defense legislation and an appropriation for diabetes research in the Balanced Budget Act. Legislators on the NIH-related subcommittees also often have their own ideas about how NIH might better carry out its mission. Some become interested for one reason or another in a particular disease or medical condition. Some become interested in the health of particular groups, such as women, members of minority groups, elderly people, and children. Some worry that NIH is not paying enough attention to or investing adequately in particular kinds of researchthe state of clinical research is currently a big issueor crosscutting activities (such as prevention or nutrition) or important fields, technologies, and approaches (such as bioengineering, medical imaging, and alternative medicine). For these reasons, authorization bills and appropriations committee reports have until recently contained some fairly specific directives. These have included mandates to establish particular offices or centers in institutes or in the Office of the Director, the use of certain mechanisms (such as centers, clinical trials, or specific requests for applications), or the use of set-asides of specified amounts of funding for a particular activity. Many Congressional leaders would prefer to rely on NIH to allocate funds among research programs, but first, they are mindful of their important oversight responsibility. NIH is part of a very important public function and has a very large budget. Second, members of Congress are constantly approached by individuals and groups about the impacts of terrible diseases, and they want to show that they are trying to help. At the same time, many believe that NIH should be making the decisions about the allocation of funding among research areas, because they are aware that the opportunity for advances varies from one problem to another. Thus, the legislators want to be able to refer people to an identifiable process at NIH and be assured that NIH is in fact listening and taking what they hear into account, that is, that the inputs of all interests have been fairly and appropriately taken into account in program and resource allocation decision making.
The existence of such a process
is not clear to all members. Members of Congress are constantly
exposed to disease-specific interest groups that have statistics
on disease burdens and lists of scientific opportunities and argue
that they are neglected in terms of the amount of funding for
research on their disease of interest as reported by NIH. They
wonder: How does NIH know that an area of research is emerging
and when and how to respond? How are measures of disease burden
and costs taken into account and how does the public have input?
Does the NIH priority-setting process need to be changed, or is
it working well and the need is just for better communication?
As noted, NIH operations,
structure, and funding are affected most by four congressional
committees: the authorization and appropriations committees in
each house. The authorization committees are the House Committee
on Commerce (Subcommittee on Health and Environment) and the Senate
Committee on Labor and Human Resources (Subcommittee on Public
Health and Safety). The appropriations committees are the House
Appropriations Committee (Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human
Services, and Education) and the Senate Appropriations Committee
(Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education).
Appropriations Process
Historically, the appropriations committees have played a major role in NIH priority setting. They usually appropriate millions more than the president's budget requests, which makes it much easier to influence, if not specify, the use of the appropriation than is the case with appropriations for other agencies in which Congress appropriates about the same amount or a little more or less than the amount requested by the administration.
Appropriations committees
have a number of ways of communicating intent about executive
agency priority setting, including bill language, report language,
statements made on the House or Senate floor or at hearings, and
informal contacts between committee members and staff and agency
officials. All these methods are used in the case of NIH. Statutory Language The language used in NIH appropriations laws is usually general. Typically they read: "for carrying out section 301 and title IV of the Public Health Service Act with respect to cancer [or diabetes and digestive and kidney diseases, or allergy and infectious diseases, etc.], $x." However, statutory language is always an available route if Congress feels strongly about something and NIH has not responded to concerns expressed in report language.
For example, in the first
session of the 105th Congress, Congress took the unusual step
of including as an amendment to the FY 1998 appropriations bill
a revision of the Public Health Service (PHS) Act of 1944 that
authorized a program of research on a specific disease, Parkinson's
disease (the Udall Bill). Although the appropriations committees
did not give the amendment a specific appropriation, the National
Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke is responding using
the basic authority contained in the PHS Act (section 301). In
November 1997, it issued an RFA for Parkinson's Disease Research
Centers of Excellence. Report Language Report language is the normal means of expressing congressional intent. Although directives in report language do not have the force of law, NIH takes them quite seriously. For one thing, if NIH does not respond, the directive could escalate into statutory language in a subsequent session of Congress. For another, for both Congress and NIH report language is a more flexible means of communication than bill language. The problem for NIH comes when the language is too detailed and ends up forcing NIH to fund more research than there are good projects to support or to use particular mechanisms.
Examination of the FY 1993
and FY 1998 reports of the appropriations committees reveals examples
of many kinds of directives, ranging from "the Committee
is encouraged by the Institute's continued support of research
on x" to "the Committee has provided $25 million
for y disease research, $4 million more than requested
and $5 million more than last year's level." The typical
item in report language "encourages" or "urges"
that NIH or the institute continue to make x a high priority
or to expand support. There are many types of directives, however.
