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480 CITIES TRANSFORMED WILSON, W. J. (1987~: The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass and Public Policy. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. WING, S., G. GRANT, M. GREEN, AND C. STEWART (1996~: "Community Based Col- laboration for Environmental Justice: South-East Halifax County Environmental Re- Awakening," Environment and Urbanization, 8~2), 129-140. WINSTON, C. M., AND V. PATEL (19951: `'Use of Traditional and Orthodox Health Ser- vices in Urban Zimbabwe," International Journal of Epidemiology, 24~5), 100~1012. WIRTH, L. (19381: "Urbanism as a Way of Life," American Journal of Sociology, 44(1), 1-24. WITTIG, M. C., J. D. WRIGHT, AND D. C. KAMINSKY (19971: ' Substance Abuse Among Street Children in Honduras," Substance Use and Misuse, 32, 805-827. WOLCH, J., AND M. DEAR (eds.) (19891: The Power of Geography: How Territory Shapes Social Life. Unwin Hyman, Boston. WONG, K.-Y., R.-Q. CAI, AND H.-X. CHEN (1992~: "Shenzhen: Special Experience in Development and Innovation," in China's Coastal Cities Catalysts for Moderniza- tion, ed. by Y. M. Yeung, and X.-W. Hu, pp. 264 290. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. WORKING GROUP ON DEMOGRAPHIC EFFECTS OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL REVER- SALS (1993~: Demographic Effects of Economic Reversals in Sub-Saharan Africa. National Academy Press, Washington, DC, Panel on the Population Dynamics of Sub-Saharan Africa, Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and So- cial Sciences and Education, National Research Council. WORKING GROUP ON FACTORS AFFECTING CONTRACEPTIVE USE (19931: Factors Affecting Contraceptive Use in Sub-Saharan Africa. National Academy Press, Wash- ington, DC, Panel on the Population Dynarrucs of Sub-Saharan Africa, Committee on Population, Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education, National Research Council. WORLD BANK (1994~: World Development Report 1994: Infrastructurefor Development. Oxford University Press, New York. (2000a): Entering the21stCer~tury: World Development Reportl999/2000. Ox- ford University Press, Oxford and New York. (2000b): "lnterhousehold Transfers: Using Research to Inform Policy," PREM Notes, 36. - (2000c): World Development Indicators, 2000. The World Bank, Washington, DC. (2001~: World Development Report 2000/2001: Attacking Poverty. Oxford Uni- versity Press, Oxford and New York. (2002a): Global Development Finance: Financing the Poorest Countries. The World Bank, Washington, DC. - (2002b): World Development Report 2002: Building Institutions for Markets. Oxford University Press for the World Bank, New York. WORLD FERTILITY SURVEY ( 1 984): World Fertility Survey: Major Findings and Impli- cations. Alden Press, Oxford. WORLD HEALTH ORAGANIZATION (1992): Our Planet, Our Health World Health Or- ganization, Geneva, Report of the WHO Commission on Health and Environment. 6
A Concepts and Definitions of Metropolitan Regions For many years, urban geographers have struggled to find conceptual categories in which to place those settlements that spread beyond the political or administrative bounds of the "city" itself. In high-income countries, much effort has gone into devising new categories appropriate to the evolving nature of cities, beginning with the recognition of suburbanization in Europe and North America (Cham- pion, 1998~. The metropolitan concept that evolved over much of the twentieth century emerged from industrial urban forms: concentrated, core-oriented pro- duction that, by agglomerating industry and employment in a single center and packing the population around the center and along radiating transport networks, provided a spatial solution to the problem of slow and expensive transport (Adams, 1995; Berry, 1995~. The production and distribution of goods and an emphasis on radial movement to and from the urban core gave way to the rise of the ser- vice economy, with communications increasingly substituting for movement and movement occurring in all directions at all times of the day and week, in this way generating what has been termed an "urban field" (Adams, 1995; Friedmann and Miller, 1965~. Recent literature has drawn attention to conceptual analogies in the cities of poor countries, particularly in terms of the growth and outward spread of metropolitan areas and the tendency for initially separate urban centers to be merged in wider metropolitan regions. There is a suggestion that the megacities of low- and high-income countries may have more in common with each other, irrespective of their locations on the globe, than they have with other parts of their own urban systems (Champion, 1998~. McGee and Griffiths (1998), for example, note the convergence of Bangkok and Los Angeles, both being territorially vast, amorphous, multicentered regions with populations residing up to 100 kilometers from the city core. 481
482 CITIES TRANSFORMED In recent years, many researchers have argued that the simple classifications of "central city" and "suburb" have become obsolete. In the United States and else- where, these researchers see an emerging pattern of settlement taking the form of increasingly dispersed and decentralized centers of activity and residential zones (Berry, 1995; Castells, 1989; Fishman, 1990~. To try to incorporate this new and evolving reality into a definition of settlement forms for use in the dissemination of statistical data is clearly a daunting task. In the decade leading up to the 2000 Census, the U.S. Bureau of the Census oversaw a large-scale review of alternative approaches to delineating metropolitan and nonmetropolitan settlements as part of an examination of metropolitan area (MA) statistical standards. This review was unusually thorough and is perhaps as interesting for its participatory process as for its conclusions. The overriding concern was that metropolitan standards had become needlessly complex, both conceptually and operationally. Greatest attention was paid to the definition of building blocks the small- est territorial units from which cities and metropolitan regions are formed the methods of aggregating these blocks, and territorial coverage. Four papers were commissioned for the review, and these papers outlined four rather different ap- proaches (Adams, 1995; Berry, 1995; Frey and Speare, 1995; Morrill, 1995~. Some of the researchers advocated the use of census tracts as the basic geospatial unit, with journey-to-work data being used to define clusters. The authors of two papers favored the use of counties, however, with one of these papers suggesting that commuting time be used as a clustering criterion and the other suggesting the use of population density. The analytic task was complicated by external constraints and pressures, in- cluding political pressure from local interests. Many smaller cities expressed an interest in being designated as standard metropolitan areas (SMAs) for prestige and business reasons, and many developed public relations campaigns and applied political pressure on their congressional delegations (Dahmann, l999~. In the end, the review resulted in a recommendation that a core-based statisti- cal area (CBSA) classification replace the MA classification. The cores (i.e., the densely settled concentrations of population) would be Census Bureau-defined urbanized areas and smaller densely settled "settlement clusters" identified in Census 2000. The CBSA classification identified three types of areas on the basis of total population of all cores in the CBSA: (1) megapolitan areas, de- fined around cores of at least 1 million population; (2) macropolitan areas, defined around cores of 50,000 to 999,999 population; and (3) micropolitan areas, defined around cores of 10,000 to 49,000 population. The identification of micropolitan areas extended the concepts of core-based approaches to smaller population centers, which had previously been relegated to a nonmetropolitan residual category. This new approach addressed the problem that the area out- side metropolitan settlements, which includes more than 10,000 smaller cities and
CONCEPTS AND DEFINITIONS OF METROPOLITAN REGIONS 483 towns, huge expanses of open country, and over four-fifths of U.S.land, had been consigned to an uncategorized and undifferentiated status. Because data on counties and their equivalents are both available and familiar, the review recommended continued use of these entities as the building blocks for statistical areas, although it did not preclude the adoption of subcountry en- tities, such as tracts or mail (ZIP) code areas, for the future. It was further de- cided that commuting (journey-to-work) data from the Census Bureau (which will soon be available on an annual basis from the Census Bureau's American Com- munity Survey) should continue to be regarded as the most reliable measure of functional integration between areas. The utility of other data measuring func- tional ties including telephone traffic patterns, cellular telephone service, media market penetration, Internet use, and purchasing patterns was evaluated. The re- view generated the recommendation that a commuting threshold of 25 percent be adopted to establish qualifying linkages between outlying counties and counties containing CBSA cores. It was noted that the percentage of a county's employed residents who commuted to the central county or counties (or who commuted from outlying to central counties) was an unambiguous, clear measure of whether a potential outlying county should qualify for inclusion. In a striking departure from the previous MA standard, a recommendation of the review was not to use measures of "settlement structure." In the previous standard, the level of population density, the percentage urban, and population growth rates were all used, together with measures of commuting, to establish whether outlying counties should be included in an MA. The review led to the conclusion that with the changes in the nature of settlement, commuting patterns, and communications technologies, settlement structure had lost much of its former connection to industrial, occupational, and family structure and could no longer serve as a reliable indicator of metropolitan character.