The list includes the following:
The typical directive"the
Committee encourages the institute to expand its support of x
research"is usually not problematic because, given NIH's
normal rate of budget growth, research on x is going to
grow anyway, without any special steps being taken. In many cases,
the institute can simply document in its next year's congressional
justification budget and in testimony what would have happened
anyway. That is not always the case, however. In the late 1980s
and early 1990s, NIH budget growth slowed and the number of earmarks
specifying amounts of spending on particular disease programs
grew. The earmarks sometimes added up to more than the budget
increases, and so some institutes had to find ways to pay for
them, which in turned squeezed other programs. In FY 1993, for
example, the appropriations committees earmarked additional funding
for research on breast, ovarian, cervical, and prostate cancers
that was more than the total increase of $28 million that they
gave to NCI for cancer research. The earmarks added up to $77
million, which NCI offset by cutting basic research and research
on leukemia; non-Hodgkin's lymphoma; cancers of the colon, bladder,
kidney, and brain; public information and education; and chemoprevention.
Other examples include an earmark of $24 million for pediatric
AIDS clinical trials in the FY 1991 House report. In that case,
the conference committee agreed on a final overall amount for
NIAID that was $34 million less than the House recommendation
but specifically directed that the increase for pediatric AIDS
clinical trials stay at $24 million, which resulted in cuts in
vaccine development and other areas of AIDS research.
Trends in Appropriations
Reports The numbers of items in the reports accompanying the appropriations
bills increased between the reports for the 2 years that the committee
examined in detail (1993 and 1998), but the items included far
fewer earmarks for specific levels of funding for particular programs
or other detailed directives in the latter year (see Table
5-1). The Senate, for example, specified $133 million in FY
1998, whereas it specified $785 million in FY 1993.
Authorization Process Historically, NIH has benefited from having a permanent authorization (section 301 of the PHS Act of 1944 gives the secretary of DHHS broad permanent authority to conduct and sponsor research) and from the practice, begun in 1948, of authorizing "such sums as may be necessary." Historically, the main action in the authorization process was whether or not to create new institutes. The pressures that this puts on Congress resulted in the 1984 study by an IOM committee of the organizational structure of NIH (Institute of Medicine, 1984).
Since then the number of
institutes and other major units (centers and divisions) has increased
to 21. Beginning with the example of the AIDS research buildup
in the 1980s, the focus among disease-specific interest groups
has shifted to tracking the amount of funding across NIH for their
particular interest and trying to impose more crosscutting coordination
of programs, for example, by establishing a tracking and coordinating
office in the Office of the Director of NIH. The 1993 Reauthorization The most recent reauthorization was in 1993, and a reiteration of its provisions indicates the trends (U.S. Congress, 1993):
The 1996 Senate Reauthorization Bill
The Senate (but not the House) passed a reauthorization bill
in 1996. The pressure to mandate programs and organizational units
for particular purposes was intense. The subcommittee tried to
avoid specificity. According to its report on the NIH Revitalization
Act of 1996 (U.S. Senate, 1996): In crafting this legislation, the committee wrestled with the question: Should the Congress be directive and authorize more set-asides for specific diseases, or should it authorize institute funding that enables scientific discovery itself to determine the directions for research funding? In general, the committee tends toward the view that the latter is the better course to make resources available to scientists to pursue new knowledge where it leads. The committee believes that this strategy has been highly productive in the NIH assault on the diseases that afflict Americans. Despite the subcommittee's intentions, the report and accompanying bill in fact contained a number of new set-asides and other provisions that affected NIH priority setting by mandating programs for and directing resources toward specific diseases. Most of them were added as amendments. The bill did the following:
Current Situation Some committee members (e.g., Senator Dan Coats [U.S. Congress, 1997b]) expressed strong reservations about the wisdom of legislating in such detail. One result was the series of hearings that the Senate subcommittee held on priority setting at NIH, beginning on May 1, 1997, in an effort to reach an understanding among members of Congress and between Congress and NIH on the desirability of letting NIH decide on most if not all allocations below the institute level (see discussion in Chapter 1). Although most witnesses in the May 1, 1997, hearing on NIH priority setting and several that followed favored letting NIH set priorities and opposed detailed directives from Congress, the authorization committees face intense pressures to use the reauthorization bill to accomplish specific goals. Current proposals include
The U.S. Congress has always played an active role in setting research priorities at NIH. For example, it periodically decides to create new institutes or other organizational entities and routinely allocates funds among NIH institutes and centers and other units through the annual appropriations process. It may mandate the amount of spending or specify mechanisms of research on particular areas or diseases (e.g., mandating the establishment of centers or the issuance of RFAs) if it concludes that NIH is neglecting opportunities or needs. Congress, of course, has the authority, which it has felt compelled to use from time to time, to intervene in NIH's affairs, for example, by mandating the creation of a center or office or by specifying a funding level for research on a particular disease. The committee agrees, however, with the sentiments of many legislators that Congress should rely as much as possible on NIH's own priority-setting processes because Congress generally lacks the expertise to judge the degree of scientific opportunity. The committee believes that implementation of its recommendations would go a long way toward ensuring a process that interest groups will find to be open and fair and, hence, would reduce the level of public appeals to Congress. It appears to the committee that in general the Congress has eased up on its use of earmarks and other restrictive directives in recent years. Although the number of congressional directives has increased, they are much less specific. For example, the number of earmarks for funding for research related to particular diseases has declined significantly. Congress's use of report language to convey concerns and priorities is positive, but the specification of budget amounts or specific mechanisms for funding (e.g., mandating that a certain number of centers be established or that a specific RFA be issued) should be done only as a last resort, because these approaches often have unintended effects. For example, in testimony to the committee, an advocate for AIDS research reported that earmarked funds, provided in response to the requests of advocates, had unexpected negative impacts on other, at least equally important areas of AIDS research. Earmarking of funds for specific diseases also pits disease-specific interest groups against one another. As science changes, however, and new health problems emerge, NIH must shift its priorities and make organizational changes to adapt. Such changes are taking place all the time. The establishment of the Center for Human Genome Research and its later elevation to institute status are examples. The creation of the Office of AIDS Research is another example. In these and other cases, if commitments of substantial new funding or major organizational changes are involved, Congress invariably becomes involved through the reauthorization process. Groups and organizations that believe that their interests will be helped by the creation of a new NIH unit (by increasing visibility and funding) will ask Congress to authorize such funding. Indeed, as mentioned above, there are a number of current proposals to mandate new organizational entities and levels of funding for specific diseases in pending NIH reauthorization legislation. What guidelines can the committee offer Congress to help it determine whether to specify a new program, center, or institute? In 1984, an IOM committee recommended criteria to be used to evaluate proposals for new institutes or other major organizational changes (see Box 5-1).
Perhaps more importantly,
the 1984 IOM committee also recommended that NIH rely on a range
of activities short of establishing new institutes to respond
to health needs and opportunities. That committee suggested that
NIH have "a continuum of possible responses to needs and
opportunities it identifies, matched with the magnitude and urgency
of the demand" (Institute of Medicine, 1984:19):
The situation has changed since 1984. There are still calls for new institutes and centers. Today, however, the main focus of interested groups is on having Congress mandate NIH-wide programs or funding levels, or both, for specific diseases or other activities.
The present committee finds
that the approach of the 1984 committee is still a good one. However,
it sees the need to elaborate it to address other demands or responses
beyond the creation of new NIH organizational entities. Additional
responses that NIH could take short of congressional action include
inclusion of an area in the NIH Director's Areas of Research Emphasis,
designation of lead institutes, and establishment of a coordinating
office in the Office of the Director of NIH.
NIH has an obligation to
engage in periodic reviews of its organizational structure and
planning and budgeting systems and to explain the results to Congress
and the public, if it is to manage its own priority setting rather
than react to directives from Congress trying to respond to requests
from disease-specific interest groups.
Such reviews would
result in NIH making organizational and management changes, including
the creation or disestablishment of institutes and centers and
the reorganization of existing ones, or requesting new or expanded
authorities from Congress, when needed. The reviews should also
include evaluations of past organizational and management changes
to see if they have been successful. This flexibility would help
NIH remain organizationally dynamic and would help it incorporate
changing scientific knowledge and meet health needs in a well-considered
and planned way.
Through the appropriations process, Congress directed NIH to reduce the budget for research management and support by 7.5 percent in FY 1996 and did not allow increases in FY 1997 or FY 1998 (although activities designated as related to public health education were exempted from the cap in FY 1998). Those cuts came after reductions had already been made in response to the administration's Reinventing Government initiative. Congress's intent was to reduce administrative overhead. However, as NIH is currently organized, research management and support includes a number of important program-related functions. It includes, for example, the personnel and other expenses (e.g., travel) of reviewing extramural research proposals and managing the grants that are subsequently funded by NIH (it does not include the intramural research program). The extramural grant program is the largest and fastest-growing part of NIH's research effort. Research management and support also includes the capacities that need to be expanded to improve research priority-setting activities at NIH, such as new or expanded Offices of Public Liaison, the new Director's Council of Public Representatives in the Office of the Director, increased consumer participation in all NIH advisory bodies, and improved collection and analysis of disease-related data.
Resources invested in these
underfunded functions not only should help NIH to fulfill its
mission of improving the nation's health but should also improve
the effectiveness of public oversight of its activities, thus
enabling Congress and interest groups to observe and participate
in a process that is more transparent and more satisfactory. This
in turn may catalyze a change in which NIH and the consumers of
health research work together rather than against each other and
in which Congress lets NIH (informed by stronger public input)
set research priorities.
Any additional resources
needed to implement this recommendation do not necessarily have
to affect the total amount appropriated to NIH. The recommendation
is meant to affect the cap on research management and support
funding within NIH budgets, if Congress elects to impose caps
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